Daily News, Volume 2, Number 3, Franklin, Johnson County, 23 August 1880 — Page 2

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DAILY NEWS

E. P. BEAUCHAMP. Editor and Proprietor.

Publication Office, corner Flftbaad Main Street*

Entered at the Post Office at Terre Haute, Indiana, a* second-claw matter.

MONDAY, AUGUST 23, 1880.

rglfrj

FOR PRESIDENT

r/ UNITED STATES,

JAMES A. GARFIELD.

FOR ricR

PRESIDENT,

CHESTER A. ARTHUR.

STATE TICKET.

For Governor,

ALBERT Gh PORTER. For Lien tenant Governor, THOMAS HANNA.

For Secretary of State, EMANUEL R. ILAWN. For Auditor of State,

EDWARD H. WOLFE, For Treasurer of State, ROSWELL 8. IIILL,

For Attorney General, DANIEL P. BALDWIN, For Judge# of Supreme Court, BYRON K. ELLIOT. Third District. WILLIAM A. WOODS, Fifth District.

For Clerk Supreme C'onrt, DANIEL ROYSE. For Reporter Supreme Court,

FRAJTCIS M. DICE,

Bor Superintendent Public Instruction, JOHN M. BLOSS.

For Congress,

ROBERT B. F. PEIRCE.

Vigo County Ticket.

For Clerk,

MERRILL N. 8MITII. For Treasurer. CENTENARY A. RAY.

For She rill.

JACKSON STEPP.

For Commissioner, Tlilrd District, JOHN DEBAUN. For Coroner,

DR. JAMES T. LAUGIIEAD. For Senator. FRANCIS V. B1CHOW8KY.

For Representatives, WILLIAM H. MELRATII. DICK T. MORGAN.

For Surveyor.

GEORGE HARRIS.

WHY THE SOUTH 18 SOLID FOR COCKConsider whal

and Jackson would

do were they tdirt. THE HE ARE THE SAME PRINCIPLES fOR WHWll THE FO OUT FOUR TEA R8. Remember the nun id/to poured fourth their life-blood on Virginia'# noil, and do not abandon them now, Remember that npon your vote depend* the »ucee»« of the Demoemii* ticAri.—[W«H1C Iluuiptun, nt StftUnton, VJI.. .Tulr 20.

On last Friday night Senator Jones, of Florida, spoke at Indianapolis, and in the coursc of his speech said:

You know but little of the title of the section from which I come, for it has been the policy of the Republican party to misrepresent the Southern people everything of a public and privato character has been published and scattered broadcast bv the party hi power for political capital. But let me say that all this has been false. All that is asked is fair play. All we want is the full rights of American citizens and to exercise them mittyjr common Uag and a common Constitution. It is the wish of every Southertu* to unite with you for the purpose oi perpetuating our glorious system of goveminent, and why not friendship between the people of the two sections? The Irishman of thv North and tMirishman of the South the German of tWNVyrth and the Gertnau of the South, and of Ml others, the American of the North and the American of the South. It is unjust insay inn then4, is a rebel spirit in the south. The war of the past aud aTl work For the supremacy of the Cons tit tion and a common flac, Not a man, woman or child dreams of secession. It is never talked of. and the oaly hopo and ambition is to help bring about a spirit of unity of all sections* I come from a little State, but, notwithstanding, the negro has been taught to believe the white man is his natural enemy, and he has been induced to band together against the whites. I say frankly that under Democratic rule the negro has been better schooled, better paid and better provided for than at any time for the past twenty years."

No man who knows about the condition of affairs in the South will believe that Senator Jones speaks truthfully when he says that the negro has be® better protected* tmui and provided for under Democratic rule than at any time during the past twenty years. Every colored man who has helped to swell the exodus Is a living lie to the gentleman's assertion.

I. iJ'.'W'-'g." '1i' W.' ""'"•l" OKN. WEAVER,

How \hh gentleman can manage to keep up the courage to speak of the great and good things of the National party is a mystery that we are unable to solve. Before the clcciion in Alabama, he was sure thai

tu» national party would carry that Sttrte handsome majority. •*8«t »h- b«M

l*j«S

plans of mtec

and

men

Gsmg aft

and the Election in Alabama left Gen, Weaver and his followers about ninety thousand behind. His *pcwh at the Park on Satnniay night wa? a mild revise of the old Greenback cry—dishonesty of the old parties.

