Democratic Sentinel, Volume 18, Number 17, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 11 May 1894 — ADDLED CENSUS STATISTICS. [ARTICLE]

ADDLED CENSUS STATISTICS.

Protected Manufacturers Who Will Not “Give Aw»y” Their Butlnes*. Not until we have no protected industries will we have any reliable statistics of our industries. Specially favored industries are not likely to “give themselves away” by producing statistics that would cause an agitation for the withdrawal of the special favors. If such industries produce any statistics at all they are about certain to misrepresent, if they do not actually pervert, facts. The Sugar Trust, which refines about 90 per cent, of our sugar, refused to give any statistics whatever, to the Census Department, concerning its largest refineries. The matter was placed In the hands of the Attorney General, but in spite of his efforts the Sugar Trust has persistently and successfully defied the census laws. One reason why it has done so is because it could not easily juggle its statistics so that they would not show that sugar is refined for less than onethird of a cent per pound instead of over one-half cent, as the refiners claim when they ask for the continuation of protective duties. Then, again the total labor cost of refining sugar is now less than one-tenth of a cent per pound, while the refiners are protected by duties of five-tenths and six-tenths cents per pound, ostensibly to cover the “difference of labor cost" of refining between this and foreign countries. Under such circumstances it is unsafe to attempt to jugg.e statistics, and the trust wisely acted upon the maxim that “silence is golden.” Strange to say, Labor Commissiofier Carroll D. Wright, now in charge of the census work, has sent out reports purporting to give the totals of manufactures, and the manufactures in 165 of our largest cities, in which he makes no specific mention of the refusal of this great industry to comply with census laws, and in which he says that the “comparatively few" omissions to produce statistics “affect the statistical value of the data but slightly.” The omission in this one industry probably exceeds $100,000,000. Even a tew such omissions would seriously affect the statistical value of manufacturing statistics. Take another protected industry—that of shirts, collars and cuffs. Troy, N. Y., is the principal center of this Industry. It claims to make over 90 per cent, of all linen collars and cuffs and about 20 per cent, of all linen shirts made in this country. It is this Troy industry that has caused Congressman Haines and Senator Murphy to forget which platform they stood upon when elected. The duty on shirts is 55 per cent, ad valorem; on collars and cuffs 30 cents per dozen pieces and 35 per cent, amounting to over 65 per cent The census of 1890 gives the total value of shirts, collars and cuffs manufactured in Troy as $6,217,785; the average number of employes, 8,713; total wages paid, $2,474,255. The average yearly wages, then, are $283; average weekly wages, $5.60. The wages paid equal 39 per cent, of the value of the product. These statistics, though official and sent to the census officials by the manufacturers themselves, were not at all satisfactory for purposes of retaining highly protective duties. Now, when these manufacturers were suddenly notified by Congressman Haines that they could have a hearing before the Ways and Means Committee, if they would go to Washington at once, what did they do? They had not time to manufacture new statistics; to use those of the census of 1890 was out of the question. Because, as one of the manufacturers’ Tariff Committee has since said, the census made the total value of the product “ridiculously low.” As a last resort they resurrected some statistics prepared for the Ways and Means Conimittee in 1888. These they presented as “from latest statistics obtainable, and which are substantially correct to-day." They said nothing about the age of the statistics, but attached statements which would lead the committee to believe that the statistics were from the census of 1890 or for a later year, instead of for 1887. These statistics showed “annual sales” of $9,902,685.49; wages paid, $4,289,299.45; whole numbers of employes, 15,749. This shows an average yearly wages of $272.35, or weekly wages of $5.44. The manufacturers stated that wages were 44$ per cent, of sales, though their statistics make the percentage but 435. The manufacturers stated that wages were 60 per cent, of cost. The total cost then of goods sold for $9,902,685 is $7,148,832, and the profit $2,753,853. The average profit on sales, therefore, was 384 per cent., and the profits on the capital employed ($5,000,000) were 55 per cent. If the manufacturers had analyzed their statistics in this manner, or had supposed that the “wicked Democrats” would do so, they would perhaps have preferred the census figures, which showed only a profit of about 20 per cent, on the capital invested and 13 per cent, on the sales. How now were these manufacturers’ statistics prepared, which have done duty in Congress since 1887 and in several of Peck's New York State labor reports? The manufacturers, being suspicious of each other, would not permit any committee of manufacturers to examine books or see statements. The banker tabulated the statements, and announced the lesult. No means were employed to criticise or correct misstatements; any manufacturer could hand in whatever figure he might please to the banker; the banker may have patriotically increased Troy’s linen indastry 50 percent, while it was passing through his hands.

