Democratic Sentinel, Volume 19, Number 34, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 30 August 1895 — NEW TARIFF AT WORK [ARTICLE]

NEW TARIFF AT WORK

BPLENDID RESULTS FROM THE WILSON MEASURE. Is a Better Kevenoe-Kaiaer than Any Tariff with High “Protective Hatea—Short Campaign Not Wanted—About Free Binding Twine. Bevenne Increasing. The recent increase of the government's revenues -from customs duties is a gratifying sign of returning prosperity and affords a vivid demonstration of the superiority of the new tariff over its predecessor. "A grain of fact is worth more than a bushel of argument,” as salth ah old proverb. And the public, long wearied by the puerile predictions of calamity howlers, will read in the solid facts now published by the Treasury Department overwhelming proof that the Wilson “free trade” tariff (as Republica'n partisans so fondly call it) is, after all.

doing wits work admirably well, and will, in all probability, ere long yield ample returns. During the whole month of July, If we exclude Sundays and the national holiday, the national revenue from all sources averaged the handsome sum of $1,127,180 a day, of which amount the customs duties furnished nearly one-half. Yesterday (August 1) the receipts were $1,220,984, of which the customs were s747,262—considerably more than one-half. And all present indications favor the conclusion that these fine receipts are not exceptional or temporary, but are due to normal and continuing causes, which must effect still further Improvements in the autumn and winter revenues and probably carry the aggregate income of the government for the new fiscal year above $360,000,000. The customs duties collected in the eleven months from September 1, 1894, to July 31,1895 (inclusive), by the Wilson rates of duty on imports amount to $145,752,320.66. But in the eleven months from September 1,1893, to July 31, 1894 (inclusive), in which the McKinley rates were in force, the customs revenue collected was only $113,406,745.51. That is, in the eleven months available for comparison the Wilson tariff produced for the Treasury $32,365,555.15 more revenue on imports than the McKinley tariff produced. At its very emergence from its birththroes the new tariff gave evidence of its superiority to the old. In September, 1894—the first whole month of its existence, when all industries were In disorder—it returned to the Treasury In customs $15,564,990.56, against $12,144,626.28 returned by the McKinley tariff in September, 1893. In the spring of 1893—even before the panic arose or hard times were felt—the McKinley tariff yielded in no month after March more than $15,418,637.53 (the customs receipts for April, 1893), which was a less sum than the new-born Wilson bill yielded in September last, when It had not gone fully into effect and trade and business were paralyzed. But the superiority of the new tariff over the old, in the point of producing customs revenue, is most signally shown by comparing the customs collected in the first eleven months of its life with those collected in the last eleven months of the McKinley regime. Customs in "eleven months: J McKinley tariff. October, 1893 $10,999,776 15 November, 1893. 10.218.68 S 64 December, 1893 . 9.153,215 99 January, 1894 11,454,803 14 i February. 1894 10,390,528 13 March, 1894 11,358,984 67 April, 1894 10,176,691 36 May, 1894 9,798,067 25 June, 1894 8,858,875 63 July, 1894 8,427,338 40 August, 1894 11,804,914 21 Total $112„641,853 57 Wilson tariff. September, 1894 $15,564,990 56 October, 1894 11,962,118 17 November, 1894 10,260,692 56 December, 1894 11,203,049 40 January, 1895 17,361,916 25 February, 1895 13,334,691 99 March, 1895 14,929,789 22 April, 1895. 12,453,086 42 May, 1895 12,474,558 43 June, 1895 12,130,443 27 July, 1895.... 114,076,984 39 Total $145,752,320 60 The following are the averages per month: Under McKinley law. Under Wilson law. $10,240,171 24 $13,250,”210 96 It is now as clear as a sunbeam that the Wilson tariff bill is a better reve-nue-raiser than McKinley’s or any tariff with high “protective” rates. If

more revenue is to be raised by customs duties the Wilson rates must be rather lowered than raised. Every economist and every merchant knows that high tariff rates act in a prohibitory way on Importations, and hence kill the revenue from customs. Had theorigin&lWllson bill,prescribing lower duties than those fixed in the bill by Senator Gorman and his clique, become a law, it would have brought in to the Government much larger revenues, and the present deficit in the treasury would have been much less than It is. What, then, shall be said of the Republican “protectionist” scheme to reopen the tariff question and increase the present duties on the pretense of Increasing the Government revenue from customs? No scheme could be devised that would more surely cut down the treasury receipts and swell its deficit Under the Wilson tariff (which affords labor and manufacturers the inestimable boon of free wool aud other free raw materials) the wages of probably 1,000,000 workmen in our mills

