Democratic Sentinel, Volume 20, Number 29, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 24 July 1896 — BRYAN’S BURNING WORDS. [ARTICLE]

BRYAN’S BURNING WORDS.

His Eloquent Plea for Free Silver Before the Chicago Convention. STIRS AN AUDIENCE OF MANY THOUSANDS. He Arouses the Assembled Multitude to the Highest Pitch of Enthusiasm and Creates a Scene Rarely Witnessed. ONE OF THE GREATEST OF CONVENTION SPEECHES. Discusses in a Masterly Way Economic Conditions and Shows Why the Silver Cause Will Triumph Next November.

The speech made before the Chicago convention by ex-Congressman Bryan of Nebraska was by all odds the most eloquent and stirring of all the oratorical efforts made before that great gathering. ■, He wasted no time in invective or in making attacks upon individuals, but in a straightforward way set forth the reasons for his position and clearly defined the principles of the cause of which he is the acknowledged champion. The demonstration which followed his remarks was clearly a tribute to the man and. a hearty indorsement of the sentiments he so eloqunetly uttered. It is idle to say that it had been a rranged beforehand. The orator, master of his art, and speaking with an honesty and sincerity' of purpose not to be misunderstood, so played upon his hearers that he aroused them to a perfect frenzy of enthusiasm. His speech will long be remembered as one of the greatest oratorical efforts ever made before a national political gathering in this country. Mr. Bryan, after the applause which greeted his appearance on the platform had subsided, said: Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of This Convention; I would be presumptuous indeed to present myself a'gainst the distinguished gentlemen to whom yon have listened if this were but a measuring of ability, but this is not a contest among persons. The humblest citizen in all the land when clad in the armor of a righteous cause is stronger than all the whole hosts of error that they can bring. I come to speak to you In defense of a cause as holy as the cause of liberty, the cause of humanity. I Loud applause.) When this debate Is concluded a motion wiil be made to lay upon the. table the resolution offered in commendation of the administration. I shall object to bringing this question down to a level of persons. The individual is but an atom; he is l>orn, lie acts, he dies, but principles are eternal, and this has been a contest of principle. Never before in the history of this country has there been witnessed such a contest as that through which we have passed. Never before in the history of American politics has a great issue been fought out as this issue has been by the voters themselves. Retrospective Glance. On the 4th of March, 1895, a few Democrats, most of them members of Congress, issued an address to the Democrats of the nation asserting that the money question was the paramount Issue of the hour; asserting also the right of a majority of the Democratic party to control the position of the party on this paramount issue; concluding with the request that all believers in free coinage of silver in the Democratic party should organize and take charge of and control the policy of the Democratic party. Three mouths later, at Memphis, an organization was perfected and the silver Democrats went forth openly and boldly and courageously proclaiming their belief, and declaring that if successful they would crystallize in a platform the declaration which they had made: and then began the conflict with a zeal, approaching the zeal which inspired the crusaders who followed Peter the ilermit. Our silver Democrats

of business-man. The man who is employed for wages is as much a busi-ness-man as his employer. (Continued cheering.) The attorney in a country town is as much a business-man as the corporation counsel in a groat metropolis. The merchant at the cross-roads stbre is as much a business-man as the merchant of New York. The farmer who goes forth in the morning and toils all day, begins in the spring and toils all summer, and by the application of brain and muscle to the natural resources of this country creating wealth, is as much a business-man as the man who goes upon the Board of Trade and bets upon the price of grain. Sentiments Cheered to the Echo. The speaker was cheered again and again and at this point the galleries seemed to be a mass of white because of the hankefchiefs waving. The cheers were renewed again and again, and it was some minutes before Mr. Bryan could be heard. He proceeded as follows: The minors who go a thousand feet into the earth or climb two thousand feet upon the cliffs and bring forth from their hiding-places the precious metals to be poured into the channels of trade are as much business-men as the few financial*magnates who in a back room corner the money of the world. The free silver delegates at this point broke forth in tremendous cheers, standing on chairs and waving their hats and banners frantically, with 20,000 people in the audience joining in the grand acclaim to the sentiments uttered by the speaker. Order was finally restored, and Mr. Bryan continued: We come to speak for this broader class of business men. Ah, my friends, we say not one word against those who live upon the Atlantic coast; but those, hardy pioneers who braved all the dangers of the wilderness, who have made the desert to blossom as the rose —those pioneers away out here, rearing their children near to nature’s heart, where they can mingle their voices with the voices of the birds—out here where they have erected school-houses for the education of their young and churches where they praise their Creator. and cemeteries where sleep the ashes of their dead—are as deserving of the consideration of this party as any people in this country. (Great applause.) It is for these that we speak. We do not come as aggressors. Our war is not a war of conquest. We are fighting in the defense of our homes, our families, and posterity. (Loud applause.) No Recourse but to Fijrht. We have petitioned and our petitions have been scorned. We have entreated and our entreaties have been disregarded. We have begged and they have mocked, and our calamity came. We bog no longer; we entreat no more; we petition no more. We defy them! (Great applause, confusion in the silver delegations and rapturous applause from the audience.) The gentleman from Wisconsin has said that he fears a Robespierre. My friend, in this land of the free you need fear no tyrant who will spring up from among the people. What we need is an Andrew Jackson, to stand as Jackson stood, against the encroachments of aggrandized wealth. (Great applause.) They toll us that this platform was made to catch votes. We reply to them that changing conditions make uew issues; that the principles upon which rest Democracy are' as .everlasting as the hills, but that they must be applied to new conditions as they arise. Conditions have arisen and tve are attempting to meet those conditions. They tell us that the income tax ought not to be brought in here, that it is a new Idea.

