Daily News, Franklin, Johnson County, 23 February 1880 — Page 2

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DAILY NE

SEAMAN, LEWIS A CO, PITBLM: Publication Office, 501 Ohio Street, coMtx fofUL Voitnat i!V7ti".i.~T vr.:T.... .wfc Entered at the Po»t Office at T«rrc Haute, Indiana,

Beoond-ClMs matter.

MONDAY. FEBRUARY 23, 1880.

THE DAILY NEWS is printed every toeek day Afternoon, and delivered by carriers through/ml the city at 10 cents per toed:—collections made weekly. By mail {postage paid by the Publisher) one nwnth J$ cents three months $125 &% months $2MO one year $6.00.— Mail (subscriptions in advance.

AHSWEB8 TO 80XX QUEBTIOVB. If Terre Ilaute had a public

WHAT THEY NEED.

Some of the Southern States are casting about with renewed anxiety and vigor for the means and methods of inducing emigrants to colonize therein. This is particularly the case in Louisiana at the present time. Among the suggested plans is one of great length in the New Orleans Times, which provides among other things that large owners of idle alluvial lands shall pool them and send agents to Germany, Ireland and such other countries as may be fixed upon, with power to donate to such as can be induced to come over one lot in every three of the pooled lands, the lots to be about fifty acres each in size. What the people need in the localities referred to are more producers on a small scale, but the giving of lands alone will never induce them to settle there. Whether in Europe, Asia, Africa or America, in this progressive age, it will be found that men. such men as will make good citizens and help to develop and improve a country, have crude, or on a more advanced scale, ideas of equality under the law, social intercourse, educational facilities and so forth. And, above all, they have come to look upon America, and that rapidly through the agencies of wonderful telegraphic and steam communications, as the one country of all others where such advantages may be enjoyed in conjunction with farming, mechanical and other privileges. It is one of the saddest reflections in regard to the progress and development of some parts of the United States, that experiments in this direction have not demonstrated in practice the theory.

When this error shall have been rectified there will no longer be a lack of settlers in those parts and, it may be added, no reasons for an exodus.

THK editorial in Saturday's Gazette under the heading of "Reflections from a Fire," is remarkable only for its 3-cent domagogery. So good an ewspaper writer, and a matt with the culture, of the editor of the Gazette, can and should discuss the subject of that article in some other way than to pander to the ignorant prejudice of individuals. jug.---- j-i. 'mmM-iai.

THK Cincinnati Southern RR. was to have been opened this morning fear through business. The freight schedule time is fixed at 20 hours from Cincinnati to Chattanooga. The city of Cincinnati deserves a rich return for building this road, and may she receive it.

PYFEFT

library

free

of access, individuals could easily answer for themselves questions like those below. Every person connot afford cyclopedias, and books of reference, as would be in a public library. The editor of this paper hann't answers to such ({tuitions on his tongue's end, or pencil point, but he will take time when he can to hunt up replies to knotty queries.

Will the editor of the DAILY NEWS Inform us when we will have live Sundays in February, again?

ANS.—In the year 19*30. Please inform us the origin of St. Valentine's Day?

ANS.—There are many conflicting opinions as to the origin of the festival of St. Valentine's day. St. Valentine, who suffered martyrdom in the reign of the Emperor Claudius, was eminently distinguished for his love and charity, and the custom of choosing valentines or.specially loving friends on this day is supposed to have thence originated. The following solution however is the more plausible one. It was the practice in ancient Rome during a great part of the month of February to celebrate I he Luperealia with wine feasts in honor of Pan and Juno, whence the latter deity was named Februara or Febru^is. On this occasion amid a variety of ceremonies the names of young women were put into a box, from which they were drawn by the men as chance directed. The pastors of the early Christian churches, who by every means possible endeavored to eradicate the vestiges of pagan superstitions, and briefly by some commutations of their forma substituted In the present instance the names of particular saints instead of those of the women, and as the festival of the Luper calia had commenced about, the middle of February they appear to have chosen Valentine Day for celebrating the new feast because it occurred nearly at the same time. The DAILY NEWS would refer its correspondent to Chambers' or the American Encyclopedia, for additional information.

