Democratic Sentinel, Volume 19, Number 50, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 20 December 1895 — MUST DRAW THE LINE [ARTICLE]

MUST DRAW THE LINE

CLEVELAND ON THE VENEZUELAN TROUBLE. Bends a Message to Congress in Which He Takes a Strong Position—European Nations Have No Bight on American Soil. Vigorous Action Demanded. The President Tuesday transferred the whole Venezuelan controversy to Con gress, transmitting, with a vigorous message on the Monroe doctrine, the correspondence between Secretary Olney and Ambassador Bayard and the British Government, and the Marquis of Salisbury’s reply dec-lining to arbitrate the question. Parts of the President’s message ring lik« a call to arms. His promptness in trans mitting the Venezuelan correspondence to Congress and his evident desire to have quick attention thereon was prompted in a large measure by the belief that England and Venezuela were secretly negotiating for a direct settlement of their differences. The recommendation for the appointment of a commission to go at once to the scene of trouble and ascertain the status of the affairs in Venezuela and bring in a report at once meets with general approval so far as can be ascertained, and it is not improbable that Congress may go further and precede the resolution authorizing it with a preamble declaring it to be the sense of the people of this republic that all negotiations looking to a settlement of pending boundary disputes, now in progress, be kept open until the rights of the United States in the premises be ascertained. Such a declaration would hardly be ridden over rough shod by either of the countries directly disputing. The President’s message was listened to with rapt attention. Every Senator was in liis seat and many members of the other chamber crowded in when word was brought what was going on. At the conclusion of the reading the Republican Senators applauded vigorously. After reviewing the early details of the controversy and referring to Salisbury’s disinclination to admit the force of the Monroe doctrine and resort to arbitration, the President says: Without attempting extended arguments in reply to these positions it may not be amiss to stfggest that the doctrine upon which we stand is strong and sound because its enforcement is important to our peace and safety as a nation, and is essential to the integrity of our free institutions and the tranquill maintenance of our distinctive form of government. It was intended to appjy to every stage of our national life and cannot become obsolete while our republic endures. If the balance of power is justly a cause for jealous anxiety among the governments of the old world, and a subject for our absolute non-interference, none the less is an observance of the Monroe doctrine of vital concern to our people and their government.

Practically, the principle for which we contend has peculiar, if not exclusive, relation to the United States. It may not have been admitted in so many words to the code of international law, but since, in international councils, every nation is entitled to the rights belonging to it, if the enforcement of the Monroe doctrine is something we may justly claim, it has its place in the code of international law as certainly and as surely as if it were specifically mentioned, and when the United States is a suitor before the high tribunal that administers international law the question to be determined is whether or not we present claims which the justice of that code of law can find to be right and valid. Monroe Doctrine Is Just. The Monroe doctrine finds its recognition in those principles of international law which are based upon the theory that every nation shall have its rights protected and its just claims enforced. Of course this Government is entirely confident that under the sanction of this doctrine we have clear rights and undoubted claims. Nor is this ignored in the British reply. This Government proposed to the Government of Great Britain a resort to arbitration as the proper means of settling the question, to the end that a vexatious boundary dispute between the two contestants might be determined and our exact standing and relation in respect to the controversy might be made clear. It will be seen from the correspondence herewith submitted that this proposition has been declined by the British Government, upon grounds which under the circumstances seem to me to be far from satisfactory. The course to be pursued by this Government in view of the present condition does not appear to admit of serious doubt. Great Britain’s present proposition has never thus far been regarded as admissible by Venezuela, though any adjustment of the boundary which that country may deem for her advantage and may enter into of her own free will cannot of course be objected to by the United States. Assuming, however, that the attitude of Venezuela will remain unchanged, the dispute has reached such a stage as to make it now incumbent upon the United States to take measures to determine with sufficient certainty for its justification what is the true divisional line between the republic of Venezuela and British Guiana. I suggest that the Congress make an adequate appropriation for the expenses of a commission to be appointed by the Executive, who shall make the necessary investigation and report upon the matter with the least possible delay. Must Fight If Necessary. * When such report is made and accepted, it will, in my opinion, be the duty of the United States to resist by every means in its power, as a willful aggression upon its rights and interests, the appropriation by Great Britain of any lands, or the exercise of governmental jurisdiction over any teritory which, after investigation. we have determined of right belongs to Venezuela. In making these recommendations I tion over any territory which, after incurred and keenly realize all the consequences that may follow. I am, nevertheless, firm in my conviction that while it is a grievous thing to contemplate the great English-speaking peoples of the world as being otherwise than friendly competitors in the onward march of civilization and strenuous and worthy rivals in all the arts of peace, there is no calamity which a great nation can invite which equals that which follows a supine submission to wrong and injustice, and the consequent loss of national self-respect and honor, beneath which is shielded and defended a people’s safety and greatness. GROVER CLEVELAND.