went forth from victory unto victory until they are assembled now, not to ■discuss, not to debate, but to enter upon the judgment rendered by the plain people of this country. (Applause.) In this Contest, brother has been arrayed against brother, and father against father. The warmest ties of love and acquaintance and association have been disregarded. Old leaders have been cast aside when they refused to give expression to the sentiments of those whom they would lead, and new leaders have sprung up to give direction to this cause of truth. (Cheers.) Thus has the contest been waged, and we have assembled here under as binding and solemn instructions as were ever fastened upon, the representatives of a people. We do not come as individuals. Why? .As individuals we might have been glad to compliment the gentleman from New York <Senator Hill), but we knew that the people for whom we speak would never be willing to put him in a position where he could thwart the will of the Democratic party. (Loudapplause, with cheers.) Fight Forced Upon Them. I say it is not a question of persons— It is a question of. principle—and it is not- with'gladness,* my'frieflds, that we find, ourselves brought into a conflict’ 'With-those Who are now.arrayed on the ■other side. - The gentleman .who just .preceded rhe (GOv. Russell) spoke ofthe old State, of. Massachusetts. Let me assure him that not one person in all this convention entertains the least hostility to the people of the State of Massachusetts. (Applause.) But we stand here representing people who are the equals before the law of the greatest qitizens In the State of Massachusetts. (Applause.) When you come before us and tell us that we shall disturb your business Interests, we reply that you have disturbed our business interests by your course. (Great applause and cheering.) We say to you thit-you have made too limited in Its application the definition

They criticise us for our criticisms of the Supreme Court of the United States. My friends, we have not criticised. We have simply called, attention to what you know. If you want criticism, read the dissenting opinion of the court, That will give you criticisms. (Applause.) They say we passed ah unconstitutional law. I deny it. The income tax was not unconstitutional when It was passed. It was not unconstitutional When it went before the Supreme Court for the first time. It. did not become unconstitutional, until one Judge changed his. mind, and we' cannot be expected to know when'a Judge will change his mind.' (Applause, and a voice, “Hit ’em again.” ) Income Tax Wan Justified! 1 The income tax is a just law. It simply intends to put the burdens of government justly upon the backs of (the people. I am in favor of an Income tax. (Applause.) ~ When I find a man who is not willing to pay his share of the burden'of the government which protects him I find a man who is unworthy to enjoy the blessings of a government like ours. (Applause.) He says that we are opposing the national bank currency. It is true. If you will read what Thomas Benton said you will find that he said that In searching histoay he could find but one

