Daily News, Franklin, Johnson County, 24 February 1880 — Page 2

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DAILY NEWS.

SEAMAN, LEWIS A CO, PcBLismnw. Publication Office, 5014 Ohio Street, corner Fifth. Volctos 1 No. 5. Bntered at thePoet Office at Torre Haute, Indian*, secondISJ matter.

TUESDAY, FEBRUARY 24, 1880.

THE DAILY NEWS is printed every week day Afternoon, and delivered by carriers throughout the city at 10 cents per week—collections made weekly. By mail {postage paid by the Publisher) (me month 45 cents three months $135 six months $2MO one year $5.00.— Mail ftvbseriptions in advance.

IN the DAILY NEWS to day will be found the address of Mr Kennedy before the Young Men's Republican Club at Dowling Ilall, this city, last night. It is printed in this paper from Mr K's manuscript, and the proof read by him. We regard it as an able address, one which would have reflected credit on the late Senator Morton, and the Republicans of Indiana can put before the people no better campaign document than this speech. Read it carefully study it for future use. As Mr Kennedy says, the contest this year will be Stateism. a* championed by the Democracy, and Nationalism, maintained by the Republicans, who are simply clinging to the teachings and precepts of the founders of the Republic.

THE CRAWT0BD8VILLE CONVENTION TOMORROW. The business of the Congressional Convention at Crawfordsville to-morrow will be: 1. To select two delegates to represent the Eighth district in the Republican National Convention at Chicago. 9. The selection of one member of the State Centra! Committee. tt. Selecting place and time of the District Congressional Nominating Convention. 4. The selection of a District Committee.

The delegates to Crawfordsville from this county are:. Terre Haute—C. Gartrell. J. D.' Mitchell, I). W. Minshall, B. K. Rhoads, L. A. Burnett, N. M. Diall, T. R. Oilman. C. IT. Taylor, George Gordon, H. L. Miller, M. Low. D. St. John, J. II. Walker, R. Reagan, Geo. Palmateer, I. II. C. Ilovse. Ed. Lee. G. W. Sparks.

Harrison Tp.—J. W. Lockman, J. D. Meysick, J. L. Brown. Payette—J. W. Watts, .fumes Anderson, G. B. Owen.

Sugar Creek—G. W. Harris, L. G. Hoops, Wm. Syms. Prairieton—S. W. Reynolds, IT. Mc Sherry, L. G. Ball.

Honey Creek—J. T. Crandall, IT. C. .Tordon, Joshua M. Hull. Riley—T. G. Bull, W. R. Ray, Hiram Rice.

Lost Creek—S. S. Ripley, O. B. Soule, Warren Soulcs. Nevins—W. IT. Milrath, W. D. Willougliby. C. M. Stetson.

The Torre Haute & Logansport RR. will run a special train to Crawfordsville tomorrow, for the accommodation of the delegates and others desiring to attend, at one fare for the round trip. Train will leave this city at 7:80 A M, and arrive at Crawfordsville at about 10 o'clock A M. The train will return after the adjournment of the convention.

B. BnANDnETii, the pill man, died at Sing Sing, N. Y.. the 10th inst. He was of English birth, and emigrated to this country in 1888. He landed at the Rector street wharf, New York, with scarcely any other possessions than a few dollars, a few clothes, his diploma and a manuscript book of recipes which he obtained some local celebrity at the place of his birth. A few days after his arrival he found that he would soon be pressed for money. With the pittance then in his pocket-book he purchased of a Dey street chemist to make of the pills which have since become identified with his name just enough to furnish a dozen boxes, which he peddled off to a fair profit. They were prepared from one of the recelpes which he had brought with him. The notoriety of the plucky young Englishman who peddled his pills, and the favor which they found in the limited circles of the region between Liberty and Chamlwrs streets and Church street and the North river, soon enabled him to open a small office in that neighborhood. He determined to appropriate a portion of his profits—at first small, but increasing with the ratio of his

sales—to

U-r

advertising pur

poses. Not long ago Br Brandreth esti mated that since the date of his first advertisement he had certainly expended a million of dollars in his advertisements throughout the whole country.