Ik says that the peoj vu$at to con trol the of this country, and not the moeoy power, fa other words dm. Weaver is in favor of a division of pro^ eriy and does nttt seem to understand that certain

will own the wealth

tfcfe eountry under aU cirvumst««ce#. Supposing thai the national party had contra! of the Snmcm of It would not be flw 'femm aatii Ifce wkok woold be atuSer the control of th» *.,retn| mm of aHp*r- *. irT

It must be very amusing to the General to think that is order to have liberty in this country that the Republican and Democratic partffes should be overthrown. That being true, the gentleman will wait many years before he will know what boon is liberty.

Again, he says that the great question before the people to-day is the money question. He will have much trouble in convincing the people of Terre Haute that the money question is not settled and that that issue should not enter into politics.

Upon the whole we think Gen. Weaver sadly disappointed his friends intiiis com

munity

AUCTIONBBH'8 HAMMER

in what is yet your home. Workingmen, who,se votos can settle the destiny of the nation, will you oast those votes for a man from whose hands drip the sweat of a thousand ruined men, and whose bank notes are wet with the tears of homeless women? Will you cast your votes for a party who, from selling black flesh on the auction block, have come to selling white flesh on every thoroughfare of the nation? Will yon vote for the whitedsepulchre who, in the semblance of honor, sits in his {iron-boundchamber and threatens you with the law should you dare speak of his crimes, for crimes they are against God and human nature, though protected by inhuman law. In his own person Wm. H. English has been the fate ful destroyer of other men's homes and hopes. In his own person he has given his support to the suppression of free $pet*ch and the right of all men to a free and fair hearitffc. As the exponent and standard bearer of his party he personifies a system which subverts ballots, which signifies the dominance of castc, which would perpetuate poverty, making slavery universal instead of sectional which eagerly partakes of the spoils of its opponents, and has sold, for a mess of official pottage, the birthright at its fathers. Hie principles of the Democratic party are fittingly ilhistrated in Wm. H. English: and he in turn Is the Democratic party in epitome. They axe joined to their Idols. lie* them alon^T

"iHP

both in the substance and make

up his speech, and that taken all together the Republican party can congratulate itself upon having the gentleman speak here.

WILL THE WOBKINGMEN VOTE FOE HIM. Our Democrrtic friends were yeij jubi lant on Saturday night on account" of the National turnout and enthusiasm which greeted Gen. Weaver. They even go so far as to openly boast of the great desertion from the Republican ranks to the National and of the desertion of the Nationals to Democratic ranks. In order to show just how far our National friends should go in matter we think they should carefully read what the

National View

the

great Greenback paper of Washington City says about the "Poor Man's Friend," for whom our Democratic brethren are so loud in his praises to incur the favor and consequently, get the votes of the laboring men. This does not come from any partisan movement but is an earnest appeal to the poor people of this country. It says that "when William H. English, national banker, bondholder, mortgage dealer, and candidate for the Vice Presidency, goes armed with a slip of paper into the house of a mortgagee, and turns the housewife with her children into the street, robs it of every household treasure set there by the hand of affection and to the husband who has seen his wife suffer and his children born under that roof which has little by little, through sweat and pain, built Up his altars and kept their fires alight, says. 'Go, this is mine.' Laws gives mo all this, what does the law do to him, what does public opinion do to him? What does tho party which claims to be pre-eminently the poor man's friond do to him? Public opinion in the form of poor men whom he has robbed, execrates him as the genius of cold and implacable money getting, as hard as his coin, and as narrow as his bank-notes. The party which clamors for the poor man's gratitude beholds in him a fitting exponent of their legislative creed, and asks for him the suffrages of the men he ha3 robbed in the past, as they mean to rob others in the future. Pnblio opinion in tne form of an outraged and betrayed people, will forever put a qnietus upon this wholesale robber this cold oppressor of helpless poverty this panderer to future debauchery and crime. Who shall say to what extremeties the men and women he and others like him send hopoless on the world, shall be driven? What redress have they? What hope, save to starve in despair or become birds of prey. An eating sore on the body politic, against whom, as tramps and outlaws, iofflcG-holding plunderers will legislate! Workingmen with no homes, or homes held by feeble tenure, whose title rests in hfunis like these men whose wives and children fare scantily that four walls may shelter them, that their bare feet may touch tho soil which no other man can say is mine. Workingmen with daughters, who, In their laughing youth, may «be sent downward to worse than death by the stroke of the

SWrviaa Government it seeking

100,1- rifles of the newest pattern A a el iv a be or he of thisyear

Auvtciss from Ja—«aref-rta fearfa) burr" In that Uioitd .ttu great dew of jp^petty.