Saramount

TH§ IKTI BUC.

In noticing the sadvenlg of tjjpr DAILY 'xwJ|our Beighb&of A T#ire Haute Banner {printed in the NEWS of Saturday, in German and English) said: "That it (the DATLT NEWS) will be nearer the cause of the Republican party tharr the Democratic or National, may already be considered a fact, as Mr Seaman is a member of. the Gmnd Army of the Republic?"

Otheir Jieraons, as well as the editor of Banner, no doubt entertain the idea that the society of the Grand Army of the Republic is a semi-political organization. Thi» it a mistaken idea. The Grand Army is a fraternal society, and the objects sought to be accomplished by it are simplv set forth in the following: 1. To preserve and strengthen those kind and fraternal feelings which bind together the soldiers, bailors and marines who united to suppress the late rebellion, and to perpetuate the memory and history of the aead. 2. To assist such former comrades in arms as need help and protection and to extend needful aid to the widows and orphans of those who have fallen. 4. To maintain true allegiance to the United States of America, based upon a

respect for, and fldeiity to, the

National Constitution and laws to discountenance whatever tends to weaken loyaltv, incites to insurrection, treason or rebellion, or in any manner impairs the efficiency and permanency of our free institutions and to encourage the spread of universal liberty, equal rights, and justice to all men.

This is all—and a great deal it is—there is of the Grand Army society. Article XI., chapter V., of the General Rules and Regulations, reads as follows: "No officer or comrade of the Grand Army of the Republic shall in any manner use this organization for partisan purposes, and no discussion of partisan questions shall be permitted atanv of its meetings, nor shall any nomination for political office be made

The writer of this has attended as many Post Encampments as, perhaps, any member -of the order in the State, and he has yet to hear the first word of partisan politics. Among the comrades of the Post in this city are some of the most prominent Democrats, Nationals and Republicans— but they do not meet in the Post as members of political parties, but as comrades who stood elbow to elbow in the line of battle, who shared the same blanket under the light of the stars, who divided each with the other the scanty ration on the weary march, or the lonely picket watch— who faced danger and almost death for the flag, thesymbol of liberty and the emblem of National authority.

The kind of politics inculcated and taught by the Grand Army of the Republic can be found in the Websterian definition (1) of the word.

On this subject, we know of nothing containing more information, or words that are more clearly to the point, than can be found in an address by E. C. Snyder, late Junior Vice-Commandor of the Department of Indiana, delivered at the request of McPlierson Post, No. 7, Crawfordsvillc, January 2, 1880. This address we print below, and ask every comrade to read it and preserve it, so that, when he is told the Grand Army is a political organization, he can show his informant just what kind of politics the organization maintains. As Mr Snyder says^, "If thero is in tho Nation any man or party .that entertains a different opinion in regard to the nature of our Governmentor the duties of citizenship [as set out in the third enumeration of objects of. the Order, given above] to that manor party the Grand Army of the Republic is politically opposed. And it must of necessity bo so, for it is composed of the survivors of that Grand Army of the Republic which by its heroism and bravery saved the Nation—that army which, being animated by these principles and believing them to be right, gave to their defense that last aud greatest measure of devotion that it is possible for man to give,"