ONK of the items in the expense budget of Congress is dead Congressmen, and It is not a meagre one cither. Thus far this year the printing of eulogies pronounced has cost $30,000, and all arc not yet printed, while the expense of burying departed statesman, including liquor, «0k scarfs, gloves, lunches, cigars, and other symbols of grief for the mourners, is $13,866.87. With perhaps few exceptions, it would be much cheaper to have the Congressmen live than die.

KEY-NOTE

if

FOB THE

CAMPAIGN OF 1880.,

STATEISM vs. NATIONALISM.

Atfdrr** by Utm P. M. Kennedy. Before the Young Jlen"a Republican Club, of Terre Haute, Feb. S3.

[Printed from Mr Kennedy'* M8S., fnraldied by him to the DALLY NEWS.]

At the end of 15 years from the final overthrow of the rebellion of 1861, we find the country stirred up by a proposition to revive the political ideas and principles which constituted the germ of that great crime.

That such a proposition should have been so soon made by those who were defeated in the war, is remarkable enough but that it should have been entertained for even one moment by the National Congress, as it was at the late extra session, is not only remarkable, but is sufficient to have startled in their graves the 300,000 patriots whose lives were sacrificed to preserve our National existence and vindicate the National authority.

What, let me ask you, did the Nation fight for from 1861 to 1865? Not inerelj' to destroy the rebel armies, but to drive out of our politics forever the infatuation which called those armies into the field. The destruction of the rebel armies was but the means to an end. The great end was the establishment of the National authority, not for a day, a month, or a year, but forever.

It would have been a useless and foolish waste of men and money to have sacrificed so much to simply suppress a great rebellion and leave the roots from which it sprang to produce another whenever the heat of passion should be strong enough to start them into life again.

If the war did not settle forever the controversy which existed so long in regard to the nature and powers of the National Government,, then it was fought in vain— 300,000 lives were sacrificed to no purpose, and the great struggle dwindles down in history to a mere combat between gladiators for the world's amusement.

The conflict between what I shall designate Stateism and Nationalism., antedates the Constitution itself. The history of this conflict is both curious and instructive and, in the present situation of our public affairs, demands the earnest study of every citizen of the country.

When our present Constitution was framed by the convention and submitted to the people of the several States for their ratification, two parties sprang into existence at once, one in favor of the Constitution, called the Federal party, and another opposed to the Constitution, and opposed to any kind of National Government, called the anti-Federal party. In other words, the one was a National party, in favor of a strong central Government for the whole country, and the other a StateRights' party, opposed to surrendering any more of the rights of the States than had been already surrendered by the old articles of Confederation, adopted in 1777.

It was argued by Washington and Madison, and Hamilton and Jay, and many other illustrious revolutionary characters that the Union could not exist without a strong National or Central Government, with all the attributes of sovreignity—the power to iwftke war and peace, to coerce the payment of taxes, to raise and support armies, to suppress rebellions and insurrections, to repel invasions, &c.

On the other side it was contended by Patrick Henry, the fiery orator of the revolution, and many others equally noted, that as the colonies had just gone through along and bloody struggle to throw off the government of Great Britain, it was not advisable to erect over them another centralized Government that might oppress the people as the English government had done. The fact that the government was to be made and administered by the people themselves seems to have been entirely overlooked by those who opposedjthe constitution.

The controversy between these two parties was long and acrimonious but Nationalism dually triumphed over Stateism, the Constitution was ratified and went into operation with Washington as first President of the New Nation. But. notwithstanding Stateism was thus signally overthrown, and Nationalism made permanent by the adoption of a National Constitution, the heresy of State rights did not die out. It remained in the politics of the country like malaria in the human system, and has thrown it into convulsions periodically ever since. It reappeared opposition to the excise laws, under Washington's administration, and broke ont in open revolt against the collection of National revenues, in Western Pennsylvania. This insurrection Washington was Anally compelled to suppress by force of arms.

