Democratic Sentinel, Volume 18, Number 2, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 26 January 1894 — ABOUT INCOME TAXES. [ARTICLE+ILLUSTRATION]

ABOUT INCOME TAXES.

OBJECTIONS MADE BY THE CLASSES, NOT THE MASSES. The Income Tax May Not Be l’erfeet, hot in Comparison with the Tariff and General Property Tax lti Shortcomings are Insignificant. Popular with the People. Many mean things are being said nowadays about iuc.me taxes. They are inquisitorial, monarchical, unAmerican, and unpopular, say Republicans, protectionists, and millionaires generally. Tney may be resorted to in war times, but abe infamous in times of peace. Well, it is easy to admit that an income tax is not perfect; but in comparison with our other taxes (tariff and and general property taxes), its shortcomings are insignificant. While it is inquisitorial—especially the tax on individual incomes—it is less so thin the tax on personal property as applied in many States, aid is outclassed by the internal revenue and tariff taxes, which open books and trunks, toaren buildings and persons, and set spies over honest manufacturers and importers. It is true that an income tax is monarchical and un-American, in the

sense that it is in use by many monarchies—but what tax is not? Is it not less objectional on this account than protective tariff taxes which have'boon far more generally adopted by monarchies? Suppose it be admitted that it is a war tax. Are not more than one-third of our yearly expenditures for war obligations? What more fair than that our millionaires should be taxod to pay our pensioners''’ Many of our mi lionaires laid the foundations of their fortunos during the war and reconstruction period. The victory that saved the Union also saved these fortunes, many of which are the results of exorbitant profits from Government contracts and of other fraudulent means. Why should the honest toiler who supported the war and has since worked hard to support the war shylocks, as well as the war veterans, continue to tax himself to death to meet all of the war obligations, when the Shylccks and their brethren and offspring can bo made to contribute a considerable part of this war fund? It is an infamy that these most benefited have not before been called upon to assist those most injured by cur civil war. To the extent that an income tax can be made effective will it prevent the continuance of this infamy. The other objection, that the income tax would be unpopular, is raised by the rich, and has not been hoard coming from the wage-earner. This, like most other objections, comes mainly from wealthy citizens, or from nowspapors dominoered by corporations. No non-partisan body of ordinary farmers, mechanics, or laborers has said that this would bo an unpopular tax, and, as different trade and labor organizations have condemned nearly every other kind of taxation, it may be inferred that this tax would be extremely popular with them. The plutocrats who have presumed to speak for the masses aro usually the samo ones who have been advocating duties cn goods, not to protect themselves, but to protect the wages of the dear workingmen. These rich and powerful manufacturers, capitalists, and monopolist) have never represented anybody except themselves, though they have, by bribery and corruption, been able control elections and dictate legislation for an incredible length of time, considering that thi i is an enlightened and free republic. But the common poople have at last spoken on the protection fallacy, and it is unlikely that they will revet se their opinion even during the e trying times, when their pretended friends arc closing mills, reducing wages, and in every possible way bringing pressure to bear upon the usually poor and too often ignorant factoryemploye, to force him to advocate protection. If the masses cannot longer be biill-dozed or bribed into subjection to protection, it is certain that they cannot be on so simple a question as this one of income taxation. An income tax would undoubtedly be popular in the North and the East, as well as in the South and the West —with the masses. There are so many wealthy men in Congress and so many j backed by wealthy politicians that we ! may never have an opportunity to test! the popularity of this tax. Once passed and passed in time, it will do more to save the Democratic party in 18J4 and 189fi than any ether foature of the tariff bill. Not only will it be popular on its own'account but its use will por-' mit of tariff reductions sufficiently large to produce a noticeably good eifect and thus to attract to tho Democratic party many voters who have heretofore doubted the efficacy of tariff reform.—Byron W. Holt.

Wilson's Opening Shots. The following is from the magnificent speech of Chairman Wilson, of the Ways and Means Committee: The majority of the members of tho Ways and Means Committee did not prole-58 dealing with a syttera which had grown up through thirty years of progressive legislation, or at one pr > posed stroke of legislation to free it of its injustice and to present a measure responding correctly to the demand -of the American people. They expected that friends in the country would fall away from them whenever they undertook to prepare any definite moasure of legislation. They knew from all of thoil* experience in the past that not all who march bravely in the parade are found in line when the musketry begins to rattle. I would not stop to inquire into the causes that have brought about tho present prostration of industry in this country and demoralized to a large extent the active business and trade of the country. A There seems to be some recurring Cycle in modern times about such depressions. But, from whatever cause" it had originated, it was at least an i embarrassment to us in the performance of our duty, if for nr other reason