INAUGURAL ADDRE88 OP

K. C.

SNYDER,

COMMANDER OF M'FHERSON, POST NO. 7, DEPT. OF INDIANA. At this, the beginning of a new year, and while our Post is yet in its infancy, it will not, I apprehend, he considered inappropriate to call attention to some of the objects of our order and to present a few thoughts suggested by them. I regard it the autv of each comrade to keep these objects constantly in view and on every occasion that may afford an opportunity, do something in furtherance thereof. Aye, still more, in view of their worthy character, we should not wait for, but should seek and, if need be, make the opportunity. No society has ever been organized for the promotion of objects more noble, grand and comprehensive. They afford a wide field for thought and contemplation and are calculated to call into action the finer and more God-like attributes of our nature. But I have not the language to portray and describe the ennobling effects that constant labor in behalf of each of these objects must necessarily produce, and if I hadn't the time that should be consumed in the delivery of an address on this occasion, forbids the undertaking. I can not, however, permit this opportunity to pass without calling your attention to a few thoughts suggested by the third enumeration of objects, viz: "TO maintain true allegiance to the United States of America, based upon a paramount respect for and fldeiity to the National constitution and laws to discountenance whatever tends to weaken loyalty, incites to insurrection, treason or rebellion, or in any manner impairs the efficiency and permanency of our free institutions and to encourage the spread of universal liberty, equal rights ana justice to all men.**

1 4

The Grand Army of the Republic was not organized to promote the interests of any political party. It undertakes, however, to inculcate and foster certain principles wjiich. it believes, are essential to the existence of our Government, and upon the proper understanding and practice of which the cause of liberty, justice and equal rights depend. In so far, then, as the objects which it is intended to promote as set out in the third enumeration of objects, trench upon the domain of politics, it is political in its character. And if there is in the Nation any man or party that entertains a different opinion with regard to the nature of our Government or the duties of citizenship, to that man or party the Grand Army of the Republic is politically opposed. And it must of necessity be so, for it is composed of the survivors of that Grand Army of the Republic which by its heroism and bravery saved the Nation. That army which, being animated by these principles and believing them to We right, gave to their defense that last and greatest measure of de votion that it is possible for man to give.

It is not my purpose to enter into any argument in vindication of the principles upon which the war for the preservation of the Union was waged. So far as it is possible to establish the fallacy of any doctrine by logic «nd reason, the fallacy of the infernal heresy of State rights or the right of a State to nullify the Taws of the Nation, has been established long before the war. The argument of Daniel Webster, in his celebrated lehnte in the United States Senate with Hayne, of South Carolina, in which he so powerfully combatted this heresy, never was and never can be successfully answered. That the failure of those who engaged in the mad design to destroy the Union and establish and perpetuate on its ruins the accursed institution of human slavery was a blessing, is admitted on all hands. And I affirm that the cause, the failure of which proved to be a blessing, could not be right and as the corollary of the proposition, the principles upon which it was opposed, and which were by its defeat firmly established could not be wrong. The Grand Army of the Republic can not listen in silence to any attempt to justify the cause of the re beflion. or to any doctrine that tends to cast reproach upon the justice of the cause for which so many brave comrades laid down their lives. It believes that the doctrine upon which those engaged in the rebellion sought to justify their course breathed its last when the last rebel army surrendered that it was then buried and its tomb sealed up with the blood of the slain. And woe be unto him who would commit the sacreligious act of breaking the seal, or the unpardonable sin of attempting to resuscitate the loathsome corpse!

We are pledged to discountenance whatever tends to weaken loyalty. By this I understand that we are not only to discountenance positive acts that tend to weaken loyalty, but we are to denounce and oppose that supineness and indifference that winks at the violation of law and suffers crime to go unpunished. For I know of nothing more calculated to weaken the spirit of loyalty than the failure to punish those guilty of the law's infraction, and especially is this true where the crimes committed are of great enormity or atrocity. There can be no greater crime against, society than that of taking human life for political causes. In this government every citizen has the right to take pari in public affairs. He has the right to speak his sentiments whenever and wherever he pleases so long as his utterances do not violate the law of the land, and he who interferes with or deprives any citizen of this right should meet a swift and terrible punishment. Any man with the proper qualifications has the right to offer himself as a candidate for office, and there exists a corresponding right, on the part of each legal voter to vote for any man he may choose, and the man who would by murder or intimidation prevent the exercise of these rights is a viper in society and his head should be crushed under the heel of the people as you would crush the head of a poisonous serpent. It is a deplorable fact that these rights have been frequently violated since the war in certain sections of our country, and it is not only a humiliating but a dangerous fact that the perpetrators of these outrages, even in cases of murder, have found numerous apologists for, and justifyers of their conduct. It has, in some instances, been urged as an excuse and in mitigation—if not in justification—of the act, that the persons murdered were depraved, wicked and dangerous, and that society, therefore, lost nothing by their death.