After this all went on smoothly enough till the passage by Congress, in 1797, of what were called the Alien and Sedition Laws. These measures were extremely odious to the anti-Federal, or more properly speaking, anti-National party, and were at once made the pretext for a most vigorous assault on the authority of the General Government.

Mr Jefferson had never looked with favor on the new Government. He wrote to a friend after it went into operation, that it was doubtful whether the good or the bad predominated in it, and that some warts of it "staggered him."

Laboring under this lukewarm feeling towards the National Government, he wrote the original draft of the noted Virginia and Kentucky resolutions of 1898§9, and procured their adoption by the legislatures of them two States.

These resolutions, as written by Mr Jefferson, announced as a constitutional doctrine tbat any State in the Union had a right to judge as to the eonstitutionaJitT of acts of Congress, and to nullify such as it might determine to be unauthorised.

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It is denied by Col Benton in his "Thirty Years in the Senate,'' that Mr Jefferson used the word "nullification" in these resolutions, but this denial was made without a sufficient examination of the subject* for weflnd in the 9th volume of Mr Jefferson's works, what arc said to be the original draft of the Kentucky resolutions, found after his death in Mr Jefferson's own handwriting, and in this draft are these words: "mien the General Government assumes powers which have not been delegated, a nullification of the act is the rightful remedy."

It is true that the Resolutions as introduced into the Virginia Legislature, and as originally introduced into the Kentucky Legislature, in 1798, did not contain the word nullification. Men more cautious than Mr Jefferson had substituted a kind of circumlocution to half conceal what he had bluntly expressed in a single plain word. But the doctrine as reasserted in the Kentucky Resolution of 1799 was put forth in these words: "The several States which formed the Constitution being sovereign and independent have the unquestionable right to judge of its infraction, and a nullification by those sovereignties, ot all unauthorized acts done under color of that instrument is the rightful remedy." Precisely the idea expressed by Mr Jefferson in the original draft from which I have quoted.

These Resolutions were sent by the Legislatures of Virginia and Kentucky to ail the other State Legislatures with a view of huving them concur in the doctrines they announced. But the other States, instead of concurring, denounced the doctrines as utterly subversive of the Constitution. The Legislature of Massachusetts, among other things said in response: "Should the respectable State of Virginia persist in the assumption of the right to declare the acts of the National government unconstitutional, and should she oppose successfully her force and will to those of the Nation, the constitution would be reduced to a mere cipher—to the form anil pageantry of authority without the energy of power. Every act of the general government which thwarted the views or checked the ambitious projects of particular States, or if its leading and influential members, would be the object of opposition and remonstrance while the people, convulsed and confused by the conflict between two hostile jurisdictions, enjoying the protection of neither, would be wearried into a submission to some bold leader who would establish himself on the niins of both."

The opposition to the doctrine of the Virginia and Kentucky resolutions was so overwhelming that it was abandoned and no respectable politician again broached the subject for 80 years. But in 1830 Mr Hayne, in his noted debate with Mr Webster, claimed these resolutions as the foundation of South Carolina's assumed right to nullify the tariff laws.

This debate took place in Januaiy, 1880. On the 17th of the following April a dinner was gotten up in Wasliington in honor of Mr. Jefferson, this being the anniversary of his birthday. It soon leaked out, as we are informed by Mr Benton, who has given a graphic account of the whole affair, that the dinner was intended to inaugurate the doctrine of nullification and to make Mr Jefferson its father. In other words it was intended to give a boom to the South Carolina conspirators, instead of Mr Jefferson's birthday. Gen Jackson was then President, and of course was invited to the dinner. He was not long in finding out the purpose of the meeting, and when called on for a volunteer toast, gave that

celebrated

sentiment which elec­

trified the Nation and feel like a bombshell among the nullifiers: "Our Federal Union—it must be preserved."

Mr Benton sayp this was intended by President Jackson to announce a plot against the Union and to summon the people to its defense.

The second conflict between Stateism and Nationalism, which Gen Jackson thus anticipated, and which was carried on with so much zeal from 1880 to 1838, culminated in the latter year, in the attempted withdrawal of South Carolina from the Union, by an ordinance of secession and the raising of armies to make that secession good.