than that it hay been eagerly seized ■MEowhy >ha imai i u tan# reform so kindle hostility against that great and beneficent movement. But if there was ever a time when the burden of taxation should be lightened, it is at a time when men are struggling for the very necessaries of life, a time when trade is held yv the paralysis of a commercial crLHd.' Ail thrttu'gh Mils country the enemies of tariff reform are seeking to .prejudice its sucrose by an appeal to those 'whose reasoning and whose power of reasoning is for the tiraa being blunted by personal suffering and personal distress. Protection when expelled from our revenue laws never came back into them by the conscious k and intelligent assent of the American people. When tha American people were in the agony of their great civil war it crept stealthily in through the back door, and it now teeks to take advantage of the present commercial distress to hold on to its position in the revenue system of this country., . The Calamity Croaker's Object. The average manufacturer and his unthinking tools are among the greatest calamity croakers this country is infested with. He has a purposo in his ery, viz: to reduce the wages of his employes and blame it on the politics of the ruling class. Theso favored gentry, who have acquired fortunes at the expense of the toiling masses, are only adding to your burdens. The

stoppage of mills and factories is for the purposo of starving you into submission. Politics has made fortunes for them at your expense, and they are adopts in the Barnurn theory that you want t > 1)0 humbugged, us the American wants to bo trouted with humbug. Don’t let thorn fool you by tho cry of free trade and Democratic times, as they have made the times what.they are and every one of them hai a purpose in misleading you. Wo hear of their philanthropy and immense donations to tho poor, but when they give a dollar they take two dollars off your wagei. When they ar e cornered they claim that the law of supply and demand regulates wages. They make this law of supply and demand uy shutting down their mills and factories for the purpose of starving you into submission. A majority of the people of this country don’t want to ruin the in-" dustries of the country nor do they want an aristocracy of class. They want u government of tho people, by andfrr the people.—National Glass Budget. Republican Specific Putins. Any taxpayer who is mixed in his ideas of an ad valorem tariff can cotno very close to a settlod opinion by reflecting upon how a specific tax would work in State and municipal affairs. Suppo.'o tho State of Missouri declared that over farmer should pay a tax of SIOO, instoad of the ad valorem tax now applied. The rich land owner whom farm was worth $50,000 would bo very lightly taxed, while tho poor home owner who had managed to got a farm worth SSOO would be compelled to sell it. Suppose St. Louis should declare that every merchant should pay 951.0 a year. The big business housos whose trade amounts to millions would got off easily, while the small grocer would be driven out of business. That is tho way a specific tariff duty works. It is a continued fraud on tho poor m3n. The cheaper necessaries pay a tremendous percentage, while the high-pi iced qualities of tho same wares are taxed very little. A specific duty requires more watching than ann people can give. An ad valorem duty requires only the watching that any customs service ought to givo without urging. A tariff which is mado specific would impose upon tho small income many times the percentage paid to support the Government by the big ipcome. You can bet on the Republican party sticking to the device which will boost ihe rich man and keep down the poor man.—St. Louis Republic.

Tlie Right Man In the lilght Pluee. It is of good argury for the Wilson bill that the tariff debate in the House of Repres mtatives should have been opened by Chairman Wilson himself in a speech of tuch argumentative and logical power, and such candcr, withal, that at the very beginning it puts the discussion on a high plane, from which the sneers of Reed and the harangues of Boutello will not avail to drag, it down if Mr. Wilson's Democratic associates keep their temper and address themselves earnestly to the business of advancing the bill to its passage. There is no good working answer to Mr. Wilson's assertion that "if there was ever a time when the burden of taxation should be lightened, it is at a time when men are struggling for the very necessaries of life, a time when trado is hold in the paralysis of a commercial crisis.” A single candid exposition of the (principles of the bill like this speech of the Chairman of the Ways and Means Committee has more power of conviction for men of open minds than tons of petitions extorted by protected manufacturers frcm workmen whose wages were cut down after the enactment of the McKinley tariff. Inexcusable Delay. ThWis peculiarly a time for diligence in duty and the pushing of needed legislation.—Chattanooga Times. It will be greatly to the discredit of the Democratic party if the how tariff law is not speedily enacted. - Boston flerald. If the Democrats in the House cannot tally their forces and get to work it must be concluded that they are determined to destroy their< parly.— Philadelphia Times. It is, ttio imperative duty of the Democrats to cut short the debate and get the Wilson bill into the President s hands before the end of February.— Chicago Herald. The country demands prompt action on t. e Wilson bill. Tho members of. Cong/ ess have sought and have been intrusted with the office of the country’s legisla'ive representatives. It is their duty to fill that office, or to give way to others who will.—Louisville CourierJournal. Some men will get the upper hand of you even if they have to do ft by underhand methods.

RELIEF AT HAND.-Puck.