This is the way in which statistics were prepared “specially for the Tariff committee of 1888.” as one of the manufacturers says. They liked the plan so well that they have, within a few weeks, prepared in this way, statistics for the Senate Finance Committee, which shows a total product of over $11,000,000. It should be observed that the manufacturers and their representatives in Congress have always claimed that the a\ erage weekly wages in Troy is about SB. Also that the census i ©ports but twelve shirt, collar and cuff establishments in Troy in 1890, while the manufacturers claim twenty-seven. It is quite certain that the census statistics are incomplete, if hot otherwise inaccurate. It is also quite certain that the statistics of the manufacturers are not now, and never were, accurate. Some of the manufacturers may make 55 per Cent, on the capital employed, but it is improbable that the average is so high. In fact, they are always ready to assert that the average profits are not above 6 or 7 per cent This rate, however, is undoubtedly too low. It does not account for the score or more of men who have grown wealthy in a few years from the manufacture of shirts, collars and cuffs in Troy. It is probable that the statistics of hundreds of other protected industries, if examined carefully, would show the same unsatisfactory results. The census reports are unreliable if not worthless, as regards manufactures, because of omitted or “juggled” statistics from the protected industries.—Byron W. Holt.

Tariff Literature to Great Demand. The tariff question is not dead. It will not be settled by the passage of the Wilson bilk This much can be stated positively because the people are just Beginning to get verv much interested In the tariff question and to read and reflect on the subject. The < emand for tariff speeches is said to be greater than ever before. Several millions of copies of speeches have already been distributed, an unusual proportion of them going to the manufacturing centers of the East. Tom Johnson’s speeches are, perhaps, in greatest demand. He has had an edition of 250,009 printed and may have to duplicate it. He is the steel rail manufacturer who exposed tne steel rail trust and showed the absurdity and injustice of leaving any duty on steel rails. The value of his speech, however, consists more in in his frank and honest declarations in favor of absolute free trade and of Democratic principles. Chairman Wilson’s speeches are in great demand, and 100,000 have already been sent out His speech, though not so radical as Johnson’s, presents an honest front, and deals with the various schedules of the bill in a very satisfactory manner. Burrows and Reed are each said to have sent out more than 100,000 of their speeches. Burke Cockran has sent out nearly 100,000. Other speeches in great demand are these of John De Witt Warner, Benton McMillin, Jerry Simpson, Uriel S. Hall, William I), Bynum, Michael D. Harter. W. J. Bryan, W. A McKeighan, and Henry G,.Turner. The more the farmers, mechanics, and factory hands read these speeches the more certain it is that the tariff question will never be settled as long as one tariff duty is left on top of another—for they do rest upon each other.

All Hon's Flip-Flop. “The tariff of 1846, although confessedly and professedly a tariff for revenue, was, so far as regards all the great interests of the country, as perfect a tariff as any that we have ever had. When we compare the growth of the country from 1840 to 1860 with the growth of the country from 1850 to 1860, the latter decade being entirely under the tariff of 1846, or the amenaed and greatly reduced tariff of 1857, we find that the increase in our wealth between 1850 and 1860 was equivalent to 126 per cent, while it was only 64 per cent, between 1840 and 1850, four years of which decade were under the tariff of 1842, known as a high protective tariff. Our industries were generally prosperous in 1860, with the exception possibly of the iron industry. This was the statement of Mr. Morrill, of Vermont, during the discussion of the tariff of 1864." The above paragraph is from a speech of Wm. B. Allison, delivered in 1870 while he was a Republican member of the House of Representatives from an lowa district This is the same Wm. B. Allison, now a Senator from lowa, who opened the debate for the Republicans in opposition to the Wilson tariff bill, in which he said that there was not an industry in the country that would not be injured by the bill, while many would be strangled to death. Mr. Allison in 1870, demonstrated that the bill of 1846 brought prosperity, as did Mr. Blaine in his book. The figures submitted have never been discredited, and they cannot be. The trouble about the Wilson bill is that it is not so radical a measure of revenue reform as the bill of 1846. If Mr. Allison opposed it for this reason he wotild be on strong ground. But he opposes it on the opposite ground, which is a radical departure from the sound views which he and Mr. Blaine once entertained and avowed. —New Age. Speedy Action Needed. If the Wilson bill is to be defeated it must be defeated by votes and not by talk, and if it can be defeated by votes that fact could be made apparent in

