Democratic Sentinel, Volume 18, Number 4, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 9 February 1894 — THEY FAVOR THE BILL [ARTICLE]

THEY FAVOR THE BILL

WORKINGMEN DO NOT CONDEMN THE WILSON BILL. When Not Coerced by Manufacturer* They Pass Resolutions Declaring for Tariff Reform—'Warner’s Sugar Trust Killed—Left a Bar Down. Reform Club Meetings. The Reform Club deserves great credit for the work it is now doing in localities represented or misrepresented by Democrats who are trying to defeat the Wilson bill. Several big mass meetings have been held to test the sentiment of workingmen who are reported to have changed their minds since they voted for tariff reform in 1892. In each case resolutions have been passed in favor of the Wilson bill or a more radical tariff reform measure. The first meeting was held in Paterson, N. J., on Jan. 11. This is in the center of the silk industry and the tide against the Wilson bill was supposed to be runaing so high that the majority of the leading Democrats wdte afraid to make any attempt to stem it. Over 2,000, the most of whom were millhands, remained in a theater for three hours listening to Mr. Thomas G. Shearman, and lustily cheering many of his best points and sharp answei’s to questions. At the end of the meeting and after very strong tarriff reform resolutions had been passed, several of the local Democrats, who had remained “behind the scenes,” plucked up courage and, stepping to the front of the stage, congratulated the speaker and expressed great satisfaction at the success of the meeting. At Amsterdam, N. Y., the big carpet and other manufacturers had terrorized the citizens by closing mills and reducing wages. Tne manufacturers had petitions circulated through the factories condemning the Wilson bill. As might bo expected under the circumstances, the petitions were quite generally signed by employes. A mass meeting was held, and in the presence of the wealthy manuiacturers the millworkers allowed resolutions against the Wilson bill to be passed. But one Democrat had the audacity to ask a few questions from the audience. He was regarded as an intruder and treated accordingly. Apparently tariff reform was in the dumps in Amsterdam. The Reform Club desired to know if the workingmen had deserted tariff reform. It arranged for a mass meeting in the largest hall in the city, and paid for this hall 66 per cent, more than was required of the great manufacturer who footed the rent bill for the previous meeting. No local financial assistance whatever was received. The hall was packed. It was clear, when Mr. Shearman, began to speak, that some in the audience were attempting to disturb the meeting; but soon he had interested all, and convinced most of his hearers that they should remain steadfast to tariff reform. After nearly three hours of discussion resolutions in favor of the Wilson bill were passed almost unanimously. The next great meeting was held at Troy, N. Y., the center.of the collar, cuff and shirt industry in this country. Over 50,000 signatures igere alleged to have been obtained, in this city of 70,000, to a petition in favor of McKinley duties on collars, cuffs and shirts. This petition was presented to Congress by Troy’s Democratic representative, Mr. Haines, who made a long speech against the Wilson bill. Senator Murphy of New York, is a citizen of Troy. He also has declared against the proposed reductions of duties on collars, cuffs and shirts. Every paper in Troy is working with Murphy, Haines and the manufacturers. When Mr. W. B. Estell went to Troy to arrange for a meeting he found a strong' undercurrent in favor of the Wilson bill, but almost no one who was willing to risk his business interests or his job by helping to get up a meeting. Even when an immense andience had gathered in Harmony Hall, on January 22d, no citizen of Troy could be found who was willing to preside at the meeting and tne speaker—again Mr. Shearman—had to nominate himself as Chairman. He, however, soon had control of his audience, and as usual soon had it laughing and cheering. He called attention to the fact that tYe manufacturers of shirts, collars ahd cuffs hi/? reduced wages under McKinley duties as well as under those of 1883. He showed that the duties of the Wilson bill left about as much protection as the manufacturers had from 1883 to 1890, and that there was no necessity whatever for reducing wages on account of tariff reductions, if the workers wanted to make higher wages possible, he said, they should petition for lower duties on linen and cotton. This would not pnly give manufacturers cheaper raw materials but it would enable them to reduce prices of collars, cuffs and shirts; reduced prices would increase consumption ana make more work at