A OREAT meeting has been held Yen-. km la Mr of .."WaBagJltgtJg ppf tVnPsjpe&ritfy

VS.

Short of Capital.

Any one who takes the trouble to recall the aggressive canvass which the Democracy made four years ago and compare it with tlie languid and non-committal character of the proceedings of the party at the present time will discover a striking and significant contrast. Several btate Conventions have been held recently and there are more to come, but thus far they seem to have been pervaded by a depressing consciousness of a lack of working capital. They commend the nominations of the National Convention as a matter of course, and they accept and reaffirm" its platform without troubling themselves with speei locations. Beyond that it is extremely difficult for them to find anything to say. While not fully realizing that in their choice of a candidate they have gone back to 1868, they are depressed and embarrassed by the fact that it represents no living question and 'affords them no grounds on which to make a fight.

In 1876 the National and State platforms bristled with declarations about reform in administration. They made much of charges and scandals, real and assumed, regard to the conduct of National affairs. There had been, so they claimed, corruption and extravagance in the public service, and they demanded honesty and economy in the loudest of tones. The civil-service had become degraded, and they called for a return to what they preposterously termed the Democratic test of fitness, capacity and integrity in public office. They charged that the officers of the Government were employed to promote the interests of a political party, and declared that eivil-service reform was the imperative'need of the hour. We were then in the midst of financial depression, and they fairly reveled in the misery of the country, which they attributed to maladministration, extravagance and financial mismanagement. The condition of the country was painted in the gloomiest colors and explained as a consequence of what the Republican party had done and failed to do. It is quite relreshing to go over these old platforms and note their vigorous denunciations, their positive declarations, and their glowing promises. They were, indeed, somewhat vague and var rious in their utterances regarding the currency, but there was a substantial agreement that the Republican party had produced disaster by abandoning the specie basis and intensified it by endeavoring to get back. Resumption must be ettected, but the Resumption act was an pbstruction and must be repealed.

The Democracy then had a surplus of political capital. Abuses and corruptions, real aqtl alleged, were excellent stock to work upon. Industrial depression was good for thousands of votes, and general dissatisfaction and discontent afforded a basis for promising calculations, not without plausibility. Reform and retrenchment was the cry, and a return' to the statesmanship of the better days of the Republic. The cry was borrowed from dissatisfied Republicans and avowed Independents, but it was none the less effective. Then, too, the Demooracy had a candidate whoso name meant something in connection with reform and old-time statesmanship. There was the further advantage of no record or responsibility for tne party in the immediate past, which was fresh in the public mind, and its promises were entertained with hope, if not with confidence. Now all this is changed. The present Administration has rurnished no scandals for the Democrats to make capital of. If it has not been, altogether vigorous, it has been on the whole clean and respectable. The bold predictions of the effects of the Resumption act have been belied, and the revival of prosperity under Republican rule has shown the absurdity of the charges against its financial management. The capital afforded by the period of depression is gone beyond recovery. Civilservice reform has lost its interest for the Democratic mind, retrenchment and economy are no longer words to conjure with, and to prate of a restoration of statesmanship with General Hancock for a candidate would be ludicrous. Worse than all, the party lias been making a record. For two yeart it has had control of Congress, and a very bad use it has made of its op]ortunities. Its promises no longer excite hope, to say nothing of confidence, and, moreover, the country does not feel the need of them.

