Democratic Sentinel, Volume 19, Number 26, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 5 July 1895 — IN WANT OF AN ISSUE. [ARTICLE]

IN WANT OF AN ISSUE.

REPUBLICANS KNOWNOTWHERE THEY ARE AT. Chasing Up and Down the Country for an Issue on Which to Base Their Campaign—The “Wind-Jamming” Convention at Cleveland. Are in a Bad Way. The Republican party -wants' an issue as much as Byron wanted a hero, and it is not half as likely to get what it wants as he was. There is the silver question, but the Republican party is mortally afraid of that. It “mixed in” with that question in 1890, but came out badly disligured. It failed to g£t the electoral votes in 1892 for wlpch it had paid the Sherman act in advance ip 1890,* and it, lipd a very bad panic t» its qitfdit in J. 893. Jn view of its recent experience it would fight'shy of the silver question even if therfc were a fair prospect of making .in issue of it next year. Then there is the tariff question, but that is most unpromising as an issue. l The Republican organs are printing pages, of news, ajl tq the effect that prosperity is not returning, but already here; that works in the protected.industries which were shut down in the days of the McKinley sort of prosperity are resiitnfhg operations with full forces; that r 2sO,Oo>o' iben in tWosC industries had their wages raised, In nearly all i jpasps py voluntary action of their employers, within ninetydays; in short, that a g®eat industrial, boopi is v is .“AH i : »;ie •: i

With thO party organs printing .such ne\t r s under 16ud display headlines .howcan the party'lea'ders OxpetttitoThaiie an issue of tfti'fa'riff? If they should make an issue of it, ftfrw (fohid'They expect to w tot hereon? Everybody knows it is nofcttbe .McKinley tariff vnder which the>Vheels ot industry have, resurped their' motion -’at si>eed. is under the Democratic, ttUiff last August that this has come to piss, and everybody knows tlias therS" w|ll not be ii different tariff in less thajp fjippe years'from how." Of with tfre facts in plain sight, nobody can t p& made to believe tliat the new tariff is ruinous and that a return to McKinleyism would help the country. In fine, high tariff as a Republican.>var cry has been drowned by the boom. It is not the Republican party that will profit by the tariff next year. These is the Hawaiian annexation yell that surged over the country some two years ago. We hear a faint echo of that, yet from time to time, but the people, upon taking a sober view of the matter, i have concluded that it is absurd to go wild for the annexation of a few islands 2,000 miles off in midocean and occupied mostly by people who have not sufficiently emerged from barbarism to be fit for self-government. They are not now crazy to complicate; or rather borrow, difficulties by annexing a petty oligarchy. What, then, will the Republican party do for an issue? ’ The political wise men who assembled in Cleveland recently declared in substance as follows: As a Republican league we know nothing about the silver question or any other public question. But as a Republican convention next year we will know all about every such question, and we confidently believe that we wUI then make “a declaration of principles destined to secure the best possible administration of government and the highest obtainable prosperity of the people.” And that is all they did except to elect officers. They might as well have put their declaration in this form: Resolved, That we don’t know what the principles of the Republican party are, if it lias any, and that just now we haven’t any political principles anyway. But we are Republicans, liip, hip! every day in the week and twice on Sunday, hurrah!! and we are out for the offices, tiger!!! Time was when the Republican party had some principles and purposes that it was not afraid to proclaim from the housetops, and when no national representative assembly of the party could dissolve * without making a tolerably plain declaration of those principles anil purposes. But now such an assembly sits for three days and does nothing but “respectfully refer” all questions of principle and policy to another party assembly to be held at a future time. Republicans have no political creed that they dare proclaim to-day, and the prospect is that they will be no better off next year. They would be glad to make the issue one of general respectability if they could, but as that is out of the question they will have to make a platform of ancient history with possibly a fresh and sappy jingo plank. And on such a platform they will go where they went in 1892.

Exporting Iron Ore. When the Wilson bill proposed to put iron ore on the free list, so that iron works |On the Atlantic seaboard might have the advantage of using certain kinds of ore mined in Cuba and Nova Scotia,, the high tariff organs protested that with free ore our iron mining industries would be ruined. Of course nobody believed the claim of the protectionists, for it was well known that iron can be mined cheaper in the United States than in any other part of the world. Convincing proof that the Democrats were right in their assertion that iron ore needed no protection, is afforded by the fact that during the past tsvo weeks 1,500 tons of iron ore from the mines at Port Henry, N. Y., have been shipped to Germany, where it is to be used in making Besemer pig iron, and the Iron Age states that, “There is a very large market P'r these special ores on the continent and England,” and that “negotiations are now pending for shipments to England.” Thus one by one the pretenses of the high tarififites that American industries cannot compete with those of other countries, are being refuted by the cold, logic of facts. Yet the Republican organs will continue to. whine about the //deadly blow struck at our iron mining industry by the Wilson bill.” Pleasant and Profitable Ruin. According to the Republican calamity press the Democratic party is still at its awful work of destroying the industries of the country! IfWatnazibg that more than half the citizens of the republic should think of bringing poverty and distress, desola*