higher wages. Mr. Shearman then turned his searchlight upon the claims and statements of the manufacturers as presented to the Ways and Means Committee. The manufacturers had made affidavits that the average wages of working girls in Troy wore fully $8 a week. At the same time they had produced a statement which Bhowed that the average wages were only $5.23. From another statement it was shown that the manufacturers were making 50 per cent, profit on their capital. By a majority of three to one the audinece favored resolutions indorsing the Wilson bill. It is gratifying to know that the mill operatives, even in the most highly protected industries, are in favor of tariff reform, and it is fortunate for the country that there is an organization ready and willing to give the workingmen an opportunity to express themselves when the eye of the boss is not upon them. Warner’s Sugar Trust Killer. The passage of Congressman Warner's amendment placing both raw and refined sugar on the free list will save millions of dollars to to the people and thousands of votes to the Democratic party. At the same time it sounds tho death knell of the most accursed trust that ever preyed upon the homes of our hard-working citizens. No band of pirates ever had less moral right to the possession of its booty than has the sugar trust to the $40,000,000 which it, in 1892 and 1893, extracted from the pockets, or sugar bowls, of the people by means of the one-half cent per pound duty which McKinley and Aidrich were paid for leaving on refined sugar. These millions were a gratuity to tho trust; unjustifiable, even upon the grounds of protection. This duty on sugar produced no revenue and no needed protection; it was simply a license to the trust to rob tho people. Our big refiners refine sugar cheaper than it is refined anywhere else in the world. Their treatment of labor (mostly of Italians and Huns) has been shameful, and their behavior as members of a trust has been shocking, even to the hardened sensibilities of Wall street. Their $75,000,000 of capital stock is mostly (some authorities say all) water, and yet it takes clover bookkeeping to keep dividends down to about twenty per cent, a year on this capital. Scarcely a true statement bearing upon the tariff or bounty question has been published since the present Congress began its work. And yet the Ways and Means Committee decided to compromise with the sugar robbers by splitting their duty in the middle. It is a sign of courage on the part of the Democrats who voted with Warner. Like the vote on the Tom L. Johnson amendment, to put steel rails on the free list, it shows that the average Democrat is n\ore radical than the Ways and Means Committee. It dealt a blow to the sugar trust from which it will never recover. As a trust killer, it is worth a hundred Sherman anti-trust laws. That the trust realized that it had received its death sting, is evident from the fact that within ten minutes from the opening of the stock exchange, after the passage of the amendment, blocks of stock were sold at 76, although the last price of the previous day was 81}. It is not improbable that the protected manufacturers may yet be sorry that they did not advise their Republican Congressmen to agree to accept the Wilson bill the first day it was presented to the House. They are losing ground with every day’s discussion. Tne fallacies and wrongs of “protection” are being more thoroughly exposed than ever before, and the “jig is us” for all pauper industries. It will be but a few years until our self-supporting industries shall be freed from the support of beggar industries. Prosperity will then smile as it has never yet smiled upon us. Trusts, take warning. The American people are “onto” your tricks. Left a Bar Down. In the course of a labored defense of McKinleyism the San Francisco Morning Call strives to enlighten an unconverted contemporary by the following remarks: The millions of people living In the northern tier of States would be able to buy their semitropical fruit abroad at lower cost than California and Florida can Bupply them. But under the present tariff they pay duties on these varieties of fruits in order to establish the fruit Industries In States where the industry may be successfully prosecuted. We must say to the Morning Call that this is the rankest kind of heresy. The central doctrine of McKinleyism is that the duties arc paid by tho wretched foreigners. There was a time, and it was not very long ago, when the supporters of a protective tariff freely admitted that the duties were paid by domestic consumers, as the Morning Call says the duties on semi-tropical fruit are now paid by the people of the Northern States, and when they frankly defended the collection of the tax. But they were looking forward then to a gradual reduction of tariff rates and had not adopted the plan of paying for large campaign con-