It is it sad plight for a great political party just entering upon a important National campaign. It has no political capital to work with no scandal to deplore, no abuses to denounce* no popular discontent to work upon, no reform to promise, no reason to plead for a change, and no way of making people believe that it should te trusted with the responsibility of government How can it make an aggressive canvass? It has a Major-Oenerul to offer for which the country ha» no use in the highest civil position, where a statesman's peaceful work is to be done.,, It goes back to 1868 for a solitary issue, which had more or less significance in connection with the reconstruction of the rebel States. But reconstruction was done with long ago, and this poor little issue, on the wrong side of which it stood in its brief lifetime, is now dead beyond the power of galvanism to give ft a semblance of vitality. The subordination of the military to the civil power is not a question now. The Democratic party comes into court without a case, and all that it can Sad to say for itself consists of indiscriminate abuse of the other side.—X 2Vme*

Tfce BtodT mrL 0^Si

It is a curious fact In pti&tica! history that the names by which great parties have been permanently known have been most frequently the names applied to them in densioa bv their opponents, while the names uiey would hats chosen for themselves have remained unspoken and unknown. But the present eompaSgn in this country presents the exceptionally pecnliarcircQmstance of a political party forced la spite of itself, aad aqptmsi every natural inclination or pre)odiee„ toadopt *sits owe chosen device or slogan extras4ion

wnicn it disavowed ana repudiated when applied by its opponents, and the Bloody Shirt is to-day the symbol of Republicanism and the standard which has rallied a strength sufficient to convert imminent defeat into certain victory. Pj

The Bloody Shirt simply means tlie dread of Southern domination, and that is the essential issue of this campaign. Financial management, tariff theories, plans for keeping the Chinese out and getting the Irish in—all these are well enough in their way, but they are subordinate questions they are questions about which Republicanism is divided, questions on which a Democrat may chance to be orthodox. But for the hour and the day, for the campaign which is now waxing hot, for the election which impends and for all the results involved therein, the one question, the vital question, the final test of each man's opinion and the arbiter of each man's ballot, is the Bloody-Shirt question, if one choose to call it so the question whether this country is prepared to submit to the domination of the South.

This is a question that needs no platforms, no long-winded letters of explanation, no arguments of verbose orators it is so plain and simple that plain men can understand it at once without explanation, and plaip men do so understand it. In fact there is no possibility of misunderstanding it. And as the situation is looked at sfeadily it takes shape as a situation in which the two great political parties are clearly and fairly opposed to each other, in which the candidates embody aud represent the issue at stake. If General Hancock is elected President the government of this country will be wholly in the hands of the Democracy, and the Democracy is wholly controlled by the South if Mr. Garfield is elected President the country will not be governed by the South.

The Bloody Shirt means opposition to Southern domination it means instinctive dislike and dread of Southern ideas and opinions, of Southern methods of political government, and of Southern peculiarities in expounding the rights of man, the principles of liberty, ana all practical and theoretical questions involved in the work of government. The people don't want the South in power. And when we speak of the South we do not mean exclusively the long-haired, Jfoul-moutliedr ranting and vaporing Southern editors, lashing themselves into fury over points of opinion, and foaming antj raving professionally as apart of their contract neither do we mean the professional bull-dozers and bullies who keep the back counties unanimous, the gentlemen who save the courts a great deal of work by relieving the sheriffs and jailers of their functions, the avengers of justice on the Southern plan,'whose scoijrgings and lynchings disgrace the country with a worse than mediajval barbarity.

It is not merely these yahoos of politics who compel the flaunting of the Bloody Shirt as a standard the country is afraid of the best that the South can furnish in statesmanship. It is afraid of the Lamars and Gordons, the Blackburns and Hamptons, as aliens to all American feeling and to all American aspiration, as men with whom freedom is not a passion but a concession men who tolerate free speech but dislike it who resent criticism, who cannot understand honest difference of opinion, who do not believe all men are equal, and who in many ways are discordant with the spirit of the age. Every instinct of patriotism, every instinct of unionism, every deep and undying memory of tho past, every priceless possession of the present and chance for the future is arrayed against Southernisin and Southern control of the Nation. For some years now many citizens have mislikqa the Republican party for its omissions, Its errors, its divisions and its failures, aiid this feeling had grown so strong that two months ago it seemed as if the party could not fail to lose the election with any candidate on any platform. ....But now the people h^ve nad time to thiuk aud have been'confronted with the inevitable destiny of the Situation. They have only one choice "of two alternatives. A vote for Hancock means a vote for Southern supremacy there is no other way to resist it save by voting for Garfield. There is no middle, path whosoever is not with us now is against us, and to be against us means to invite Southern rule. Under this aspect the situation changes: we can elect any candidate we put up on any platform we may choose. The victory is assured our ticket is'Garfield and Arthur, our platform the Bloody Shirt ther&in Democracy may read the doom of Southernism.—SI. Louis Qlobe-Dem-ocrat.