Gen Jackson was making active preparations to suppress this insurrection by the National army, when the secessionists availed themselves of the pretext afforded by Mr Clay's compromise measures in regard to the tariff, to back down from their attitude of hostility to the National authority.

And thus Nationalism triumphed again, and Stateism smouldered for another period of 20 years, when it was fanned into new and more vigorous life than ever by the Democratic National Convention of 1852. "Jefferson Davis was an active member of that convention, and, if my memory is not at fault, was Chairman of the Committee on Platform. The committee reported, and the convention adopted, a resolution asserting that the Democratic party of the Union would, in the future, adhere to the doctrines of the Virginia and Kentucky resolutions of 1798-99 as the main foundation of the Democratic creed. And thus was the plot against the Union which was attempted at the birthday dinner, and which Gen Jackson so happily exposed, consummated—not by a coterie of South Carolina malcontents, but by a National Convention of the Democratic party.

The formal and deliberate endorsement by the convention of these resolutions, which the conspirators had always claimed as the foundation of their theories, was received by the South as,a positive pledge that in case any State should attempt to secede, the right of coercion should be denied. The platform of 1852 was re affirm ed by the convention of 1856, which nominated Mr Buchanan for the Presidency and the doctrine of State rights from 1852 on was advocated so much and denied so little in the South, that all parties there became indoctrinated with the view that the citizen owed his highest allegiance to the State and not to the National Govern ment, and that if his State seceded he would be bound to go with it. And thus the plot against the life of the Nation gathered force from year to year till it broke ont hi open, armed rebellion and civil war in 1800.

Mr Buchanan was then at the liead of the Nation as its President, and when appealed to by an indignant people to take some vigorous stem at once for preserving the Union, sat in his easy chair and promulgated to the world the doctrines of Stateism which he had been pledged to carry out. I quote from his annual message to Congress in December, 1860: "The question fairly stated is: Has the

Constitution delegated to Congress the power to coerce into Submigfion & State which is about to withdraw, or has already withdrawn, frori| the^onfederacji After much serious reflection, I have rived at the conclusion that no such power has been delegated to Congress or any other department qf the( General Govern-

This was" ely^writ tell and published to the world, at the behest of a band of traitors, in the fate of a plain constitutional provision, in the simplest English words, that "Congress shall have power to provide for calling forth the militia to execute the laws of the Union, suppress insurrection and repel invasion."

The President and Congress, it will be observed, have precisely the same power— given in the same words—to suppress an insurrection that they have to repel an invasion. But to exercise this power against the secessionists was not according to the programme that had been arranged by the Democratic Convention of 185a, and to which Mr Buchanan was pledged by the platform of 1856. The duty to suppress the insurrection against the Government was evaded by calling it something else.

According to the doctrine of the Virginia and Kentucky resolutions of 1798-99, it was not an insurrection for South Carolina to secede, and gather armies to defy the National authority, disrupt the Union by force of arms, tear down its flag and constitute anew confederacy out of onehalf the old Union. All this, in Mr Buchanan's opinion, was only a harmless exercise of constitutional rights!

But, thank God, in this momentous crisis, the firm hand of the great Lincoln took the reins of Government from the treacherous and imbecile Buchanan. With the instrumentalities plainly provided in the constitution, the ^Republican party at once seized the rebellion, and under the guidance of the man it had put at the head of the Government, crushed the insurgent armies and re-established the National autlioritjr over every square foot of our vast domain.

If the doctrines of Mr Buchanan and the Democratic party had prevailed in 1860, the greatest Nation on earth to day would have been blotted from the map of the world. And, instead of presenting to the admiring gaze of mankind the spectacle of a great, prosperous and free commonwealth, we should have been broken into as many warring fragments as there are States in the Union—Stateism would have supplanted Nationalism, and been in turn swallowed up itself by utter anarchy for disintegration once begun seldom stops short of total ruin.