parallel to Andrew Jackson. That was Cicero, who destroyed the conspiracy, of Cataline and saved Rome. He did for Rome what Jackson did when he destroyed the bonk conspiracy ami saved America. (Applause.) We say in our platform that we believe that the right to coin money is a function of government. We believe it. We believe it 1s a part of sovereignty, and cap no more with safety l>e delegated to private individuals than we could afford to delegate to’private individuals the power to make penal statutes or levy laws for taxation. .(Applause.) Mr. Jefferson, who was once regarded as good Democratic authority, s<wns to have a different opinion from the* gentleman who has addressed us pu the part of the minority. Those who are-opposed to this proposition tell us that the issue of paper money is a function of the bank, and that the government ought to go out of the banking business. I stand with Jefferson rather than with them, and tell them, as he did, that the issue of money is a function of the Government, and that the banks ought to go out of the Government business. They complain about that plank which declares against the life tenure in office. They have tried to strain it to mean that which it does not mean. What we oppose in that plunk is the life tenure that is being built up at Washington, which excludes from participation in the benefits the humbler members of our society. I cannot dwell longer in my limited time. (Cries of “Go on; go on.’’) Let me call attention to two or three great things. The gentleman from New York says that he will propose an amendment, providing that this change in our law shall not affect contracts already made. Let me remind him that there is no intention of affecting thos' 1 contracts which, according to the present laws, are made payable in gold. But if he means to say that we cannot change our monetary system without protecting those who have loaned money before the change was made I want to ask him where, in law or in morals, he can find authority for not protecting the debtors when the act of 1873 was passed, but now insist that wo must protect the creditor. He says be also wants to amend this law and provide that if we fail to maintain a parity within a year that we will then suspend the coinage of silver. We reply, that when we advocate a thing which we believe will be successful we are not compelled to raise a doubt as to our own sincerity by trying to show what we will do if we can. I ask him, if he will apply his logic to us, why he does not apply it to himself. Ho says that he wants this country to try to secure an international agreement. Why doesn’t he tell us what he is going to do if they fail to secure an international agreement? (Loud applause.)

Comes to the Paramount T««tic. There is more reason for him to do that than for us to fail to maintain the parity. They have tried for thirty years —for thirty* years—to secure an international agreement, and those claiming to be waiting for it most patiently don’t want it at all. (Cheering, laughter, long continued.) The Chairman rapped for order, and. a pause of considerable length ensued before the speaker could proceed. Mr. Bryan, (continuing)—My. friends, let me come to the great paramount issue.- If they ask us here why it is that we say more on the money question than we say upon the tariff question I reply that if protection has slain its thousands the gold standard has slain its tens of thousands. If they ask us why we did not embody all these things in our platform which we believe, we reply to them that when we have restored the money of the Constitution all other necessary reforms will be possible, and that until that is done there is no reform thptcan bo accomplished. (Cheering.) Why is it that within three months such a change has come over the sentiments of this country? Three months ago, when it was confidently assorted that those who believed in the gold standard would frame our platform and nominate our candidate, even the advocates of the gold standard did not think that we could elect a President; but they had good reason for the suspicion, because there is scarcely a State here today asking for the gold standard that is not within the absolute control of the Republican party. (Loud cheering.) But note the change. Mr. McKinley was nominated at St. Louis upon a platform that declared for the maintenance of the gold standard until it should be changed into bimetallism by an international agreement. Mr. McKinley was the most popular man among the Republicans and everybody three months ago in the Republican party prophesied his election. How is it to-day? Why. that man who used to boast that he looked like Napoleon (laughter and cheers.) —that man shudders to-day when he thinks that he was nominated on the anniversary of the 1 battle of Waterloo.

Makes the Silver Men Yell. At the suggestion of a coincidence between McKinley’s nomination and the fate of Napoleon at Waterloo the silver men showed their appreciation of the point by a yell and ah-pproar r which for twenty or thirty seconds prevented the speaker from proceeding. At length, when things calmed down a trifle; be resumed as follows! Not only that,, but as he listens he can hear with ever-increasing distinctness the sound of the waves as they beat upon the lonely shores of St. Helena. (Cheers.) Why this change? Ah, my friends, is not the change evident to any one who will lopk at. the matter? It is no private character, however pure, no personal popularity, however great, that can protect from the avenging wrath of an Indignant the man who will either declare that he Is in favor of fastening the gold standard upon this people, or who is willing to surrender the right of selfgovernment and place legislative control in the hands of foreign potentates and powers. (Long continued cheers.) My friends, the prospect (the continued cheering made it impossible for the speaker to proceed; it was renewed as the chairman vainly and repeatedly rapped for order; finally Mr. Byran, rasing his hand, obtained silence long enough to say that he had only ten minutes left, and he asked the audience to let him occupy tfiat time.) He then resumed:

