Democratic Sentinel, Volume 20, Number 41, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 16 October 1896 — Page 1

VOLUME XX

DEMOCRATIC TICKET.

For President, WILLIAM J. BRYAN, Of Nebraska. For Vice-President, ARTHUR SEW ALL, 01 Maine.

State Ticket. Governor—B. F. SHIVELY. Lieut.-Gov.—JOHN C. LAW LEE. Appellate Judges, First District—EDWlN TAYLOR. Second- “ FRANK E. GAVIN. Third ’ THEODORE DAVIS. Fourth ' ORLANDO LOTZ. Fifth * GEORGE E. ROSS. State Secretary' 8. M. RALSTON. State Auditor -JOS. T. FANNING. State 'ireas’rer—MOßG, CHANDLER. Attfy General—J- G. Mc?’UTT. Sup. Court Rep.—HENRY WARRUM. Bupt. Pub. Inst.—W. B. SINCLAIR. State Statistician—o. H. DOWNEY. For Congress —Tenth District, MARTIN T. KREUGER. Joint Representative, WILLIAM W FILMAN Judge 30th Judiciel Circuit, WILLIAM DARROCH Prosecuting At.orney 30th Circuit, MEADE 8 HAYS Democratic County Ticket. Treasurer—AMMON BEASLEY. Recorder—JUDSON J. HUNT. Sheriff—FßANK FISHER. Surveyor—EUGENE DILLEY. Assessor—AUSTlN N. LAKIN. Coroner—WILLIAM W REEVE Commissioner, Ist Diet. Wm. COOPER ■ 2d *W. D. BRINGLE

LOWEST YET FOR CORN?’

Yesterday when work was ever. And the evening doting down, Heading through the evening paper News of country and of town. Glancing at commercial columns To learn how trade had ruled since morn, I saw, in striking type, a headline Reading: “Lowest yet far corn!" ••Lowest yet for corn!” What of it 7 Surely, nothing new to hear; Every week tells the same story, Month by month and year by year, ••Lowest yet for corn!” Consider— Though the story may be old— There are those who have to suffer Every time the tale is told. Every time the tale’s repeated Unto ears well-nigh forlorn Some surviving hope’s defeated, Hearing: “Lowest yet for corn.* Bat I fancy some are saying: "It is safe at all events; Safe to say Chicago market Won’t go under twenty cents} W i those fearless speculators the chance before them her They’ll become bold operators”— And—“ There’s nothing left to fear." We have heard some such assertion Bravely made from year to year; “Lower than this last quotation, There is nothing left to fear." “Nothing left to fear!” Where are they? Who are left with strength to cope With this ever-downward pressure? No! There’s nothing left to hope! Nothing left to hope; if wisdom Has not yet the lesson taught, Dy the striking down of silver Has the wretched wreck been wrought. Nothing left to hope! Remember! Back in eighteen seventy-three Gold and silver both sustained us, Silver coinage then was free. Unrestrained each noble metal Aided all the works of man, 'r Each in turn relieved the other * ;i '• On the bimetallic plan. Ij j Only once or twice this nation ' "’ T ." Had endured a panic’s sway, ’ Now, like any poor relation. Panic comes full-dressed to stay! • Dismal periods of depression, Disappointment on all hands. See us raise in sad succession Half-priced crops on mortgaged lands. Half-priced crops, which in the selling, Leave such small rewards to toll, Sorrow quarters in the dwelling Of the tiller es the soil. Cunning tricksters said though silver Had been been king in days of yore, Now its royal reign was ended, It should be free-coined no' more. Thus by tricks that treason played us, • Blivet's coinage rights were sold; And Che crime’s results have made us Slaves to Europe and to gold. J»at!ently till now we’ve borne it, But the outlook growing worse, Xove of country! Love of freedom! Call us now to end the eurse. We have got a heaven-selected Champion by God’s good grace, •?/. IBryan—by our votes elected — To the nation's highest place. JBryan, and our silver treasure, Free-coined debars bright as mom, JBanish sorrow! Welcome pleasure! Danish "Lowest yet tor CornX’ _H.de B.

The Democratic Sentinel.