Through all the ups and downs of the Democratic party the fatal virus of Stateism seems to remain in its system. It can no more get rid of it. than can the leopard of its spots or the Ethiopean of his dark skin. No sooner had the party secured a majority in both branches of Congress than it again commenced a deliberate and systematically planned assault upon the [National Government, the National laws and the National authority generally. More than twenty trained debaters, at the late ixtra session, acting tinder the guidance of a Democratic caucus of both Houses, were on the floor of Congress to exalt Stateism and deride Nationalism. Senator Williams, of Kentucky, the State once represented by Clay and Crittenden, went so far as to declare, upon the floor of the Senate, that a Congressional election is not a National, but a State, election and that a Congressman is not a National officer, but a State officer. In what, law school, pray tell us, did the Kentucky Senator learn such constitutional law as this?

This is not only Stateism, but Stateism

facy

jone utterly mad. To refute such a falwoula be an idle waste of one's efforts for there is not a school boy in Indiana who does not know that Congress is one branch or department of the National Government created by the National Constitution, that Congressmen are provided for in the National Constitution, and their Qualifications therein prescribed their pay drawn from the National Treasury and that they are not even sworn to support or obey any State constitution or State law, but only the Constitution and laws of the United States.

But the Democratic caucus had a purpose in promulgating this strange theory and the plot it foreshadows is too plain to escape the observation of even the most stupid.

If a Congressman is a State officer and a Congressional election a State election purely, so that the National authority cannot interfere with it, then the ruling caste in the rebel States may usurp all authority there elect all the Congressmen and Presidential electors by fraud and intimidation, in defiance of the popular will, and, in conjunction with the Northern doughfaces who have always been at their command, rule the country as tliey did so long prior to the war. This is the programme, and it will be followed to the letter if Stateism triumphs over Nationalism in the coming campaign.

And I warn you now tbat the whole controversy between these two theories is to be fought over again in the canvass of 1880. The

Virginia

and Kentucky reso­

lutions are to be again brought to the front—the doctrine of Mr Buchanan's message of December, 1860, that whatever villiany may le attempted by a State cannot be interfered with by the National Government that if a turbulent and unprincipled faction seize the State Government by force or fraud and disfranchise two-thirds of the voters, the National Government cannot interfere to protect the weak and down trodden in their rights, is to be insisted on again.

And now, against all these absurd and dangerous heresies and impossible theories, the Republican party interposes the broad shield of the Constitution itself, as it was made by Washington, Madison, Jay and Hamilton, and perfected by Grant and Morton and their co-workers in recon atruction at the close of the war. The Republican creed embodies a broad and strong Nationality. The Republican party believes tbat the Constitution, the laws of Congress made in pursuance thereof, and tresues, constitute the supreme law of the land, and that the Judges in

evefy

State

are bound thereby, anything in the Constitution or laws of any State, to the con trary notwithstanding.

It believes that the citizen's highest allegiance is due to the national government and that no State authority can lawfully absolve him from the duty be owes to that government, ft believes with Washington, as declared in his Farewell Address, in "The Unity ot Government which Constitutes its One People." It believes with the framers of the Constitu­

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tion, as declared in their letter transmitting it to the several State Legislatures, tibtat our.prosperity, felicity, safety and perhapsbur National existence, are involved In the consolidation of the Union. It believes it to be the duty of the United

»y

also—that

the State, a majority of whose

citizens are habitually disfranchised by fraud and violence is not Republican eithe in form or fact, and that it is the duty of Congress to interfere in some manner to protect the citizens of every State in their right to vote, without molestation.

And finally, the Republican party believes that every man, be he white or black, "Rebel" or "Yankee," lias aright to go wherever he may choose in search of a livelihood or to better his condition, remain as long as he may choose, and do what he pleases, if he does not interfere with the legal rights of others. "But all these things are to be called in

Uv VUt UUl^ W UUWUV UU VU* defend them as we have so often done before. Men are to be denied the right to come to Indiana for no better reason than that they are poor and may vote the Republican ticket. Blood-hounds, not of the kind used in the ante bellutn days, but blood-hounds in human shape, are to be set in the track of every poor fugitive from injustice and oppression, and his motives for coming here are to be iuquired iuto and made a matter of National concern.

