Democratic Sentinel, Volume 21, Number 14, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 2 April 1897 — POLITICS OF THE DAY [ARTICLE+ILLUSTRATION]

POLITICS OF THE DAY

PROSPERITY AND CONFIDENCE. The prosperity which the Republicans promised the country would follow their success at rhe last election has not yet materialized, and it is now generally conceded that no legislation at Washington is likely to bring it on, L-for the very goal reason that it is not within the power of Congress or the President, or the two together, to do so.j The campaign talk about its advent was based on either deep ignorant eof tlie situation, or was deliberate, do ruright lying. 'J here is no doubt that the real cause tv I r business does no-t pick up, as the Re ntblieaiis claimed it would with the ele hiou of their candlates, is that there is , rhe same hick of confidence in the 'future that existed two years or more ago. The scheme to re-enact rhe high McKinley tariff does not strike the public as particularly wise, and few students of the conditions existing throughout the world can see any benefit to he derived from it. Such a policy, they perceive, will only have a tendency to keep alive an agitation that should have been quieted long ago. The financial situation also has not been improved through the success of the Republicans. It is only too apparent now that the party leaders only used the sqp#ijJ-pvouey cry iu order to fool enough voters to enable them to carry the election. They have no intelligent policy as to the future, and there is no telling to-day, any more than there was before McKinley’s nomination at St. Imuis, as to what they will try to do with tbe banking and currency problem. If the Republican party were united, and,had auy broad views as to the needs of the country, it could doubtless do a good deal toward restoring confidence* *he lack of which its leading men are still bewailing. Its elements are not sufficiently harmonious, however, and it has so few ideas beyond those needed to.satisfy the spoilsseekers and t-lie monopolists that even those Democrats who were • inveigled into believing in its claims ton liberal and- national character have to hide their heads when they reflect on their credulity. Confidence is a plant of slow growth, Indeed, when it depends on Republican nursing. In the case of the United States At the present time its coming Into healthful existence again awaits tlie development of the Demoeratlc policy as to the future.

Cnllotn Ate Hi* Leek,

Senator Cullom is angry. He has told Mark Hanna all about it. and if the President again flattens him out and rolls over him he will declare war. When he does there will be others behind him, because the Republican Senators are chafing while the President is rewarding his personal friends and forcing them to indorse the men in advance. Senator Cullom’s grievance results from the appointment of Cluirles U. Gordon, the new postmaster at Ohieggo. He was a violent auti-Cullom man before the St. Louis convention, yet Culloin had to indorse him or retire to the backwoods while “Billy” Mason got all of the Illinois plums. Senator Cnlloni has informed Mr. Hanna that he will not continue to yield to the President’s personal interests in these appointments-auy longer. Senator Foraker, of Ohio, has also kicked over the traces, and, as told iu a Chicago paper, he threatens to defeat Bellamy Storer’s confirmation, if he is given any first-class appointment. This is another case where the President desires to consult his own interests exclusively and without considering the wishes of the leaders. Every appointment rhe President has made, it 1s claimed, has been in pursuance of his policy to reward friends. This was the case with respect to the appointment Powell Clayton, of John Hay. of Cousin Osborne and others. All these were the President’s own personal nominations and were made as rewards for distinguished services rendered. The biggest plum for the Illinois delegation is the postmasterahip at Chicago. The President selected one of his own men for it and then called upon Senators Cullom and Mason to indorse him. Cullom hesitated, but the President insisted and the Senator had to either indorse him or abandon hope of auy patronage at all. In the grist of Indianapolis appointments made recently the Indiana delegation had to swallow with the best grace possible the President’s selections and indorse them with a wry face. It is becoming apparent that there will be serious opposition to the attempt of Mr. Hanjw;-jt|) "make good all of the promises he made in Wife campaign for Mr. McKinley and trouble is brewing for the President.

Dingley to Ontdo McKinley. The original McKinley bill was known throughout the country and condemned at the polls as the “worse-than-war tariff.” This was not an exaggeration. But the Dingley bill, as framed, threatens a “worse-than-McKinley tariff.” It will not only tax more articles than did its abominable forerunner, butVill tax them for the most part and on au average higher. When DingleyIsm exceeds McKinleyism it is evident that the framers of the new tariff law think that the voters have little sense and very short memories.—New York •World.

Sample of How Trusts Work. Before the formation of the rubber trust Bristol, R. 1., had a rubber factory employing 2,500 persons. The trust reduced the number of “hands” until Only 500 found work, and now even these are to be thrown out of employment. the plant being closed In the process of concentration, whjch Is part of the policy of all trusts. Tills little town, at least, has had a bitter trust object lesson.—St. Louis Post-Dis-patch.