THE CRIME OF

THE GREAT CONSPIRACY LAK) BARE BY GEO. C. GORMAN. The Dark Methods Ueod by Senator Bh—man and Others to Secure the Deewsetlsatlon of Sllvar—Statements of Sens tors and Members on the Subject. Colonel George C. Gorman, for many years resided in California, and wks a member of the national Republican committee from that state from 1848 to 1880. He was secretary of the United States senate from 1888 to 187#, and was in the national political councils of the Grant and Conkling element. He edited The National Republican at Washington for four years. For more than twenty years he has favored the restoration es the free coinage of silver, and left the Republican party in June last, when it adopted the gold standard, and is now an earnest supporter of Bryan and Sewell. He has written the following letter: The Hon. Charles P. Johnson, St Louis, Mo.—Dear Sir: In compliance with your request I present the following narrative of the steps which led to the demonetization of silver in the United States in 1873, and the methods adopted to accomplish that result: The national debt at the close of the civil war was about 32,500,000,000, the principal being payable by law in any legal tender money, and the interest in coin. Certain great banking houses of Europe—following the example set by their predecessors in England immediately ater the fall of Napoleon, and setting an example which was followed by their class in Germany after the Franeo-Prussian war —Inaugurated a scheme to greatly enhance the value of this vast obligation by making it payable In gold and then Increasing the value of gold. The Methods Adopted. This involved two legislative measures: First. Such changes in the laws of the United States as would provide for the payment of the principal of the bonds in coin only, and would forbid the payment of any portion of it prior to the resumption of specie payment, in legal tender treasury notes, in which it was expressly made payable by the law authorizing the issue of the bonds, and in exchange for which, when greatly depreciated, they had all been issued. Second. The demonetization of silver in the United States so that coin would mean gold only, and the value of that metal at the same time be greatly enhanced. The Hon. John Sherman, a senator from Ohio, became the ehief promoter

of this foreign scheme. On the 18th of May, 1867, being then on a visit to Paris and having just visited London, he addressed a letter to the United States commissioner to the international conference on coinage, weights and measures, then in session , in the former city. In that letter, which was published, he strongly urged the adoption of the gold standard, and said of his own country: "As coin is not now in general circulation we can easily fix by law the size, weight and measure of future issues." The conference adopted the gold standard, and our commissioner reported that this result was largely due to the letter of Mr. Sherman. Senator Sherman next attempted to "easily fix by law” in this coutntry the new monetary system so essential to the success of the scheme above described. To that end', on the Bth of February, 1868, he introduced in the senate a bill (No. 217) to demonetize silver by discontinuing the coinage of the silver dollar. He reported this bill favorably from the finance committee, but Senator E. D. Morgan, of New York, vigorously antagonized it in a minority report, in which, after showing the advantages to the United States of continuing the double standard, he said: “We have a distinctive American policy to work out—one sufficiently free from the traditions of Europe to be suited to our peculiar situation, and the genius of our enterprising countrymen.” From this stalwart blow by the great merchant senator from New York the bill never recovered. Mr. Sherman never again called it up. The movement for a gold standard was not renewed in any quarter until neatly two years afterwards, and more than a year after the expiration of Senator Morgan’s term of office. Strengthening the Bondholders. Meanwhile, in obedience to the concerted newspaper clamor inspired by the operators in bonds, congress passed the act of March, 1869, "To strengthen the public credit,” by which, without any consideration whatever, the principal of the bonds of the government, then payable in any lawful money, was made payable in,, oolp only. The advantage this gave to the bondholders will be apparent when we consider that the major portion of the bonds were by law redeemable in any lawful money at the pleasure of the United States. The act of 1869, to strengthen the purses of the bondholders, surendered this privilege and bdund the government to redeem in coin, then at an enormous premium. This was followed, July 14, 1870, by the refunding act, under which existing bonds were authorized to be converted into bonds payable, principal and interest, ‘in the coin of the United States of the present standard value.” That is to say, the value of July 14, 1870. Silver dollars were at that time equally with gold a full legal tender. A second unsuccessful attempt at the demonetization of silver was inaugurated on the 25th of April, 1870, by the introduction in the senate by Senator Sherman of "a bill (No. 859) revising the laws relating to the mint, assay offices and coinage of the United States.” It contained seventy-one sections, the fifteenth of which gave a list of all silver coins to be thereafter issued, and the eighteenth of which prohibited the issuance of any not named therein. The I silver dollar was omitted from the list. The btii passed the senate Jan. 10,1871, but was never acted upon by the house. The Third and SueoessfUl Attempt. The third and finally successful mgyement for the demonetization of silver was the introduction in the house of representatives an the 9th of March, U7L fit “A "111 AMT W revising