W&F Our Democratic contemporaries are much alarmed lest Mr. Sherman, in order to manufacture political capital, should sell so much gold and buy so many bonds that when they come into

?reasury.

t»wer they will hfive to face a depleted They need not be unreasonably distressed, for, in the first place, they will not come into power, and, in the next place, they will riot have to face a depleted Treasury. When they went out of power, twenty years ago, they left a depleted Treasury, and a record of having borrowed»money, at rates ranging mum six to twelve per cent., to meet the ordinary expenses of the Government, in times of profound peack Since they left there has never b««n a day that the Treasury was not ready to meet every call on it, and- the Administration which our friends affect to dread has paid off so many hundreds of millions of dollars that it am afford to disregard the possible political capital which might be gained by depleting the Treasury.—Globe-Democrat

IQrWhen tho Fusion Legislature of Maine **adjourner' last winter it was to meet on Angtut 5. The date has come and gone* but the men whom Gareelon and his gang of burglars countcd in have made no attempt to reassemble as a Legisla ture. If they are stQI proud of that expJ oi for a free count it is straoge they should have allowed so good an opportunity to slip by unimproved of bringing their cane freshly before the people on the opening of the eampa&rn. Perhaps they concluded that the Republicans can be to keep it fresh enough.

ANNUADFAIR

OF THE-

Vigo Agricultuaal Society,

AT-

TERRE HAUTE, IND.|

SepW H, IS, IS, 17118.

Beautiful Grounds, Ample Accommodations Large Premiums.

Plenty of Amusements.

Long List of Special Premiums, Races every Afternoon at 2, Archery on Thursday P. M.

Bicycle Races on Friday.

Usual Rates oil Railroads.

Premium list can be had of tho secretary by mail, at the stable of Beaucjiamp & Miller, oral the Recorder's office, and the Woolen millof U. R. Jeffcrs.

W. T. BEACCHAMP, Pros. I'. R. JEFFERS. Sup't. Jos. GILBERT. Scc'y. W. S. CIIFT, Treas.

TIEUE

DAILY NEWS

NOW ENJOYS A CITY CIRCULATION

EQUAL TO THAT OF ANY DAILY PUBLISHED IN THE CITY, AND HAS

THE ADVANTAGE OYER OTIIEKS OF

A DAILY INCREASE.

BUSINESS MEN,

Should Note This Fact. Also, the Fact that THE NEWS Circulates Largely in oner, and is the Friend of the WORKINGMEN—tlie men who PATRONIZE HOME INSTITUTIONS.

ADVERTISERS

Call and see us. We will give you Reasonable Rates, and Guarantee Satisfaction.

H. EC. STAUB

Livery Sale and

FEED STABLE

COR, THIRD

AND

WALNUT STS.

"Mr SlftuVs stock fe veiy ffetlt, and in fcdod con dition baggies all' new. Ho al»o MM gentlemen, and ladies' saddle iiortea.— ~r 61 tf

SAMUEL S. EARLY,

Pork, Lard Bacon,

Sugar Cured Mams.

18 MAIN STREET.

APPLICATION FOR LICENSE. Notice i* herein' given that I will apply to the Board of Commlsefonere of Vigo county. State of Indiana, *t their September term,

the year 1880, for lictnro to sell "intoxicating liquor*""1 in a 5- quantity than a quart at a time, with i&« prfi.. of allowing the tame to be ink on m-, prani»e«. for onf yeftf. H* place of Hne#* ifc* toMitaaoniare..tt 'be, mHa a»4 on north fcalf 5f the north fialf of lot flw, the ritrinal plat of the city of Terre Hanoe. 14W.4 J. f». OOTT.

fityirtfr

GET

YOUR SHIRTS

J»«. i.

HADE TO 1.