tion and ruin upon their own land, and all by an enactment for the reduction of taxation upon the people of that land. We know that they were engaged in this heinous work, because we had the assfii'aifice of fae'Repubfiean press and off Republican, orators that when the Democratic-pdrty passed a bill for the reduction of taxation they entered upon a policy which must destroy the industries and the commerce of this country. We have had frequent occasion to point out how the awful work is progressing. Additions are made daily to the record. On June 17 the National Malleable Casting company at Cleveland notified 900 employes that a general increase of 10 per cent would take place immediately. At the Eberhart Manufacturing company of the same city notices were posted that 1,000 employes should have 10 per cent Increase of wage. The Illinois Steel company at Joliet notified its employes of a general advance of 10 per cent on July 1, excepting to operatives paid on sliding scale. If the process of reducing taxation at the custom houses 50 per cent is to result in just such ruin to American labor and to American industries, why not make the ruin complete by reduction of 100 per cent?

The Landslide States. In those states which gave the largest Republican majorities in 1894 the greatest popular discontent prevails. In the legislatures of what may be called the “landslide” states—from the overwhelming extent of the Republican majorities—the misuse of power by the Republican majorities was flagrant and scandalous. Corruption under gang and boodle rule was everywhere. In Illinois the facts have come home to the people through the proclamation of Governor Altgeld in calling a special session and through the press of both parties. No previous general assembly at Springfield was so profligate, so recreant to the public duty, so thoroughly under the control of corporation influences. The same story comes from other states in the “landslide” list. The New York legislature was as bad as that of Illinois—ns partisan, as corrupt, as much under lobby control. It was worse in one respect. Two hostile Republican factions—Platt and anti-Platt—-were engaged in a constant struggle for superiority, and public interests were sacrificed to the interests of factions. In Illinois the lines of Republican factions were obliterated in the scramble and riot to obtain possession of spoils and bribes. In Indiana, Michigan, Wisconsin and other western states where Republican legislatures were inspired by a belief that the “landslide” majorities by which they were elected clothed them with immunity from popular judgment and condemnation, the fruits of the sessions have been the same. The lobbies of the corporations and other corrupt influences controlled everything. There was little wise legislation. Questions of reform in revenue and the collection of taxes, of reform in tho administration of justice, affecting labor and the conflict to establish its rights and of the general good were neglected and abandoned. Every call to action on these grave subjects of legislation was disobeyed and repudiated. Republican leaders, the bosses, the politicians, believed that their sweeping victories in the most of the states assured them a long lease of power. The misuse they have made of their victory has everywhere excited popular condemnation.— Chicago Chronicle.

A “WindjamminK” Convention. The league of Republican Clubs attracted to Cleveland all the small fry politicians in the party and frightened all the big fellows away to points unreaclied by telegraph wires. Every Republican who wants to be President fled—nearly every one who wants to help make a man President who will give him an office was there. One issue alone kept the chiefs away—the question of the currency. Every one of them would rather be President than be right, and each feared to speak for the right in the money debate lest he shatter his hopes of advancement. Accordingly, the convention of clubs was a chronicle of harmless thunder and small beer. There was much cry and little wool, voices, and beyond that nothing. The bloviant address of the president, W. W. Tracy, in which Republicans were adjured to teach “the dauntless spirit of Americanism as taught by James G. Blaine,” set the keynote. Shrewd politicians among the Republicans were wise enough to see that the convention was just for buncombe and sagely stayed away. Patriotism Under the New Tariff. The low prices made on firecrackers this season in consequence of the removal of the duty has caused a larger demand than has been known for years. Some importers state that their sales this year so far are fully 300 per cent, larger than those for the corresponding period in 189-f/—Journal of Commerce. 'I fU, ... . / It is strange that the Republicans who are always bubbling over with Americanism and patriotism, never. thought how much more patriotic we iAbhl.be with lower duties on firecrfrckfers.* Young America will celebrate this year, sure.

Presß Opinion. The greater part of some war records has been made by wearing titles since 1805.—Burlington Gazette. The silence of McKinleyigm silver question goes reverberating down the ages.—Madison, Wis., Democrat. McKinley must be a sanguine man. It seems as if nobody could misunderstand the silence of the party press on McKinleyism— Milwaukee Journal. The record of the thirty-ninth General Assembly , will be one that the Republican party will have to shoulder, and it cannot be pointed to with pride, either. —lllinois State Register. The Republican National Committee ought to take Tom Carter by the slack of his political trousers and shake him up hard enough to frighten him into silence. He is talking too much with his mouth.—Wisconsin State Journal. John Sherman thinks that the Democratic party will split on the silver question, while the Republicans will.straddle it gracefully and ride to victory. It is an alarming truth that John did know more about politics than he did about finance.—Burlington Gazette