Democratic Sentinel, Volume 20, Number 21, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 29 May 1896 — POLITICS OF THE DAY [ARTICLE+ILLUSTRATION]

POLITICS OF THE DAY

M’KINLEY’S NOMINATION. Accepting as virtually a foregone conclusion that Major McKinley will be nominated at St. Louis next month, some importantsiuestions press for immediate attention upon the American people. The policy for which tho Ohioan stands pre-emineirny—the policy for which his enthusiastic supporters in every part of the Union clamor with brazen tongue-is revolutionary, It is a reopening of tbp great tariff war, the re-enactment of- the sp-called McKinley law, the granting. of ngtold bounties and of unheard-of prohibitory rates of duty upon Imports, with all the Imsiness-dls-turblng, commerce-destroying, monoi>-oly-fostering and currency-debasing consequences which experience has fully taught us resulted from the flfst McKinley tariff, and have always followed “protectionist” legislation. In 1892 tlie people rose and with tremendous Indignation rejected this policy and proclaimed themselves for tariff-reform, If not for commercial liberty. This was nothing new in American history. In 1828, when John Quincy Adams ran tho second time for the overwhelmingly defeated on'the “protection” issue. In 1844 Mr. Clay’s splendid campaign for "protectionism” metwithalikeslgnaldefeat, and in 1884 the Republicans, even with Mr. BMlne as their leader, were unsuccessful. It may therefore be asked, Has the coun try any new light upon the workings of a “protectionist” policy which will Induce It in 1898 to approve what since 1828 It has so often condemned. The favorite pretext for the new and furious tariff war which Major McKinley’s followers are now stirring up is that under the Wilson law the revenue has not kept pace with the lavish ( of the government. But It has been shpwii over and over again that the Wilson tariff yields as much customs revenue ns the McKinley tariff could possibly have yielded had the latter been in force during the last twenty months of trade-depression, currency troubles and war scares. The people will look into this and several other like pretexts on which they will be asked to vote for a huge augmentation of the burdens of taxation, euphoniously Styled “protection,” It will not do for blind partisans to assume that the people can be always mystified by fine phrases. If the Republicans are wise they will guarantee the country a respite from business-de-stroying agitntion of the tariff.—New York Herald.

A Shoddy Great Man. Another type of the shoddy grout man Is McKinley, of Ohio. His delusion is that the people have gone crazy about protection, that they are madly eager to elect a high-protectionist, and that if his views on protection are only rabid enough be need have no views on any other subject. Accordingly be announces himself as prosperity’s advance’ agent, nnd no doubt honestly feels that the accidental linking of his name with a high tariff bill that once wrecked bis party will make him a great man. In his campaign methods be aims to combine the bluff, diffusive geniality of Blaine with the quiet, practical wire-pulling of Hill; and yet he has not a tithe of the ability of either man. Much less is he great. None but a man of hopeless mediocrity would try to escape a clear declaration upon tho most vital issue of the day, and none but such could avoid seeing that the issue of to-day is finance rather than tariff. Yet he has chosen to stand ypon a platform framed with Intent to deceive both parties. Peffer, of Kansas, Is a greater man than McKinley, because he has the courage of hls convictions. He believes in rtinkiug everybody rich by the simple device of issuing the money to do it, and he says so. If McKinley has any views at all upon finance he is too much of a coward to make them known, and he is quite stupid enough to believe he may win in spite ol this cowardice. He would dearly like to be a great man, and If he knew just how to go about It he would be. But he doesn’t know. He hasn’t even learned that a truly greht man Is never afraid td say what he thinks.— Puck.

To Settle the “Cheap-Goods” Question. There is a very easy way in which to test public sentiment in regard to the respective advantages of cheap versus dear goods. The Republicans as a class profess to believe that ji .low tariff is-an .evil, in that it lowers, prices and enables the consumers to, buy things cheaply. Major McKinley, the most prominent candidate for the Republican nomination for President, declared in a recent interview that he saw nothing good in chejy> products, and his views have been eiithusinsticilly endorsed by the protectionist press. On the other hand, the Democratic party, stands for a policy under which goods of all kinds can be most cheaply and, abundantly, produced. If the McKioleyites are really convinced that.it Is'better to have tilings scarce and dear they suould try the experiment on a small scale by haring their village, town or city Impose tales of fifty per cent on all goods manufactured outside of its boundaries. This would at once put prices tip higher than under the tariff of 1890, and would effectually do away with nil danger of cheap goods. Then, according to the men who are afraid of cheapness, everybody will be far more prosperous than the natural condition of affairs. Why does not some Republican town or city show its faith in Its political theories by abolishing Cheapness through heavy taxes on all products brought within its borders^ McKinley’■« Strength and Wesknens. We are not questioning the genuineness of the popular enthusiasm iii'mauy parts of the country among the rank and file of the Republican party for McKinley. There is much enthusiasm —more that appears to be spontaneous than for any other candidate. But along with that are these other facts. Let us recapitulate them and in inverse order: 1. The independent voters