ZMIZELA-STfR/ZES,

IH TJjET TIERS'

iSMrt Factory,

MA.X3ST STREET.

iJlioccHancous

.A.3L.Xj OIEtlDlEIEt

PROMPTLY FIL

11. JEFFERS

Dealer in Wool and Manufacturer

Cloths, Cassimeres, Tweeds, Flannels, Jeans, Blankel Stocking Yarns,

Cardie 2 and Spinning

N. B.—Tii! highest market price in tosh, or own make ol goods exchanged for wool.

Terre Haute Banne:1

TRI WEEKLY ASD WEEKLY.

Office 21 South Fifth Street

P. GFROERER. Proprietor. 1

THE ONLY GERMAN PAPER IN TI CITY OF TERRE HAUTE.

English and G-erman Job Priht

Executed in the best manner.

©. a. a.

Morton Post, No.

DKPARTMKNT OF INDIANA.

TERRE HAUT

Headquarters 23K Sonth Tli Regular meetings first and Thursday evenings, eachmoi rSfRendfng Room open e\ evening.

Comrades visiting the city always be made welcome. W. B. McLKAN, Com'dl

JAY CITMHINGS, Adj't. GBO. PLANBTT, P. Q. M. Oil at Headquarters

CALL AND EXAMINj

THE NEW

Improved Howl

THE SIMPLEST, LIGHTEST RU! NING, MOST DURABLE AND lv EASIEST OPERATED

OF ANY

SEWING- MACHINE*

In the Market. For snlc nt 28 south Si.4^, street, opposite Post Office.

S15n

4«-rt

f,*l

Tlie Howe Machine Co.

T. D. OLIN, Aggg

TO S3000 A YEAR, or $5 to $30 a df in your own'locality. No risk. V| men do as well as men. Ma® make more than tho amou stated above. No one can fail make money fast. Any one can

the work. Yon can make from .V) cents to $2 hour by devoting"'your evenings and spare time* the business. It costs nothing to try the Nothing like it for money making ever offered*? fort Bh*ln(!«» pleasant and strictly honorali R«)ad«r, If totl wnnt to kfiow all abont the hi pkving bnsmess before toe public, send ns yo^ adilress and wo will send yon full particular# at private terms free. Samples worth $5 also fre yon can then make up yorrr mind for AddriHis GEORGE STTNSON A CO. Maine.

NEBVOUS DE I I

Mm'

CR.tY'N HPKCIFIC JfF,»ICIK TRADE Great Bn.TRAP****?! glish Remedy,

An an fail I ng cure for Seminal Weakn ess, Spermatorrhea, Impotency, and all Uincftdcs that follow as a t5-' que nee of Self-. ____

BEFORE AKiR&.Abn>K: a» loss AFTER TAIIB of Memorv, Universal Lassitude, I'ain in Back, Dimness of Vision. Premature Old A," and many other Diseases that lead to insanity Consumption and a Premature grave, 0y~Fallparticular#in our !iphlet, which? dclre to send free by !o ry one.

J3T"T

Specific HedJelnd is mAd all Proggistt at 1 f^rpifw-fcaee or sisr packages for $5. or will

iv* pf 'tuail oi! receipt of the money by

THE CIltAI* JIKIJICIXE O., No. 8 Mechanics" Block, DETROIT, MJCH Sold la Terre S*$*e asl by all Druggist# erewhere... v.

'arestand

Iif*t

Medicine

e»tr

Ji-ade.

Hop** Buohu,

,mA

loat'ms*

BUBiifwi

Wan-

DaotfeMon»™,,'iu»»iwt«iia prvprrttesi of ail c*b»r WMers,

an the greatest atood Purlflor, Ltv*r

A«eat XaAMMMeVaxipo^Nylonr where Ho)

trofLhebaw«l»o«%

urUnurjr onfMiS, or wbo rv

irrtox-

vt ayrapiouu hew Hop BH-

ter* IXiat bot

yea

oaif f«ttbtd at «m» baadwda. f500^1WI*Mf'H'ae*l« tfcey wm not «B««rk#i 9ra»t waStrr jrow mifor^tttasewMSonee Hop 8

,BopWtbm

dr«j«wl

Beat

XMfc**«»Mr«wlestbe **W, and wrr a» p«rK» or taattlj tixxAit be wttJxwt tiMm.

andTm^gto.Oftt.

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