and factories have been increased, new mills are going up, and idle plants resuming work. For the first time in thirty-five years our decadent export trade in American manufactured goods shows signs of returning vitality. And American merchants are beginning to look wistfully for a revival of their once famous and lucrative ocean commerce. Any return to “protectionism” would dash their hopes an ft bring back the labor troubles which weroso memorable and multitudinous in the era of the McKinley tariff. The people an? beginning to see that every “protective” tariff on imports is destructive of their foreign commerce, and Is, besides, the least economical and most mischievvous method of raising revenue. It is time, therefore, for all “protectionists” to cease their vain advocacy of a return to high tariff.—New York Herald. A Short Presidential Campaign. Some sensational newspapers are advocating late national conventions by both parties next year for the nomination of presidential candidates and for the adoption of platforms. They claim that the campaigns should not extend beyond ninety or 100 days, which is all the time required for the discussion and settlement of the issues between parties. There is some plausibility in the assertion that less time is required now for election than in the period before the daiiy press went everywhere and before the telegraph carried to the remotest points intelligence of every public movement as it progressed and ended. Sixty years ago, when the first political national conventions were held, it required a fortnight or more for news of nominations to reach all parts of the country. Intelligence of each hour’s proceedings Is now flashed along the telegraph lines to the neighborhoods of the voters, and all that a convention accomplishes is known to the great body of the population as soon as the adjournment is announced. But it is doubtful whether the fact that news circulates more rapidly now than It did two generations ago is a reason for shortening the period of national deliberation which precedes a great election. Vital Interests are at stake. The questions which most nearly affect the people in all their business and political relations are to be decided. The entire policy of the Government under our Institutions is subject to change. When a change is made it should be with sufficient forethought after a careful study of all the elements in the problem before the public and in cool blood.

The plea for a short campaign on the ground that it takes less time to find out the names of the candidates and the nature of the platforms is only partially sound. It is an argument in favor of holding the national conventions two or three weeks later, not in favor of holding them two or three months later. It is a good reason for delaying the commencement of the campaign until about the average time of year when the people fifty or sixty years ago were notified of the nominations. It is not a good reason for shortening the campaign to such an extent that all its events will be huddled into a few weeks’ time. There is not much truth in the allegation that business is obstructed and embarrassed in presidential years. The volume of trade and the exchanges in the years when presidents are elected does not vary much from the average of other years. Business men know that,, whichever party may succeed, Congress will not meet until more than a year after the election, and that no legislation affecting commercial interests can be perfected in a year and a half. That

will gire them plenty of time to close out all their open transactions and to prepare for a change If one shall occur. The tendency Is rather to stimulate business In completing partial transactions than otherwise. Upon no ground is the sensational demand for a short campaign sustained in reason. It can be advocated only by the organa of a party fearing exposure and seeking to cover the misdeeds of its administration under the hurry, turbulence and confusion of a short and red-hot campaign. A party of principle and with a clean record will ask the slow, deliberate, cautious Judgment of the people when political enthusiasm Is tempered by prudence and when the sober second thought Inspires voters with wisdom.—Chicago Chronicle. What Free Binder Twine Has Done. Under the McKinley tariff several million wbeatgrowers were compelled to pay high prices for their binder twine, owing to the protection given the cordage trust by heavy duties. When the Democrats put binding twine on the free list the Republican

agents in Congress protested that without a tariff against foreign twine the, American manufacturer would bo driven out of business. Elijah Adams Morse, the stove-polish statesman from Massachusetts, was especially Indignant against the free-twlne ruin which he alleged was threatening his constituents In Plymouth, and implored Congress hot to close up the cordage factories and throw out of work their employes. But In spite of the Rising Sim’s tearful and ungrammatical eloquence, the Democrats gave the farmers free twine. A year’s experience under the Wilson tariff shows how unfounded were the Republican assertions. Instead of a ruined cordage industry, the demand for binder twine has beqn so great that tho factories have In mahyenses been unable to fill orders. The Cordage Trade Journal states In Its Issue of August Ist that not for many months has the situation In the blnder-twlne market! been so gratifying to manufacturers, Jobbers and dealers as It Is now. Most! manufacturers have sold out their entire stocks, factories have been running on full time, aud the various kinds of manlla, sisal and hemp twines are yielding their manufacturers good profits. This condition of affairs in an important industry is exactly what was predicted by the Democrats, and clearly Justifies their free-twlne policy. The farmers are getting their twine cheaper than under McKinleylsm, and can therefore afford to buy more. The cordage factories find that their business is Improving, and the demand for their goods Increasing. The'only parties injured by free twine are the professional mourners over the corpse of McKinleylsm, who find that their prophecies of ruin were false. Signs of Good Times, The railroads are already providing new equipment with which to handle the corn and wheat and the meat and provisions of all Sorts into which the farmers will convert part of their cereals. Larger exports are In prospect, with the probable result of checking the efflux of gold and even reversing the yellow current Better times already having returned for manufacturing and mining Interests, wages are being advanced. Workingmen have more to spend, and are spending it. Merchants feel the effects In better sales. On every hand the prospect brightens. Even the silver cloud that prevents the return of foreign capital to enliven •our industries seems to be fading away. AVhen that goes a scarecrow of the investment and speculative market will have been got rid of, and securities, now low, will regain their former level. —Baltimore Sun.

The Ruined Woolen Industry* The protectionists who declared that the new tariff would ruin the woolen industry have nothing to say of the reported construction of over a hiindred new mills in the last six months, except to deny the truth of the report and to demand the proof of It As the statement was made on the authority of the American Wool and Cotton Reporter the desired proof Is likely to be forthcoming.—Providence Journal. Are Increasing Wages. The fact that coal operators In the Pittsburg region are voluntarily increasing the wages of operatives is explained on the ground that the demand for labor In the iron mills has reduced the available supply and forced up the price. Perhaps when Mr. McKinley gets to be President It will be possible to stop such ruinous Interference with home market laws of trade.