Against this folly and inhumanity, the Republican party is bound to protests and will protest, in* the most unmistakable terms. The prejudice that once made it a crime iu our State to give employment to one "who begged his brother of the earth to give him leave to toil," simply because his skin was dark, cannot be revivei]^ where free schools have been in operation for thirty years, where there is an invest* ed school tund of $9,000,000, and where a powerful and intelligent press sends its daily issues in company with ihe morning sunbeams, into almost every home in the land.

A people with such avenues to informa* tion and intelligence cannot be made the dupes of prejudice and partisan chicanery.

And those who arc attempting to prop a feeble cause and tottering policy with the old-time prejudice against the colored man, will find out before they are done with the subject, that, they have but added one more to the multitude of blunders and crimes beneath which they have already well-nigh buried the Democratic party.

In closing, allow me to say that I duly appreciate the compliment implied by the kind invitation to address your Clhb, and I return to you my sincere aokhowledgmcnt therefor.

"A Narrow-iWIiided Negro Hater.'? Indianapolis Journal, Feb. 22. The action of Senator Voorhees on the proposition to admit free of duty certain contributions sent from abroad, in aid of the colored refugees in Kansas, strips the mask of pretended philantrophy from him and exhibits him as a narrow-minded negro hater. When he moved for an investigation into the origin and causes of the exodus, he professed earnest sympathy with the "poor colored people" who were being deceived and deluded to their ruin. He wanted to serve them and show them who were their true friends. Now, when a proposition is made in the Senate to admit free of duty certain contributions sent by kind people in England in aid of the colored refugees in Kansas, Senator Voorhees strenuously objects and succeeds in staving the matter off. Senator Confcling stated that the goods referred to "were rotting on the wharves at New York," because there was no person to pay thp duty on them. This made no difference. Mr. Voorhees renewed his opposition, and by insisting on his objection prevented the passage of the resolution.

We do not know what the contributions consisted of, but judge from Mr Conk: ling's remark that they were provisions of some kind. Whatever they were, the admission free of duty would not have impoverished the government nor hurt anybody in any way. Works of art are always admitted free of duty, and why not contributions to charity? It has been only a few weeks since a use in a Catholic churc admitted free of dut

ly a few Weeks since apiece of bronze for use in a Catholic church in this city was admitted free of duty, and rightly so. But when it is proposed to admit contributions for the colored people, Senator Voorhees objects. This gives us a glimpse of his true inwardness, which is the gall of bitterness towards the negro, His pretended desire to serve the colored people by a political investigation instantly vanishes before a proposition of practical charity. _____________

«nuit and Pennsylvania. Washington special.

A private letter from Cuba says that the first intelligence of the action of the Penn-

S•ant

lvania convention in indorsing General for a third term reached the Grant party on the morning after the convention, in a cablegram which came to General Sheridan, it was handed to the General while at breakfast. He read It, and remarked that he had some important newB from "the States." Ill I* "What is it?" inquired several voices.

And Sheridan then read the telegram aloud. The announcement was greeted with silence by all the party, who were anxious to bear what Gen Grant would

say

but he merely remarked: "That's quite a surprise!" and the mem* hers of his party say that the subject hal not since been alluded to in his presence.

The Bail? New* Want* a. G#W. Tim. Sallltan Corre*p. Daily ErpreM. Your own John B. ljamb, Who is a Tall Sycamore here, will tie kn«wo by the 8ul livan faithful as John Exodus Lamb, rtlnce he testified so voluminously before the exodus committee. Our people are ram' pant to know just what John Exodus said before tbat august

body,

and if he

will send us & printed copy of bis testis, mony, we will have amass meeting called and John C. Briggs, a "former law partner" of Voorhees, will read it to the pop? ulace

W Brown gives his personal afferi/ tion

to jJl

departments oFM. lntslne^

and those entrusting a job to him in ei her branch may confidently rely upon getting iust what they onler. His experience as a practical workman enables hira to know