RENSSELAER JASPER COUNT?, INDIANA FRIDAY OCTOBER 16 1896

amending the lews relative to mints, assay office and coinage of the United States.” It was introduced by Mr. Kelly, of Pennsylvania, chairman of the committee on coinage, and reported by him favorably from that committee on the 9th of January, 1872. He informed the house that it had been prepared in the treasury department for the purpose of and simplifying the mint laws, the only important change being the creation of a mint bureau in the treasury department It was recommitted Jan. 1# and again reported with amendments Feb. 9, 1872, this time by the Hon. Samuel Hooper of Massachusetts. He stated that the bill reduced the weight of the silver dollar from 412% grains to 384, but he did not state that it proposed, as it did, to demonetize silver by making the silver dollar a legal tender only in sums not to exceed $5. The bill then passed the house in the substitute form under a suspension of the rules. Ignorant of Its Contents. Mr. Kelly of Pennsylvania, who introduced the bill, declared on the floor of the house in 1878 that, though he was chairman of the committee on coinage, he was “Ignorant of the fact that it would demonetize the sliver dollar." (Congesslonal Record, vol. 7, part 2, page 1605.) Mr. Blaine, who was speaker of the house when the bill passed, declared on the floor of the senate in 1878 that he “did not know anything that was in the bill at all," and that “little was known or cared on the subject." (Same, page 1063.) Garfield declared that he knew nothing about it (Congressional record, vol. 7, part 1, page 989.) Mr. Holman of Indiana, declared that the passage of the bill through the house was a "collossal swindle,” and "never had the sanction of the house.” (Congressional record, vol. 4, part 6, appendix 193.) Mr. Cannon, of Illinois, safd: “Neither members of congress nor the people understood the scope of the legislate i." (Same, page 197.) In the senate the bill was taken up for consideration on the 17th of January, 1873, and debated and passed on that day. All the debate that was ever had upon It in that body took place on that date. The bill, as it passed the senate, contradicts in plain terms some positive assertions made by Mr. Sherman during the debate upon it as to the provisions it contained concerning the standard silver dollar. It demonetized silver, which he declared to the senate it did not. Mr Hooper had- misled the house by omissions, evasions and indirections; Mr. Sherman deceived the senate by direct misrepresentations. This was “the crime of 1873." The Proof of Deception. The ineffaceable proof of this serious accusation is contained in the report of the senate proceedings of Jan. 17, 1873, in the Congressional Globe, from which I will quote some passages: Congressional Globe, parts 1 and 2, third session, Forty-second congress, pages 661474.