Still more—and it is a matter of the deepest concern to us all—a matter that threatens the very existence of our institutions, these excuses have in most cases been considered sufficient, and very few of the many outlaws who have thus trampled upon the rights of society have been brought to justice. He who measures the crime by the value to society of the life that has been taken lias a very superficial idea of the character and nature of the crime. It is false and dangerous logic to say that society has only suffered to the extent of the value to her of the life that has been destroyed It is not the loss of a human life that constitutes the real grievance, for men are dying every day, yet the affairs of Government and

cons pact has been broken in its most sacred part. Governments are institutions created by men for the purpose of protecting human life, and of promoting the welfare and happiness of the governed. There is a compact, an agreement existing between the people of a Government, that each will abide by the rules or laws that shall from time to time be adopted to regulate his conduct, and, in return for this agreement to submit to the laws, each shall re* ceive for his person, his property, wad the privileges which the law guarantees, the protection that the united power of all can afford. In murdering a human being under any circumstances, and more especial ly where political hate is the inspiring cause, the slayer commits the gravest offence—treason excepted—that can be perpetrated.

Qndeed

He breaks faith with you

and me, and every member of society, In a matter that Is of the most vital Importance to all. It is a duty that we owe to our selves, if we would reap the benefits of the first, the highest, the most important object of organized society—the security of human life—that we rest not silent while the guilty perpetrator of the crime goes unpunished. The failure to enforce Ute law brine* It into disrespect and con-

lobedience to#s mandates be•e frijjquent, ana disoqedienco jb ij&y- J'

tempt, diso comes more law is dislo

But, perhaps the violation o|p no riptt,' more injuriously affects the spirit offloyulty, endangers th'glfeauseof riBfertiv justice and equal jights, has A ^reater tendency to incite tq insurrection or rebellion, or more imperils the- existehcc of our free institutions, than the violation of the right of the elective franchise. It is a part of the compact,exbtiM between, the people of our Nation, that the will of the majority, ascertained by the free expression of the opinions of all, by means of the ballot, shall control. It follows, therefore, that to obtain this expression of the popular will, each legal voter must be permitted to exercise this high privilege uninfluenced by fear or favor. No man nas the right to know how his fellow-man votes nor to

uestion his motives for voting as he does, so tenderly does the law guard this inestimable gift of a free government, that the voter cannot be compelled against his will, even as a witness in court, to disclose the nature of his vote. His vote is his own. In it no other man has any interest except that of protecting the voter in the exercise of the right. He, therefore, who being lawfully entitled to vote, haa been deterred by violence, or threats of violence, from exercising this right, or has been forced against his will to vote contrary to his sentiments, has been robbed of a privilege, the right to exercise which is the very foundation upon which his consent to submit to the laws rests. Not only has the compact been broken in a part upon which rests the cousent of him who has been denied the free exercise of the right, of the elective franchise, but the

lie right, ot ine elective irnncnise, mu

Viewed in this light—and that it is sound in reason, I do not believe will be questioned—our humiliation can be scarcely less than that of him whose rights have been denied. More especially docs the denial of this right affect the people of the whole Nation where it occurs iir the electron of National officers, for instance that of Congressmen. Congress is the National legislature it makes the laws of the Nation these laws are the supreme law of the land and to them we owe a paramount allegiance. Now let us suppose that a representative in Congress owes his election to the fact that a certain class of citizens were prevented by threats, and fhrough fear of violence from voting, or was compelled to vote contrary to their sentiments—and this is not by any means a violent supposition—is not every impartial mind forced to admit that the lawis enacted by tbe Congress in which the Congressman thus elected takes part, are not laws enacted by a Congress, chosen by a free expresion of the popular will? And is it not plain that we may thus have forced upon us laws, which under the terms of the original compact, we never agreed to accept? Laws thus obtained can not inspire very great respect in the hearts of a tree people. If we would discountenance that which tends to weaken loyality we must be fearless in our denunciation of the outlaws who thus disregard their obligations, and violate the right of eltizenahip! Nay, more, we must not content ourselves with denouncing the outrage, but must keep up the agitation until the strong hand of the Government is put forth to suppress the vice and punish the offender.