What They Fear Is Discussion. Repnbllenn organs and leaders have been pleading for haste In the passage at the bill. The fact is that it is not

delay that is so much feared by tffie Republicans as a delate of the tariff schedules. They fear exposure of the grabs concealed under rhe alleged desire to secure necessary revenue. They fear to let the new bill be publicly compared with the McKinley bill, and the object of the various Items of the measure brought to light. It might be fatal to the pretense of opposition to trusts and monopolies which Mr. Hanna marked out as the course of the administration. It might show the reason for some of the large contributions to the Republican campaign fund.—St. Louis Republic.

A New Era. With the campaign of 1896 the Democratic party entered upon a new era, with new men participating iu its leadership and new ideas fermenting among its masses. It was defeated, Just as it had been in 1790, one hundred years before, when Thomas Jefferson was beaten for President by John Adams, and whoa the people were yet In that recipient and preparatory stage through which a generation often passes from reflection to positive action. Iu 1890, as in 1790, they were learning the new political issues; in 1900, as in 18(H), they will emphatically adopt them. As the Democratic Presidential convention brought out William J. Bryan, comparatively unknown thitherto, ns our party leader, so the Democrats of the House of Representatives have now brought out a new man—new at least to us of the Eastern States—as the leader of our Congressional forces. Mr. Bailey of Texas takes up the championship at a time of depression and disaster, but with a resolution and a capacity which augur well for the conflicts of the future. He hns sounded the keynote against the Diugley tariff bill, and has placet! himself and his party upon ground on which we nil can stand in opposition to its principle and to its details. The following one of his utterances Is a maxim. It deserves to bo remembered by every citizen who takes an Interest iu public affairs: "I was taught to believe that economy is a cardinal virtue In a government like ours, and that extravagance is not only a burden upon the taxpayers, but is a crime ngainst the Republic, because it is as impossible for an extravagant government to avoid becoming a corrupt government ns It Is for a spendthrift to preserve either his money or his good name.” The Democratic party of the future, under the guidance of men holding the above views, cannot fall to be the party of the people.—New York News.

McKinley’# Costly Method. We oan agree with the President that more revenue Is desirable If the present extravagant scale of expenditures Is to be kept up. We can agree with him that what is to be-done to raise this revenue should be done with ns little delay as possible, now Ihnt Congress has been convened at this unusual season for that purpose. We cannot agree with him as to the best method for raising that revenue. Certainly the method which I’resident McKinley proposes and which Congress will doubtless follow, aiming at both increased revenues and increased protection, Is bound to be an unnecessarily costly and unjustly burdensome one.—Louisville Courier-Journal.

Hanna's Scheme of Cloture. It Is with a definite object, not connected with the general reform of Senatorial proceedings, that Senator Hoer Is Interesting himself to a revival of the agitation for a change in the%ena te's rules. There can be no doubt tlfltt back of the propositions of Senatoh Hoar Is a scheme of the Republican leaders to railroad the tariff bIU through the Senate. By cutting off roll calls and closing debate by a majority vote Hanna and 'the high protection coterie in control of the administration could gain time and shut out many damaging exposures of the purposes of the tariff bill.—St. Louis Republic.

Too Much Power Assumed by Reed. It is certain that the Constitution never contemplated the resting of so much power in one man as has been assumed by the Speakers as Congress in recent years, and it is equally certain that an effort to reform this evil will meet with popular applause. The functions of parliamentary rules are fully performed when they provide for an orderly conduct of public business, and when they go beyond that and give any Congressman powers or privileges greater than another they become revolutionary and un-Amenicnn.—Kansas City Journal.

Poll ical Notea. Trusts have no polities. They pretend to be Democratic when the Democrats are in power and Republican when the Republicans are in control. They seek favors from each party.— St. Louis Globe-Democrat. Speaker Reed will be able to understand the trouble the people of Arkansas, Missouri and Louisiana are having just now to keep the Mississippi from overflowing its banks When he starts in to keep the new members from talking too much.—Kansas City Times. A glance over the list of ofllces Mr. Cleveland neglected to-place under the w'ings of the civil service law has convinced President McKinley that there are not enough remaining places to supply the surviving members of his, old regiment.—New York Journal. , There begins to be talk in Washington about the new administration “letting down the bars” just a little bit—not much, but just enough—so that office seekers may get a chance at the places closed to them by recent extensions of the civil service rules.—Baltimore Sun. i Increased tariff rates will give advantages to special interests; higher prices can be got for their goods In the home market; combinations and trusts can be formed in these trades, but for the general business of the country foreign competition will not restricted.—New York Times.