There was no reference in the debate to the fact that the bill would abolish the legal tender quality of silver. The house bill changed the weight of the silver dollar from 412% grains to 384 grains, and made it, like the smaller coins, a legal tender for $5 only. Mr. Sherman had reported an amendment to strike this out, and insert instead a "trade” dollar, to weigh 420 grains, with the same limitation as to the legal tender quality. The bill prohibited the issuance from the mints of any coins not named therein. This was to make sure that the 412% grain dollar would not survive by any implication. The question may be asked how could Mr. Sherman thus deceive the senate. The reply is that the bill was being hurried through by him on his statement, at the outset, that its consideration "would not probably consume any more time than the time consumed in reading it.” That meant that its seventy-one sections contained nothing of sufficient importance to even require explanation by him, much less ,to call for debate. It was represented by him to be merely a bill to enact into law some changes in the mintage laws which the mint officers deemed necessary. He evidently satisfied senators that it was not worth their serious attention. Those who have any acquaintance with senate proceedings understand very well that such mere routine legislation as this was represented to be attracts no attention in the senate chamber. The senator in charge is trusted to truthfully state its objects, and no one thinks of doubting his word. The Testimony of Senators. That no suspicion was being entertained at the time that silver was being demonetized by the bill is evidenced from the declarations subsequentely made in the senate in 1878. On Feb. 15 of that year Senator Thurman said: "I cannot say what took place In the house, but know, when the bill was pending in the senate, we thought It was simply a bill to reform the mint, regulate coinage and fix up one thing and another, and there is not a single man in the senate, I think, unless a member of the committee from which the bill came, who had the slightest idea that it was even a squint towards demonetization.” On the same day Senator Allison said: “But when the secret history ot this bill comes to be told it will disclose the fact that ‘he house of representatives Intended to coin both silver and gold, and intended to place both metals upon the French relation instead of our own, which was the true scientific position of this subject in 1873.” On the 39th of January, 1878, Senator Beck said: "It (the bill demonetizing silver) never was understood by either house of congress. I say this with full knowledge of the facts. No newspaper reporter, and they are the most vigilant men I ever saw in obtaining information, discovered that it had been done." From the record, which I have faithfully reproduced, it is impossible to reach any other conclusion than that the confidence of the house was abused by Mr. Hooper, that the confidence of the senate was abused by Mr. Sherman and that by their joint efforts the most Important piece of legislation of the century was carried through congress by stealth and the double standard, which had existed by the will of the people fer more than eighty years, was was taken away from them without their consent or knowledge, in the interests of aliens, by the manipulations herein described. I am, very truly yours. GEORGE C. GORHAM. Washington, D. C., Sept 5, 1898.

“A FIRM ADHUMNCB TO OORRBCT PMWOTPTJW ■’

Extracts from the Speeches of the Democratic Candidate. “You tell me that we must have a gold standard because England has. I reply to you that we will have bimetallism and then let England have bimetallism because we have bimetallism.” “There Is no ground upon which the opposition is willing to fight this battle. They dare not declare in favor of the gold standard, because all history teaches that nothing but suffering has followed the experiment of a gold Standard.” "We have been opposed to the importation of criminals and paupers from abroad and we shall oppose the Importation of a financial system which is criminal and which makes paupers wherever it goes.” “The vote—not the bosses—ran the Chicago convention and I am proud to be the nominee of the convention which gave expression to the hope, the aspirations of the common people of the Democratic party.” “The gold used in the arts is increasing every year, and we shall reach a time—in fact, some insist that the time is already reached —when the total amount of gold produced every year will be needed for the arts, and leave no annual product to keep up with the demand for money.” “When these Republican politicians refuse to tell the American people what kind of a system they would have they must not expect the American people to put their financial affairs in the hands of those who do not know what ought to be done, or, if they do know, are determined not to let anybody else know what they know." “They tell us that the election of the Chicago ticket will drive gold from this country. I want you to remember that the mere nomination of a candidate for president on a free sliver platform has been bringing gold to this country tor the last few weeks.”

“If it is desirable to have money come from abroad, then it is evident that we have not enough money here now, and if we have not enough money now it is better to let the money come out of our mountains and be our own money than to borrow from abroad and have to pay it back with interest some time.” “We are sometimes accused of using extravagant language. But we do not have to use extravagant language. Whenever we want to be very emphatic we turn back to the utterances of men like Mr. Carlisle, who are now worshiping the gold calf, and use their language, to show what emphasis was before their hearts were turned from the people to Wall street.” "I am the nominee of three conventions, but I do not appeal to the votes of any man on the ground that I am nominated by his party. I have a higher claim to your suffrages than party ties can give me. I appeal to you as the only candidate to the presidency who believes that the American people can have a financial policy of their own.” “The Republican platform adopted at St Louis declares not that the gold standard is good, but that it must be maintained. How long? Until the American people are tired if it? No, they are tired of it now. Until the people desire to get rid of it? No, they desire to get rid of it now. How long? Why, we must maintain it until foreign nations desire us to get rid of it, and will let us get rid of it." “In my judgment the income tax is just. It is not war upon property, but it is a demand that those who have property and who demand the protection of that property by federal laws should be willing to support the government to which they look for that protection, and not seek to use the instrumentalities of government for their own benefit and throw the burden of supporting that government on the backs of those not able to bear it” “These assistant Republicans whose hearts are willing, but whose flesh is weak (laughter), may as well understand now that the contest in which we are engaged is not a contest for this year alone. I believe we shall win now. But whether we win now or not, we have begun a warfare against the gold standard which shall continue until the gold standard is driven from our shores back to England." “The Republican platform; declares we must maintain our present financial policy not until w 2 get tired of it, but until foreign nations get tired of It and consent for us to abandon 1. To my mind, no more Infamous proposition was ever indorsed by any pa: ty, and I cannot believe as I look into the faces of tens of thousands of free J merlcans throughout all these states |hat they are willing to trust the destinies of the people in the hands of foreigners, whom we can only reach by petition." “If anything is wrong with our laws we can ooneot them at the ballot, but

