Democratic Sentinel, Volume 19, Number 31, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 9 August 1895 — LEFT BY THE G. O. P. [ARTICLE]

LEFT BY THE G. O. P.

DEFICIT IS ONE OF THE REPUB. LICANS* LEGACIES. Treasury Embarrassments Caused by Mortgages of the Reed CongressCalamity Howlers Don’t Know They Are Dead Prohibitive Duties. Republican Deficit. When Tanner said “God help the surplus,” he fastened by confession on the Republican party all the blame for the deficit which Secretary Carlisle finds at the close of the fiscal year. Treasury embarrassments caused by the mortgages of the Reed Congress predstlned the panic of 1803 and the deficit of 18&5. It was an embarrassed treasury which engendered the distrusts of the Government’s ability to continue redemption of currency notes. It was a McKinley tariff which hampered trade and prevented a normal increase of customs revenues. Long before Harrison vacated the White House every financier in America perceived that trouble was impending and that the Government must issue bonds or default in its payments. Harrison’s Secretary of Treasury had the bonds ready, and ouly by sharp practice was able to drag along until the 4th of March, 181)3. Republican extravagance made a deficit and a ptyiic, which, by reducing trade and revenue receipts, prevented the immediate success of Democratic efforts to administer the government economically and honestly. A Democratic tariff is encouraging trade. The Government’s receipts are Increasing. Wages are rising. Mines and factories are busy. The farmer is getting better prices. The merchant is selling more goods. Exports are more active. American securities are attracting purchasers. A Republican administration left financial confmdon and universal gloom. The Democratic administration will leave confluence in the good faith of the Government, a balance in the treasury, a prosperous condition of business, and a hopeful people. It Jhe policy of the Harrison administration and the Fifty-first Congress had continued to tbls date, it would have Increased the national debt by hundreds of millions, if it could, indeed, have avoided the disgrace of a suspension of specie payments. We are dealing with a Republican deficit Under Democratic manager ment we shall wipe out and recuperate from Its effects, as we overcame the Republican panic and restored the activity of business.—New democrat, Georgetown, O.

Prohibitive Duties Yield No Revenue, The New York Press insists that In order to secure more revenues the country must return to the McKinley tariff. At the same time that trridehating organ demands the Imposition of duties sufficiently high to “keep American markets for our own goods," and asserts that under Democratic rule “our market has been handed over to foreigners.” It does not appear that the Press understands the real nature of the protection swindle which It advocates. For In favoring a tariff high enougli to shut out foreign goods and keep our markets for ourselves. It loses sight of its claim that a high tariff is necessary In order to raise large revenue. If It is sound public policy to keep out foreign goods by a prohibitive wall, how Is it possible to obtain any revenue from duties on goods? On the other hand, If foreign products come in in spite of duties of from 50 to 120 per cent., how Is the home producer benefited? If foreign goods are sold Instead of those manufactured at home, it does not matter that their price may be Increased by added customs duties, so long as they take the place of domestic products. The short-sighted manufacturer who wants protection so that it will prevent outside competition, will not be satisfied with anything less than the total exclusion of foreign goods. But If a tariff is constructed on those lines how will it yield large It must be apparent to every Intelligent citizen that the two reasons which the Press gives for returning to McKlnleylsm directly contradict each other. A high tariff either excludes foreign goods, In which case no revenue is derived, or else it admits them to our markets. It cannot prevent competition and at the same time provide for public expenses. It is either a barrier to commerce or a fraudulent pretense to benefit our home Industries. In either case It Is an exploded superstition. 41 l!

Splendid Results from “Free Wool.” The gfeat impulse and quickening which the Wilson “free wool’’ tariff and lower duties have given to American manufactories of woollen fabrics are dally becoming more and more evident The demand for American raw wools under the new tariff has so increased that the price has risen about two cents per pound. During the eleven months ending with May last 185,231,341 pounds of wool (eleven-twelfths of which were by the Wilson law frCe of duty) wereUmported to meet the new and large demand of our expanding woollen Industries. This vast amount exceeded by 136,000,000 pounds the imports of the corresponding period of the previous year.' In nine months ending May last 71,320,453 pounds of clothing wool were Imported. The American people will save onj their clothing and other woollen goods tens of millions of dollars every year through the operation of ths Wilson tariff. Manufacturers are placed by it in the best position they ever occupied. Already labor 1 also has begun to profit by the Wilson tariff, and In forty woollen mills wages have been reported advanced. “Protectionists” are dazed and dismayed by. these splendid results of free trade ip wool. Don’t Know that They Are Dead. The calamity wallers who are trying to convince the American people that the country is suffering from the blight of free trade do not seem tp realize that their laments fall on closed ears. Their wilful blindness to the wonderful improvement in trade and industry which has followed the adoption of the Wilson tariff resembles the perversity of a miner who had fallen down a shaft. Thinking that the unfortunate man was