four weeks’ time just as well as in four months' time. If it cannot be defeated and must become a law, it is the oplnion of manufacturers, merchants and other business men In this part of the country that the sooner it is enacted and the present suspense is over, the better. Business can adjust itself to known conditions, even though these may seem to some merchants and manufacturers exceedingly onerous, while it is utterly impossible to accommodate business to conditions that are absolutely unknown. The former state may be hard to endure, but the latter is paralyzing, and as we have before remarked, those of our contemporaries whe have been urging the Republican minority in the Senate to adopt the policy of filibustering have shown in so doing an entire want of business sagacity. What they have urged may seem to be shrewd policy from a political point of view, but the lives of the great mass of our people are not bound up indissolubly in polities. They and their families are very much more concerned with the possibilities of having business carried on in an active and fairly prosperous manner.—Beaton Herald.

A Genuine Speech. General debate in the Senate on tho tariff bill reached a brilliant and worthy close Tuesday in the speech of that grand and undiscouraged tariff reformer, Roger Q. Mills, of Texas. It was the speech of a statesman, as contrasted with the utterances of petifogging politicians: it lifted the debate to the level of which a question of such vast import should be discussed; and it was a genuine speech, not an essay read from proofs or manuscript Not the least striking passage of a speech which was impressive throughout was that in which Senator Mills declared in ringing words that if forty-four members on his side of the chamber were of the same opinion as he, and the forty-fifth in the Vice President's chair, he would pass the tariff bill in less than forty-eight hours. In closing Mr. Mills said: Mr. President, there is a duty devolving uion this body. It cannot be excused. Wo must pass this bill and make it as good as we can, but pass it We must not only pass it but we must stop this business of continually talking about the bill The American people have made up their minds about this measure. We were not sent up here to discuss this for a whole year. We have been here nearly a year discussing this question of taxation since they sent us here to execute their will. They have tried and condemned the present system. They have told us to sweep it Into banishment They did not send us here to hear arguments for a new trial; they sent us here to execute their judgment and to drive the criminal out of the country, and restore prosperity and bring the people and the country back to the enjoyment of their natural right* That is our duty. It Is our duty to so order the parliamentary rules of this body that we cad close this debate and thus bring this matter to an Issue Ido not care wbat the traditions of this body are as to debate In the early history of the body there was no such thing as filibustering known. It began with the agitation of the slavery question, but now It is here In defiance of all laws and the minority boldly assume thatthey will prevent the majority from executing its will I will say that If the fortyfour members of this side of the chamber were of the same opinion that I am (and the forty-fifth Is in the Vice President's chair) I would pass this bill in less than forty-eight hour* We have been sent here to execute the judgment of the people, to restore to them the right to work and their right to enjoy the benefits cf their work, not to wait until they are starved to death, not to wait until the whole land is paralyzed, not to wait until thousands of them are In their graves, but now to pass the bill and put It on the statute books and let business and prosperity revive in the country. Sir, whenever we do that then conditions will be changed, the night will disappear, darkness and distress will leave the land and a new day will dawn upon it. prosperity will come to all our borders, happiness will be in all our bosoms.

The Parrot* Are Learning. The processes of education are slow but sure. Two months ago the World stated in its Washington dispatches that the income tax would secure more votes in the Senate than any other feature of the Tariff bill. It stated la explanation of this that any defection on the part of Democrats would be more than made up by Republicans who would vote for the income-tax feature while opposed to the bill as a whole. The parrots were too busy with their “monarchical” and “inquisitorial” chat, ter to give any heed to this, but knowledge has overtaken them ufnawares. Recently one of their organs announced with gusto, as “a new and important turn, the information which to the World’s readers is two months old. It discovered that the thirteen silver Republicans are almost sure to vote for the income-tax proposition, and that Senator Allison, of lowa, and Hale; of Maine, “may add their names to the income-tax column.” According to this estimate the opponents of the tax will be able to muster only 33 votes, while its friends will have 52 votes, a majority of 19. There is no likelihood that the majority for the tariff bill as a whole will be more than a fourth as large. Another fact which the parrots will learn later is that if the Senate should vote it down the income tax would remain in the bill as finally passed. After the Senate acts the House has its turn again, and no one knowing the temper of the House believes there is the least likelihood that it would accept a bill from which the income tax has been stricken in order to give the Sugar Trust and the Whisky Trust what they demand.—Naw York World.