Conti lent of Victory. We go forth confident that we shall | win. Why? Because upon the para-’ ! mount issue in. this campaign there is I not a spot of ground upon which the I enemy wtii dare, to challenge battle, i Why? If they tell us that the gold I standard is a good thing, we point to their platform and tell tijem that their I platform pledges the party to get rid I of a gold standard and substitute bimetallism. (Applause.) If the gold standard is a good thitig. why j;ry to get rid of it? (Laughter {ml continued applause.) ff the gold standard, and f might call your attention to the fact-ilKrt some of the very people who are in this convention today and who’Vell yoff that we ought to declare in favor of International bimetallism and thereby declare that the gold standard IS wrong, and that the bimetallism is bettet/these very people four months ago were open and avowed advocates of the gold standard, ami tefiigg us that we could not legislate two metals together, even with all the world. (Renewed applause and cheers.) I want to suggest this truth. That if the gold standard is a good thing we ought to declare In favor of its retention and not in favor of abandoning it; and if the gold standard is a bad thing, why should we wait until some other nations are willing to help us to let go? (Long continued applause aud cheering.) Here is the line of battle. Indifferent a« to Which Issue. We care not upon which issue they force the fight. We are prepared to meet them ou either issue or both. If they tell us that the gold standard is the standard of civilization, we reply to them that this, the most enlightened ofalltlio nations of the earth, has never declared for a gold standard, and both the parties this year are declaring against It. (Applause.) If the gold standard is the standard of civilization, why, my friends, should we not have it? So if they come to meet us on that we can present the history of our nation. More than that. We can tell them tliis. that they will search the pages of history in vain to find a single instance in which the common people-of any land have ever declared in favor of a gold standard. (Applafftdb'.) They can find where the holders of fixed investments have. Mr. Carlisle said in 1878 that this was a struggle between the idle holders of idle capital and the struggling masses who produce the wealth and pay the taxQfi of.the country, and, my friends, it is simply a question that we shall decide, upon which side shall the Democratic party fight? Upon the side of the idle holders of idle capital or upon the side of the struggling masses? That is the question that the party must answer first, and their it must be answered by each individual hereafter. The sympathies of the Democratic party, as described by the platform, are on the side of the struggling masses, who have ever been the foundation of the Democratic party. (Applause.)

Two Ideas of Government. There are two ideas of government. There are those who believe that if you just legislate to make the well-to-do prosperous, that their prosperity will leak through on those below. The Democratic idea has been that if yen legislate to make the masses prosperous their prosperity will find Its way up and through every class and rest upon It. (Applause.) You come to us and toll us that the great cities are in favor of the gold standard. I tell you that the groat cities rest upon these broad and fertile prairies. Burn dovtn your cities and leave our farms and your cities will spring up again as if by magic. But destroy our farms and the grass will grow in the streets of every city in this country. (Loud applause.) My friends, wo shall declare that this nation is able to legislate for iis own people on every question without waiting for the aid or consent of any other nation on earth (applause), and upon that issue we expect to carry every single State in this Union. (Applause.) Seventy-six Over Azain. It is the issue of 177 G over again. Our ancestors, when only three millions, had the courage to declare their political independence of every other nation upon earth. Shall we, their descendants, when we have grown to 70.000,000, declare that we are less independent than our forefathers? No, my friends, it will never be the judgment of this people. Therefore, we care not upon what lines the battle Is fought If they say bimetallism is good, but we cannot have it till some nation helps us, we reply that instead of having a gold standard because England has, we shall restore bimetallism, and then let England have bimetallism because the United States has it. (Applause.) If they dare to come out and in the open defend the gold standard as a good thing we shall fight them to the uttermost, having behind us the producing masses of this nation and the world. Having behind us the commercial interests and the laboring interests anct' all the toiling masses, we shall answer their ddtnands for a gold standard by saying to them you shall not press down upon the brow of labor this crown of thorns. You shall not crucify mankind on a cross of gold. 4 * ! Tremendous Outburst of Enthusiasm. MrZ Bryan had finished his isppcch and it was the signal for a tremendous outburst of enthusiasm. The standards of thirty-one States were carried from their places and gathered around the Nebraska delegation. Among them New York, Pennsylvania, and Massachusetts were conspicuous for their absence.

Apparently three-fourths of the delegates stood upon their chairs and waved handkerchiefs, hats, umbrellas and canes. Several red bandana handkerchiefs made their appearance and were frantically waved by their owners. The half wild delegates formed a procession and carried a number of the State standards around the aisles. The band over the platform played the “Skidmore Guards,” which apparently excited another band out in the audience, which started to play another tune, but the noise was so grdat that it was impossible to tell what they were playing. The enthusiasm subsided to some extent and was then renewed with great vigor. After the demonstration had lasted fifteen minutes the chairman succeeded in restoring a semblance of order and the business of the convention was proceeded with.