dead, his comrades placed him In a coffin and started to carry him to the graveyard. Qn the supposed corpse pushed off the coffin lid and, sifting up, asked:.“Wheream I?" “Whist, ye blackguard,” was the reply, "don't you know whew you’re dead?” • h The McKlnleyites who were laid out in 1892 are foolish enough to think that the defeat of the Democrats last fall means the revival of the high tariff corpse. But the elections of 1894 merely showed that the people were disgusted with Democratic delay in abolishing protection, and now that the result of less than a year of tariff reform has been to restore the prosperity which McKinleylsm blighted, there will be no more talk from the late lamented. Abandoning McKinleyiam. The Chicago Tribune, one of the leading Republican organs of the West, refuses to join with Its high tariff contemporaries in their claim for the restoration of McKinleylsm. In a recent editorial that paper shows that it realizes that the drift of public sentiment is against returning to protection, and advocates an increase In Internal revenue taxation to meet any deficit In the public revenues. The Tribune’s conversion to sound economic doctrines is further emphasized by its statement that there is no way in which the revenues can be so easily increased as through direct taxes. This change of position on the part of a Republican paper is important as evidence that the logic of Democratic good times is convincing the people that any further agitation for high tariffs and trade restrictions would be injurious to the business Interests of the country. Newspapers reflect the sentiments of their readers and patrons, and If a prominent Chicago dally finds it expedient to oppose Republican tariff tinkering, It shows that the business men of that city are satisfied to let well alone. Of course the narrow partisan papers, which are paid to spread lies by the monopolists who were benefited „Vy McKinleylsm, will continue to publish what their owners dictate. Hut the independent press is finding that the tide of commercial prosperity is running too strong to check it by demands for'tire high taxes and commerce restriction which caused the panic of 1893-94, It therefore avoids the tariff question or favors tariff reform. In either case these papers furnish proof ,b£ the wisdom of the Democratic policy.

Wages in America. »• The American monopolist revives the high tariff chestnut that in twenty-six Republican States wages In 1800 averaged f 1.33 per day, while In eighteen Democratic States wages averaged only 87 cents per day. and claims,that this Is evidence of the beneficent effects of protection. The fact that the alleged statistics are untrustworthy Is not of much Importance, for cooked figures are the principal stock In trade of the high tariff jugglers. But the monopolist’s statement is In Itself the clearest proof of the falsity of the claim that high tariffs make high wages. For It Is certain that the great and glorious McKinley tariff was the same all over this country. The workingmen In Alabama and Vermont were protected Just as much as those of Massachusett or Illinois. There was no difference between the burdens of taxation laid on California and on New York. Yet the rate of wages varied In every State of the Union, though not according to their political complexion, as stated bj the monopolist. Why? The protectionists who pretend that wages depend on tariffs, have never tried to explain how It comes about that the same high tariff policy produces such varying results In different States. Not only that, but In the same States, for wages In various parts of New York State, for instance, differ as widely as they do In Georgia and Pennsylvania. Will not some protectionist come forward and clear up this mystery? If not, the natural Inference will be that protection does not and cannot raise wages,, and that the pretense that It does Is a piece of demagogy by which the working people were deluded into voting for the high taxation policy.

Two Hearts that Beat as Two. Foraker took the stump in McKinley’s campaign in 1801, though he prayed every day that McKinley might be de seated. The Governor will make a showing for the party’s sake; but he will be against Foraker for Senator, and Foraker will be against McKinley for President. The Governor would prefer Brice to Foraker for the firstnamed office, and rather than support McKinley for President Foraker would vote for Wade Hampton of South Carolina, Simon Bolivar Buckner of Kentucky, Joe Wheeler, the “rebel” cavalry leader of Alabama, Grover Cleveland of Buzzard’s Bay, or the devil.—Cincinnati Enquirer. The People Have’ Seen Light. This country grew rich under the McKinley law for awhile, and the fact deceived those who knew no better. But the people are now beginning to understand that the country increased in wealth not because of protection, but in spite of it They see that the 11,000,000,600 taken annually from the earnings, of the people to enrich the trusts and favorites was a draft upon the bone and sinew of labor. They understand now that this money serves as a fiind by which earners may buy comforts lor their families, and thus increase the volufne of business among tradesmen.—Kansas City Times. // . - Responsibilities Not' to Be Shirked. The people are delegating too much power to individuals. We are exalting officialism to an undue degree. Citizenship means more than voting and paying taxes. We cannot shirk our responsibilities or unload them upon men chosen to official position.—St Louis Republic. Yes, It “Razes” Wages. “Protection raises wages/’ wrote the Republican tariff liar. But the intelligent compositor set it up “Protection razes wages,” and his free trade friends congratulated the editor on his eclipse into truthfulness. Something New in History. Ex-Gov. Foraker says “there will be no treachery in the Ohio delegation to the next Republican national convention.” If true, that certainly will be something out of the ordinary.—Toledo Bee. —v mH •' ‘ • - I ’ i