If I had the language at my command I would at this point attempt to portray the character of the wretch in human shape who would thus set at defiance the laws of the land, and arrogate to himself the right to determine how and when a certain man, or a class of men, should vote, but I must pass him by in silence. He is so low, so degraded that the English vocabulary furnishes no language sufficient to express my abhorence for him or describe his deej) and damning villainy. If we would inspire a deep feeling of loyalty, perpetuate our free institutions and advance the cause of universal liberty, justice and equal rights, we must see that the power of the government is unsparingly used in the protection of the right of the citizen to the enjoyment of liberty and property free speech, the elective franchise, to an equal share in the benefit of our institutions, and to emigrate to any part of the National domain and there

Susiness

ursue in peace, unmolested, any lawful or occupation. Comrades—I am admonished that I have extended these remarks quite far enough, and I am sensible, also, or the fact that you need not be urged to duty. You need Dut to know your duty, and it is done. You were soldiers of the Republic when its life hung in the balance. You faltered not then in your defense of the grand principles upon which it is founded, and I Feel assured that you will not hesitate now. The love of liberty, humanity, justice and equal rights, that animated you then, led you to sacrifice the pleasures and enjoyments of home, to break asunder the strong, yet tender ties, that bound you to relatives and friends, and to endure the hardships and dangers of a relentless, cruel, bloody war, still burns in your manly bosoms and while a member of the Grand Army of the Republic lives, there will be one to assist the oppressed, one to hold up the hands of the unfortunate and encourage them in their struggle to improve their condition one to oppose every attack upon our free institutions one to battle for liberty and National unity!,

THE many friends of Gen Lew Wallace in this city—and there is a big lot of them —will read with pleasure this comment on his first message to the Territorial Legislature of New Mexico, from the Denver Tribune:

He is terse and frank, if not stalwart— a man, we should judge from this paper, inclined to accept things as they are and make the best of them by improving and altering them. He is not a revolutionist. Not as bold and assertive as was Gov Axtell, he has the advantage of not being as rash wn/t indiscreet. He accomplishes as much for his people aa Gov Axtell could have done, and yet does nothing to injure himself with the public or the authorities. Gov Wallace is evidently working to reconcile tbe variooa factions in New Mexico, and if he succeeds in this, he will have accomplished a stupendous work

M&itor

me

eniftl of the right to him is a violation of he compact that equally affects all. We lay not feel the humiliation, the smart,

the may the*sting, felt by him whose rights arc thus trampled under foot, but it is, nevertheless, an equal violation of our rights for it is only to the will of the majority ascertained by the free expression of opinion by all that we have agreed to submit.

N6KB88IONALKAC& rdaville Journal, Feb. 81. I am often asked if I bmit my name to the appublican Convention as a

candidate for Congress. To satisfy what seems to be a reasonable desire, I will say that I do, and that I should esteem tho nomination a great compliment. If nom*inated I will do all I honorably can to* secure my election. With this simple statement, I shall leave the convention froe to make such selection as may seem to it best. .. ^P. S. KENNEDY.

THE Western Union Telegraph Com pany have published in a neat pamphlet the text of the bill, introduced at its instance in Congress, to guard the inviolability of telegrams, together with a brief explanation of the objects of the le^tela||. tion and copious extracts from the presfif in all parts of the country endorsing the bill. The DAH,Y NEWS desire^ to plscfy itself on record as squarely in favor of the bill. Telegrams should be aa inviolable as letters and Legislative and Congres-/ sional committees should no more be permitted to drag-net the telegraph office for despatches than they should be to drag** net the Postofflce for letters which it might be claimed would aid the Government In unmasking crime.