HANNA: ‘‘HE DIDN’T KNOW HIS BUSINESS" —San Francisco Examiner.

BRYAN’S SAYINGS.

if we transfer the legislative power from Washington to Lombard street our ballots cannot reacli them, and we can simply go upon bended knees and beg for sympathy and compasslop from those who have never known sympathy or compassion. Those who are denominated as money changers have never in all the history of the human race listened to anything but force. They have no heart. They cannot feel. They know nothing but greed and avarice, which have no conscience to which you can appeal.” “Democrats who believe in tariff reform and Republicans who believe in protection are able to get together when both recognize that the money question is superior to the tariff question. A Populist leader in this state well expressed the idea, when he said that, while he believed in Populist doctrines, yet he was willing to lay tome of them aside until he could get others. For instance, he said, while he believed in the government ownership of railroads, he did not want the government to own the railroads as long as the Rothschilds owned the government.”

“But we are notified that we cannot maintain the parity because Mexico cannot. livery man who thinks that this nation Is no greater than Mexico odght to vote the Republican ticket. It Is the only place that he will feel at home. [Applause.] This nation can do what Mexico cannot do. This nation can create a demand for silver ten times as great as any demand that can be crated in Mexico, and if there is a Republican who still doubts that this nation is greater than Mexico let him remember that the United States and Mexico together may be able to do what Mexico cannot do alone." "We apply the law of supply and demand to money. We say that the value of a dollar depends on the number of dollars and that you can raise the value of a dollar by making the dollars scarce, and we charge that our opponents are in favor of making the money scarce because they are controlled by those who want money dear. If you are in favor of dear money you ought to vote the Republican ticket. If you are in favor of making money the only thing which Is desirable to own and making property the thing that everybody wants to get rid of, you want to vote the Republican ticket, because the Republican party proposes to continue the present financial system, the object of which Is to make It more profitable to hoard money and get the Increase in the rise of the value of the dollar than to put that dollar to work employing labor and developing resources of this great country.”

Fruits of the Gold Standard.

Suppose that in 1892 a free silver president and congress had been elected and unlimited coinage at 16 to 1 inaugurated. Then suppose that these things had followed: The Industry of the country sandbagged, workihgmen thrown out of employment by the million, farmers unable to sell their products at a profit, bankruptcy hanging over countless thousands, banks everywhere so near the verge of insolvency owing to depreciation in value* that to press their debtors would mean ruin to themselves, our bond obligations Increased by $262,000,000 to keep gold in the treasury, payment of the public debt stopped, and a deficit in the revenue of $12,000,000 a month piling up—suppose all this under a silver administration, and who would there now be to question that our manifold calamities had been brought upon us by free coinage? All these disasters have befallen under a gold administration, and why should not the gold standard be charged with them? Present facts are better guides than the vaticinations of prophets of evil. Let the defenders of gold monometallism tell why it is that while their money system has been in existence the country has so suffered. As the gold men promise the people nothing more cheering than a continuance of this distress-breeding system,. It Is not clear why the people should rise with enthusiasm to vote for another four years of the gold standard and hard times. —New York Journal.

Will Make Money Easier.

Why should the money lenders want general prosperity in this country? The misfortunes of the masses makes It possible for them to lend their money at high rates of interest. When money is easy their business languishes. Had this country not been plunged into debt by the Cleveland administration It would not have been possible for a syndicate of Wall street money kings to lend the government an immense sum of money at a ruinous rate of in--terest. The free colnagp of silver will make money easier. That is what the money lenders fear. A vote for McKinley is a vote for more taxes and less money. A vote for Bryan is a vote for more money and IMNI t&XMa

WICKED COERCION.