tributions by making the duties higher. That truthful old doctrine is now repudiated and denounced, and the Morning Call will be in danger of excommunication unless it shall speedily accept the new one, which is set fortn in the reports and speeches of McKinley, the Reed minority report, and the teachings of all tho latter-day Republican statesmen.—New York Times. Shearman's Persuasive Logie. An interesting glance upon the campaign which the protected manufacturers are waging against the Wilson bill is shown in the news printed upon another page of the meeting of workingmen, which tho Reform Club had called in Amsterdam in our own State. Tho workingmen, who attended in great numbers, had been so incited by the manufacturers that at first they would not hear tho speaker, Mr. Thos. G. Shearman, and disturbed him in every imaginable way. But Mr. Shearman was very soon able to convince his hearers that they had hearkened to false prophets; his proofs were so convincing that the workmen had to acknowledge their justice, and at the close of the meeting ioinod in passing resolutions in favor of the Wilson bill, although they had come with other intentions. If you can only get the workmen to hear both sides their opposition to the high tariff is not to be questioned. Mr. Shearman and the Reform Club deserve great recognition for their efforts to bring to naught the lying campaign of the high protectionists.—New York Staats Zeitung.

Faith, Hope, Confidence. We are not numbered amongst those who think the country is going to ruin and that its rulers are intent in destroying the business interests of the nation. Our President is a patriotic American who has but a single purpose, and that is to do right by honestly obeying and enforcing the laws. Tho party which elected him contains a majority of the American people. We have confidence that a majority is not going to destroy the country. All our legislation has been directed against the bast inteiests of tho producing classes. They find their services not in demand. Wages decreasing by combinations of arrogant, purse-proud manufacturers who are only intent to make them so poor that they cannot resent their tyranny and oppression. With a wise, economical administration of our public affairs, repeal of obnoxious class legislation which makes the poor poorer; and a conscientious enactment of just laws that will place the laborer in a position t:> get his clothing and necessaries of life cheaper, we look for prosperous times. National Glass Budget. Partisan Memories. The second edition of calamity croakers met at Harrisburg in mass convention, and one of the Demosthenic orators lustily orated upon the lighting of the fires of the only industry known since the days of James Buchanan, viz., soup houses. The memory of the orator is a trifle short, as our recollection is that this industry thrived in 1873 and many idle workmen were fed. Panics were not confined to any political party, as the last panic we had in 1873 was even worse than the present one, and the country did not recover from its effects until 1879. If all these so-called politicians were not intent in profiting politically by the misfortunes of depression in business they had better devote their energies toward restoring confidence instead of adding to the distrust now prevalent.—National Glass Budget. The World Do Move, Debates on the Wilson bill are bringing to the front some great orators, but many of the Democratic members hold back their opinions because they cannot enter the discussion with the earnestness they would if the bill struck deeper at the curse of protection. It it were an act to abolish all tariffs the House of Representatives would be the scene of eloquent arguments for its passage. As it is, it is but a short step in the right direction and radical reformers are not giving it the support they would a bill framed to suit the masses. —FreelaWl Tribune.

Chameleon McKinley. Gov. McKinley is telling the Southern people that the Wilson bill is “especially injurious to that part of the country.” At the North the McKinleyites charge that the bill was dictated by the “Southern brigadiers" in revenge upon their conquerors. The foolish people who are taken with this sort of talk can “pay their money and take their choice.” —New York^World. Frick Is No Fool. Carnegie, in giving le-s wages to his steel mill hands, is not getting less for his armor plate. Just as Frick said: “We pay wages according to the labor market.” The tariff has nothing to do with how much is given or demanded. When an accidentto an American railway train can injure fifty men without scratching a single American it is high time to stop talking about a high tariff protecting American labor.