WnETiiKR it is the influence of the unusual weather this winter or not, it is re* markablc how the matrimonial market" lias boomed. This is as it should be, for many apparent reasons and, too, the lawyerslook upon the increase with complacent, not to say avaricious, minds, fQAiT. there has been also a booming in the .. divorce business.

TIIR negro exodus may be bad in the matter of causing a dearth in the labor market and inconvenience to Southern planters, and it may subject the negro to much suffering but there cau be. no excuse for undertaking to restrict it by legislation. Freedom to change One's home is as essential as freedom to vote.

Do not overlook the announcement of the address of Mr Kennedy, before tho Y. M. Republican Club, at Dowling Hall, tQ night. The club invite the ladies to'turn out, as well as the men.

LEE O. HARRIS, of Greenfield, author of "The Man who Tramps," received a patent the other day for a bulletin board*

I And I!M aLonxPole. Terr® ITnuto Mail. Gen A. D. Streight is looming up as a candidate for Governor, several counties having instructed for him. From his headquarters in the Grand Hotel he Is making a vigorous canvass, and our own General Hunter will need to get around pretty lively if he means to scoop the persimmon.

1 ... OBITUARY. .-v~- John Daimldson. DANALDRON—-In this city, February 21. at 2 o'clock A M, of a chronic Inflammation. JOHN DANAJLUSON, aged 81 ycara. 3 months and 14 days.

The deceased was bom in Clark county, Kentucky, December 7, 1798, in that part'* of the State now known as the "Blue Grass region." He was the second son of the late Col John Danaldson, who commanded the Eighteenth Kentucky Volunteers at tho battle of the Thames. Ho left his father's farm at the age of 15, and was taken into the store of his uncle, Major Wm. P. Fleming, at Flemingsburg, Ky., where he learned the dry goods business, in which he remained until 1840, a,t which time he removed to this city.

At Flemingsburg, tho deceased was one of the prominent citizens of the State, and stood deservedly high in the estimation of the whole county, most of whom he knew personally was a popular merchant and universally esteemed. He at* tended closely to his business, and his correct conduct made liim many friends. He had no enemies. His only recreation was with his fishing rod and his percussion rifle, the very first gun of the kind he brought to the county, and was considered 50 years ago a great curiosity, lie took much delight in exhibiting and describing his gun to his friends. He would say: iir, w^en the cap is put on this nipple, and the hammer falls upon it, a stream of fire walks down into the chamber and utterly prohibits anything like a flash in the pan."

Nearly eveir Fall he was in the habit of visiting the Klnnikinnick hills in the adMi1 joining county of Lewis, whe|e hi« 6nc-| ceis in deer slaying was proverijial. Bemg* a first-rate shot, he was usually more successful in securing game than anv of the company who were with him. The same success attended his fishing excursion^ and since he has resided here, there are points on the Wabash known and dedicated to his name.

As a husband, father or citizen, there were few better men than the deceased. Having lived a correct life, his death is doubtless a change for the better, and his severe suffering during his illness has pre pared his spirit for happiness in the world to come.

Out of a family of eight children, two of whom, young men, fell in the late rebellion, he leaves only a wlckw nnd two daughters to lament his loss. 1 $5

A good Qian and citizen has gone to his long home at the advanced age of more than 81 years* during which he has met the many changes of life with a courage and constancy that knew no abatement. H»died like one goijUgto sleep jn pleasant dreams

amidst

a bed of fragrant flowers.

Welghmasters' Books at the Globe Office. Those having hay and coal scales will find these books just what they want. Will endeavor to keep them always on h4nd C. W. BROWX.

C. W? Brown gives his personal attend tion to all departments of hjs business, and those entrusting a job to hfcn in either branch may confidently rely upon getting just what they order. His experience as a practical workman enables him to what the public require.