PRAATIMD UPON KMPUOYEB BY BIS CORPORATION*.. o*aa*«M*d to Work tar McKinley or Lose Tkolr <T*k*—A* Agon* of Steo MoCormlok H*rvo.tiag Maohtne Company Who Would Mot BaMdoxod. The wholesale bulldozing of their employes by th* railroads and other great oorporatlons, to compel them to vote for McKinley, is a new feature of. American politics, and Is as Infamous 18 it is new. Weak attempts ar* occasionally mad* by the Republican managers to deny that such outrageous methods are being used to secure votes; but th* proof is so plain and tverwhelming that successful denial is Impossible. The Chicago Record, itself a strong advocate of the gold standard, and, therefore, not disposed to misreprelent its own side, contained the following dispatch on the morning of th* I'Jth, from Cobden, Ills., amply conSrming this charge: "Cobden, IDs., Sept. 18.—Jam** Davis, William Wilker, Thomas Smith and Charles Fuller, residents of this place, employed as track layers by th* contractors laying the steel of the new double track of the Illinois Central between Makanda and Dongola, were notified this morning by their foreman, McCoy, to report to him and receive checks for their time. Twelve non-resident laborers received th* •ame notice. McCoy informed them | that tho only reason that he could five for their dismissal was that they were advocating the cause of Bryan *nd free silver too freely. Their place* were promptly filled by Italians. As »oon as the news reached this place the Bryan followers became v*ry angry and excitement is at fever heat tonight." On Sept. 10 the McConniclc Harvesting Machine company of Chicago sent the following circular to all its agents throughout the country: "Dear Sir: We sent you by express yesterday a package of sound money literature. We want by return mall an estimate from you as to how much of this can be used in your territory, and an enumeration of th* kind that will be most effective. We will then send you another supply by express, and will request In advance that you supply it to your travelers and instruct them to use it just the same as though It wer* Advertising matter for the sale of our machinery. “We surely have a right to expect that all McCormick employe* have tho Interest »f the company at heart, and will take up this matter and carry It out a* reguested. Yours truly, “M’CORMIOK HARVESTING MACHINE COMPANY.” Th* idea that a corporation has th* right to th* votes of its agents and employes, and to make mere political servants of them, has not heretofore, we believe, been advanced in this country. Men who sell their labor have not heretofore been compelled to sell their votes with it. They have still been American freemen, at liberty to affiliate with any party and oast their votes as they might please. But the encroachments of modern corporations, organized to promot* party selfish interests do not now, it seems, stop short of attempts to make political serfs of their employe*. Upon reeelpt of the above circular the agent of th* McCormick Harvesting Machine company at Carthage, Mo., who seems to have an Idea that he 1* still a fre* and Independent citizen, in matters political, at least, replied in the following spirited manner: "McCormick Harvesting Machine sompany: Dear Sir—l beg to acknowledge the receipt of your favor of the lOthe Inst. You are on a cold trail. Missouri will give Bryan 60,000 majority. If these letters are written by authority of your company, every Missouri farmer who uses a McCormick harvester, deserves to sell his wheat for'4o cents a bushel. [Signed.] "J. H. WILSON.” This Is a most appropriate reply to such a circular. It is strange beyond comprehension that the McCormick Harvester company, of all the corporations in exlstance, should attempt to coerce its agents and employes to support the existing gold of finance. It has grown enormously rich from the sale of its machines to the farmers of the country. It has no business relations with any other class of people. One would think it would naturaUy oppose th* gold standard, under the operations of which agriculture has suffered nrost and the prices of all farm products have fallen even below the cost of production; and that it would favor the remonetization of sliver, th* immediate result of which would be to make agriculture once more prosperous and profitable. But it has as little regard for its cusomers as for its employes. It will excite no wonder that the agent at Carthage, Mo., should protest against farmers harvesting 40-cent wheat on McCormick machines. Other instances of the attempts of corporations to coerce their employes are numerous. A few days ago Martln Spangler, an expert electrician called at National Democratic headquarters and stated that he, with two other employes of the General Electric | Light company of Chicago, had been ! discharged because they refused to IJoin th* McKinley club. According to Mr. Spangler’s statement, the foremen of th* company approached them last Friday and asked them to join a McKinley club. Spangler and two of his fellow-employes refused to do so Nothing more was said at the time and they wer* paid oft as usual on Saturday night. On Monday morning when they returned to work they were Informed by the foreman that their service* wer* no longer needed. Mr Spangler has worked at his trade throughout Mexico, Central and South America, and in China, Japan, India and several European countries, and sneak* seven languages. H* is thoroughly posted on the effects of a gold standard as compared to bimetallism In the countries he has visited, and ha* been giving his fellow-workmen soma object lessons that could not be answered. For this reason, added to his refusal to wear a Mark Hanna collar, he was thrown out of work. Mr. Spangler owns property in Denver Co!., aad enjoy* the friendship of Ho*. Thomas Patterson of Th* Rocky Mountain New*, M*n. Chart** H. ThmaMt

