Democratic Sentinel, Volume 18, Number 48, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 14 December 1894 — REED AND HIS SPEECH [ARTICLE]

REED AND HIS SPEECH

MAKES NO EFFORT TO DEFEND M'KINLEYISM, Neither Does He Propose a Restoration of the McKinley Tariff—The Revival of BuHine«H Not Due to the Republican Victory. Satire and Sophistry. Ex-Speaker Reed mixes more brains in his speeches than infest other Republicans who are now addressing the people. But the essential weaknes of the Republican position reduces even Reed to the necessity of sophistry and mere satire. When, for example, he ponderously declares that “this country is in favor of the doctrine of protection,” the implication is that it has not protection under the existing law. Mr. Reed of course knows, and it is a pity that a man of his intellectual resources has not the honesty or the courage to admit it, that the new tariff is a high protective measure. It is much higher than the Morrill war tariff, higher than the tariff recommended by President Arthur,s protective commission, and nearly as high as the Republican tariff of 1883. If Mr. Reed means that this country believes in a 50 per cent, tariff, a monopolists' tariff, a McKinley tariff, he disregards two consecutive popular majorities of over 1,000,000 against that tariff. And it is worthy of note that Mr. Reed does not defend the McKkinley tariff nor propose its restoration. The ex-Speaker is not deluded and did not attempt to delude his hearers with the notion that the tidal wave this year is liable to be more permanent in its effects than others before it have been. "If we have wisdom for two years we will be trusted with more,” is his sensible admonition. And wisdom, according to his conception, consists in “lying low.” This is not courageous. It is hardly possible. The Republicans in the next Congress cannot sit with folded hands and bated breath. They, cannot win the Presidency by concealing from the people their purpose and policy in case they should obtain control of the Government. In Mr. Reed’s plea for more teaching, more facts, more object-lessons, we cordially concur. The new tariff will be an Instructor. If it shall revive commerce, increase industry, cheapen prices, and restore wages, Mr. Reed’s sophisms and satire will be in vain. If it shall fail to do this it cannot be defended. The experiment of a partial measure of tariff reform is assured. Both parties will have to abide by the result. —New York World.

Explaining Wage Advances. Among the score or more of wage advances in large mills, reported since the new tariff bill took effect, is one by the Whiting Manufacturing Company of New York. The New York Press of Nov. 18, in reporting this advance, makes an interesting comment and admission. It says: “The restoration of wages to the former standard is believed to be the direct result of the recent overwhelming Republican victories. In this particular case some four hundred men are benefited thereby. The assurance of a Republican Congress leads the firm to believe there will be no further reduction in tariff duties, and they therefore look for a speedy revival in business.” The heading over the article removes all doubt, and says the restoration is “directly due to the recent Republican victories.” Lt is probable that a majority of the gullible readers of the high protectionist paper will believe the explanations of the Press. But there must be a considerable minority who wlli ask themselves, “Why should this company advance wages on the strength of higher duties three or four years hence?” Oh, I see; wages are not advanced in anticipates! of higher duties, but on the belief that “there will be no further reduction in tariff duties.” “But," says this intellgent minority, “isn’t that a queer explanation to find In my protectionist paper? With a 45 per cent, duty on silverware wages were reduced; now with a 35 per cent duty wages are advanced. My protection logic may be out of repair, but it seems to me that it would be proper and honest to credit such wage advances to tariff reduction, and to say that it is probable that a still greater reduction would have caused a still greater advance.” The people are not all fools, even though the Republicans did have a big majority at the last election. They cannot be caught with sucli thin sophistry and cheap buncombe as this is.

Did the Republican Victory Do It? And now the Republicans papers print all the news of the revival of business that is In progress, just such news as they have been suppressing for the past few weeks, and attributing It all to the Republican victories in the November elections. How little confldenc these editors have In their own protective tariff. According to them, the tariff has no effect at all—it is only Republicanism that counts. We had over a year of concededly hard times, all under a protective tariff, and the same tariff which they claimed to be absolutely perfect. They allowed that the tariff was all right, but attributed the panic and hard times to the Democratic administration. Then the McKinley tariff was repealed, and business at once began to Improve. Tills they denied at first, but now concede, and attribute it all to the election of a Republican House of Representatives. This House will not meet for more than a year, and when it does meet cannot change the tariff or do anything else. Yet these papers claim that the Republican victory alone can nullify a tariff that is sure to be in operation for the next three years and which they claim to be the worst possible, so that business flourishes under it much better than during the last year of McKinleyism. If they are right, surely the tariff has very little effect on business. And a tariff that only needs a fruitless Republican victory to go with it to make business hum, cannot be so very bad, even from a protectloiiist view.—Rockland Opinion. A Suggestion to Brice and Gorman And now comes Senator Brice and tells the country who, In his opinion, will be the next Democratic nominee

