Democratic Sentinel, Volume 22, Number 18, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 7 May 1898 — POLICS OF THE DAY [ARTICLE+ILLUSTRATION]

POLICS OF THE DAY

WHO WILL PAY WAR TAXES?

Judging from the last report sent out from Washington about the war taxation bill, the corporations will not escape as easily as they expected to. The stamp taxes of the civil war period are to- be revived almost in their entirety. Everything in the nature of an order to pay money, or a promise to pay Jt, is to bear a stamp from two cents up to dollars, as was the case formerly, and new sources of revenue are found In tbe express business, where each package handled appears to be scheduled to pay from one cent up. Life Insurance corporations also are going to be compelled to contribute to a considerable degree, but that will probably be taken first of all from the policy holders- As the bill is sairl to stand, it imposes a tax of 20 cents on every SI,OOO ors insurance, which is likely to amount to a considerable sum. Patent medicine corporations are also coming In again for a considerable tax —probably a cent on every twenty-five cents’ worth—retail price—of nostrums put on the market. Mineral waters, In bottles—in which a large trade is done now—are also liable to contribute heavily to the expense of the war with Spain. Every pint is to pay a cent. These taxes will, however, not furnish the b«ulk of the $120,000,000 or more a yeax that it is proposed to raise in addition to what the present Dingley law brings in. The largest amount to be obtained from a single industry is expected to be secured by Increasing the tax on beer from $1 to $2 a barrel. In this way about $40,000,000, or onethird of the whole additional revenue, Is to be raised. Tobacco, including cigarettes, is to furnish another $20,000,000 or more.

It is a satisfaction to know that the Congressmen having the framing of the bill in charge are not yet agreed as to the wisdom of taxing tea and coffee. A duty of 10 cents a pound was at first proposed on the former and a duty of three cents on the latter, but the question whether the masses were to be-singled out to pay more than their share of the cost of the war lias frightened the attorneys of the rich, who have been running this Congress pretty much as they pleased. There is ervery probability now, therefore, that the distribution of the burden of taxation for the conduct of the war will be made on tolerably equitable lines, which, under the circumstances, is something to be devoutly thankful for.—New York News. An Income Tax Proposed. Hon. Mr. Cox of Tennessee has introduced into the House of Representatives a bill to levy an annual tax of two per cent, upon all incomes. So that the income, tax question, which the Supreme Count of the United States equally failed to settle, has again arisen, and stalks abroad like an uneasy ghost. It has been usual for the opponents of the Income Tax to excuse or account for its adoption h(y the Federal Government during the Civil War by saying that it was then resorted to in a time of public danger, “as a war power.” If that were a good excuse in the.war with the South, it might be claimed to be a good excuse during a war with Spain, such as we are now entering upon. But nobody, w T e suppose, who advocates the Income Tax, hopes to establish it by -claiming it as a Avar power only. The Democratic platform of 189 G calls for the re-enactment of an Income Tax, and Mr. Bryan ran as the champion of that demand for the Presidency in that year. Moreover, that platform took a direct issue with the Supreme Court of the United States, as then constituted. It declared that to defeat the Income Tax the present Judges had overruled the ablest among their predecessors wiio had sat on that bench. And it pledged the Democratic party to the support of the principle involved, “to the end that wealth may bear its due proportion of <the expenses of the Government.” . The Income Tax in the Civil War was enacted by Republicans. Biut Mr. Cox is not likely to get many Republican votes in the House for his new proposal.

Passing of Sherman. There is pathos in the passing of John Sherman, now ex-Secretaa-y of State. The story of his appointment to a position he was not capable of filling is an unpleasant page in the history of McKinley’s administration. Through this story runs the plot to make Mark Hanna a Senator of the United States. McKinley recognized Hanna as the maker of his presidential fortunes and felt under obligations to repay him for services rendered. Hanna Avould not accept a cabinet position, but had an ambition to go to the Senate. Sherman was persuaded to resign his seat In the upper house and to accept the portfolio of state. r £his made the way open for Hanna, and Gov. Bushnell of Ohio was forced, much against his will, to appoint Hanna a Senator to fill out Sherman’s unexpPred term. As was suggested at> the time when this trade was made, Sherman, through the infirmities of age, Avas not equal to the task imposed on him. So far as Hanna is concerned, he has proved his unfitness for a Senator’s position. He has done nothing worthy since he took Sherman’s place, and his election for another term was one of the greatest scandals in the history of scandalous proceedings. After forty years of public life Sherman retires under the shadow of failure. It’s a sad story, with an unfortunate ending.—Chicago Dispatch.

Government by Injunction. In a letter to Mr. C. Hammond, written from Monticello, Aug. 18, 1821, Jefferson said: “It has long been my opinion, and I have never shrunk from Its expression, that the germ of the dissolution of our Federal Government Is In the constitution of our Federal judiciary, an Irresponsible body (for impeachment is scarcely a scarecrow), working like gravity by night and by day, gaining a little to-day and a little to-morrow, and advancing its noiseless step like a thief over a field of jurisdiction until all shall be usurped.” The great mind of this man foresaw in advance that the time might come when the enemies of freedom in America would attempt to overthrow, as they have done at last, by declaring that a Federal judge at his pleasure can abolish trial by jury, and keep an American citizen in jail as long as he pleases, without any other form of trial than the mere passing of sentence from the beacb—tb© Judge on tyhlch i« eyery

such case is not only the judge bat the accuser. But the same statesman who pointed out in advance the great dangers which have since overtaken us, wrote also, as the fundamental rule of practical government, “Trust the people.” We can afford to wait, secure in the belief that no matter how great the wrong, ft will have an adequate remedy. Popular Government Loans. There is a moral and patriotic phrase to a popular loan that makes it worth more than the money consideration. The citizen with ?50 invested in the nation’s paper takes on a new dignity and a new feeling of responsibility. The early Athenians taught us this: When armies were raised and campaigns fought through popular subscriptions it was as easy again as when the same results were sought through taxation. Let this government take the great commonplace into its confidence and make them feel as though they were part and parcel of the'momentous affairs which are now developing and which will develop so rapidly in the nearby future.—Kansas City Journal. Trusts Number Two Hundred Now. An expert who has canvassed the growth of trusts finds that' fully 200 such organizations are now in existence, with a total capital in stocks and bonds of 13,662,000.000. This does not include many business and manufacturing combinations in process of formation, for there is scarcely a week that the announcement of a new pool or trust of gigantic proportions is not made. The capitaltaation claimed for existing trusts is equal to 5G per cent, of the aggregate capital credited to all manufactures in the United States by the census of 1890.—New York Journal of Commerce. Wanamaker’s Big Job. It now seems certain that John Wanamaker’s second fight against Quay will fail as signally as did his first. It appears that the majority of the Republicans in Pennsylvania are not shocked by the exposure of Quay’s methods. On the contrary they seem to be highly pleased with them. The downfall of Quay has been predicted in every contest he has had for years, but he is still the boss of his party In Pennsylvania, and he will probably remain so as long as he pleases—Atlanta Journal. Valor on Many Fields. It has been discovered that the southern troops can stand the climate in Cuba better than the rest of the boys. But “climate” is not all that the southern troops can stand. If the experience of the past is worth anything it is certain they can stand a pretty gooddeal of fighting—“fuc- off, or close quarters.”—Atlanta Journal.