NUMBER 41

Benator T*ll*r, and Chairman 1 N. Staven* of th* Silver party national committ**. He wttl talk t* workiagm*a during the campaign. A. H. Spindlar, a conductor on Ifc* South Halatad strMt lln* «< th* W**A Chieago Street Railway ocnagany, reported at National Democratic headquarters that h* had b*«a diachargad by Superintendent Fuller of Mm Went Chicago Street Railway «ocnpany dacause h« would not wear a McKlnl*y button. According to Mr. ■plndlnr'd statement Superintendent FuU*r gave •very employe of the company a MoKinley .button, and ordered th*m to wear It Mr. Spindler threw hi* button away, and was promptly discharged, He state* that th* barn bo**** were directed to pin McKinley badge* and buttons on the conductor* and drivor*. Mr. Spindler has been In th* employ, of th* company three and a half year*. Mi* only offens* was that h* would not w*ar a McKinley button. "It 1* saf* to say,” said Mr. Spindler, “that morn than three-fourths of th* *tr**t railway employe* in Chicago ar* for Bryan, y*t they are compelled to join tho McKinley club* and wear McKinley badge* or loe* their job*. I know what I am saying when I assert that threefourths of the member* of th* atr**t railway McKinley clubs, and so-called sound money clubs, will vot* for Bryan. They say they ar* compelled to submit to coercion on account of theio families, but when they get behind tho Australian ballot-box curtain they will avenge the wrong."

It has also come to the knowledge of the labor organisations in Chicago that a number of the railway corporation* have detectives employed whose business It is to circulatJftmong employe* and "spot" those who are talking for Bryan and free silver. Whenever an employe become* “spotted” by this ••- cret political inquisition charge* ar* trumped up against him and he 1* informed that hl* services are dispensed with. In this way the corporation* hope to avoid charges of direct coercion. Yet such Is the reign of espionage and terrorism practiced by the corporate allies of McKinley and Wall street that thousands of employe* ar* forced to stifle their convictions, join McKinley clubs and wear McKinley badges for fear that starvation to their wives and ]>ables may be offered as a brutal alternative. They will av*ng* the Insult of monopolistic tyranny when November comes. A delegation of Chicago railway employes called at National Democratlo headquarter* and Informed National Committeeman Johnson that they had been ordered to get ready and go to Canton tonight with the McKinley railway employes’ excursion on pain of being discharged In case of refusal. They further claim that more than fifty Bryan men at work for the company wer* thus forced to go to Canton.

And all of this is free America, tool Such method* of coercion and intimidation a* here described, subtle and Insidious, ar* mor* wicked and heartless than if these oorportion* should take shotgun* and seek to compel their employes to go to the poll* and vot* for McKinley at the peril of their live*. The spirit of American manhood would revolt and oppose physical resistance on an equal footing to such an attempt at coercion as that. But it i* a thousand times mor* difficult to resist that more subtle and Inhuman species of intimidation that throttles the wives and children of laboring men with hunger and cold and homeless wandering, if they do not assent to the conditions of political serfdom Imposed. But if this kind of coercion is more wicked it is more effective in arousing popular indignation against those who resort to it. An accounting will be had in due time. These guilty corporations are laying up wrath against the day of wrath. The time will come when those who would set up a system of slavery her* Immeasurable wore* than that from which the blacks of the south were liberated, at such an Immense cost of blood and treasure, will be brought to a strict accountability for their wicked and criminally selfish action*.

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