for the Presidency. We may not be able to catch precisely what the wild tidal waves are saying, but we fall to detect In any quarter a call for Senator Brice to speak for the Democratic party. The one thing which Senator Brice could do with most grace at present would be to go into a secret session, behind closed doors, with Senator Gor-man.—Courier-Journal. Senator Sherman'- Interpretation, It is significant that although Senator John Sherman lives in Mr. McKinley’s own State he does not share McKinley’s illusions. He does not discover In the results of last week’s elections any sign or symptom of a popular demand for the restoration of McKinleyism. In his World Interview, published yesterday, he said: “I do not regard the present result as an indorsement of the McKinley bill or a demand on the part of the people for radical tariff legislation." Further than that, and perhaps even more significantly, he points out the fact that tariff legislation of a disturbing character is Impossible during Mr. Cleveland’s term, and pretty plainly Intimates that even if the Republicans secure full control of the Government by the elections of 1896—which he does not regard as by any means certain—he would not even then favor a return to McKlnleylsm: "I would not favor any great Increase in duties. On the stump In the campaign I said very plainly that I was a moderate protectionist, and wanted only such duties as would insure a fair rate of wages for the workingmen of the country.” This undoubtedly reflects the mind of the people just now. They administered a crushing defeat to McKlnleyism in 1892. Having got rid of it and put the question out of discussion for some years to come, they have in 1894 expressed at the polls their dissatisfaction with Democratic shortcomings. What they will do to the Republicans in 1896 is, as Senator Sherman suggests, dependent upon how the Republicans shall behave in the meantime. One thing is certain. They do not want the tariff issue revived just now. —New York World. Watchful and Independent Voters. The most remarkable feature of the elections in recent years has been the wide fluctuations in the party vote. This development of independence produced the great Republican reverse In 1860. That party promised In 1888 to correct the tariff, to practice economy, and to reform the civil service. No sooner had its leaders obtained power than they proceeded to put up the war duties, to increase the expenditures to a billion dollars, and to indulge in what George William Curtis called “a carnival of spoils.” The Independent voters of their own party smote them hip and thigh in the elections of 1890, and turned them entirely out in 1892. This year the dissatisfaction is rife among Democrats, and their leaders are buried under an avalanche. The lesson is a wholesome one to both parties. It shows that party ties do not hold voters as strongly as they used to do. It teaches the leaders that they cannot disregard their pledges with impunity. Security In power begets contempt of the people. It breeds corruption. Insecurity reminds the bosses that the people are their masters. It keeps them on their good behavior or relegates them to the rear. Frequent elections are the safety-valves and governors of our political machinery. Fluctuations In the vdte show not that the voters are fickle, but that they are watchful—not that they are indifferent, but that they are exacting. The warning of 1890, 1892, and 1894 Is the same. It says to party leaders, Be true or you will be punished. The people rule; they are not ruled.

Disgraceful Tactics. Here Is the way the successful calamity howlers give evidence of reform. The joyous Intelligence herein set forth had Its first appearance as a head In the Inter Ocean: MILLS BEGIN TO HUM. Business in Manufacturing Centers Shows Signs of Life. LABOR IS PLEASED. Proposed Reductions of Wages Will Not Be Made. * •' Glass, Tin and Iron Works at Pittsburg to Be Put in Operation Right Away. Pittsburg, Pa., Nov. B.—(Special Telegram.)—The election of Republican Congressmen all over the country has had a good effect on the window-glass trade. Etc., etc. Of course the “proposed reductions of wages will not be made.” They were proposed only to scare workingmen into voting the Republican ticket. The more vital question, however, is whether the promised Increase of wages in divers protected industries will be made. The Times for its part trusts they will, however much such action may inure to the benefit of the party now suddenly pitched into partial power.—Chicago Times. Iron Duties Unnecessary. “The general understanding among manufacturers,” says ex-Senator Warner Miller in along interview concerning the Republican tariff policy, published by the Tribune, “is that most of the duties on iron and steel manufactures are sufficient for the protection of those engaged in their production.” This utterance is not quite in harmony with the Republican cry during the recent campaign, but the exSenator does not overlook the fact that the prices of the fundamental iron products in this country to-day are practically on a level with the prices of similar products in Europe. The price of Besemer pig iron at Pittsburg is almost exactly equal to the price of such pig iron in England, and the cost of producing foundry pig iron and the selling price are lower In the Alabama district than in any other part of the world. Important branches of the iron and steel industry in this country would not be affected injuriously if two-thirds of the duties imposed on foreign products like their own by the new tariff should be cut off.—New York Times. A Boston naturalist, with a tuning fork, has discovered that crickets chirp in unison, and that their note is E natural.