and press are opposed to McKinley, 2. Very few of the leading party papers favor McKinley. 3. The more thoughtful and conservative men of the party either openly oppose McKinley’s nomli nation or doubt Its wisdom. '4ms most of the active, experienced politicians of the party are working against McKinley.—-Indianapolis News. Unprecedented Kxporta. The Bureau of Statistics of the United States Treasury Department furnishes the Herald’s Washington correspondent some interesting returns which show that the exports of American manufactures are now far outstripping all previous records In our history. The official data of the bureau show that during March last the value of our manufactured exports reached the unprecedented total of $10,125,785, or 25.85 per cent, of the gross exports. The phenomenal Increase of manufactured exports began in 1895, and during last year they exceeded 200 millions. In March the flood of such exports was at the rate of 229V6 millions per annum. . The striking increase, which began idl 1895, has not been spalpiodlc, but has byen steadily gmgmeuted. The Bureau of Statlstjys notj reports that To? the nine months ending with March last the manufactured exports amounted to $1(i;,187,920, aud were 24.57 per cent, of our gross exjiorts. The great significance of those figures can best be seen by noting that in no year before 1895, when the Wilson tariff went fully into effect, had tho exports of our manufactures reached u total of 1891 the exports of domestic manufactures were only $108,927,315, or 19.87 per cent, of all exports of merchandise; In 1892 they were only $158,510,937, or 15.01 per cent., and in 1898, $!&3,718,484, or 21.24 per cent. The present marked increase In exports of the products of American labor speaks much encouragement for our mills and factories and is an earnest of new and still larger conquests o{ foreign markets by our domestic fabrics.— New York Herald.

Hlgh'Tnriff Absurdities. Says a tariff paper: “Uncle Bam ought to chaige enough for the privilege of coming into Ids market to yield him enough to pay all the expenses of the Government, with a handsome surplus each year to apply to the extinguishment of the nntlonal debt.” How very nice that would be if you could only do two things: First, charge enough; and, second, make thy “pauper” foreigner pay tho charges. But it so happens that you can’t do either. You can’t make a tariff that will cover tho cost of a Republican administration, to say nothing of surplus. If you could, not the foreigner but the American people would pay it to the last cent, and thoy would pay in proportion, uot to their abilities, but to the number of mouths they have to feed and backs to clothe. And, what is worse, they would have to pay from three to five times as much to enrich the Government’s pet classes. Uncle Sam ought not to be guilty of any such monstrous Injustice.—Chicago Chronicle. Heed’s Chickens Come liorne to Boost. The whirligig of time brings Its revenges. When Speaker Reed made Major McKinley chairman of the Committee on Ways and Means, and then jammed through the House without debate tho monstrosity known as the McKinley tariff act—which was licked Into a more tolerable shape In the Senate—he dug a pit into which be himself has tumbled. Instantly the country repudiated MfcKinley and his tariff act; but under the operation of one of those puzzling revulsions of popular sentiment which defy all precalculation McKinley lins suddenly been pushed to the front and Reed remanded to the rear. And to make disappointment more bitter, the McKinley managers have had the assurance to ask Speaker Reed to play second fiddle.—Philadelphia Record.

Secret of Tanner's Nomination. Tanner, the Republican candidate for Governor of Illinois, Is said to be Illiterate and strangely deficient In grammar. If he Is “well up” In other matters this deficiency will, 1 perhaps, not Interfere with his efllclency as Governor, but as the Republican party has plumed Itself on having exclusive possession of all the education and learning in the world, one is curious to know Just how his nomination was brought about “Bill” Chan&ler says the manufacturers chipped in and bought up sentiment for McKinley so as to effect his nomination, but what sort of rascality was used to secure Tanner’s nomination?— Indianapolis Sentinel. Heed Naturally Dcairea Retirement. The Republican newspupers an beginning to protest against the political retirement of Speaker Reed, declaring him to be a man who is too able and too big for them to lose. This sort of talk, .comes rather late in the day. The humiliation Reed has received at the hands of ills party very naturally leads him to seek retirement. No man vlih self-respect can view the Republican situation with complacency. When a party sets the barrel above tin* br.thi and puts aside men like Reed‘and Allison for men like. McKinley it must expect important retirements from Ils leadership as wejl as from its ranks New York Journal. A New Tall to the Ticket. Henry Cabot Lodge Is the latest vice presidential candidate on the McKinley ticket. Senator Lodge would doubtless prefer to remain a Senator from Massachusetts than to be vice president. Besides, the ticket of McKinley and Lodge would be an unsymmetrlcil one. The biggest man would be at the bottom of the ticket.—Boston Globe. Why Platt Hates Ohio Men. Mr. Platt’s hatred of Ohio men In politics Is not unnatural. Garfield, who had an important part In Mr. Platt’s Senatorial career, wag Jrom Ohio, and so is William L. Strong, the present Mayor of New York.—Springfield Republican. .I, ' ' '.i-r