Democratic Sentinel, Volume 17, Number 37, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 29 September 1893 — INDIANAPOLIS SENT NEL, Indianapolis, Ind. [ARTICLE]

INDIANAPOLIS SENT NEL, Indianapolis, Ind.

A copy of the Indiana Almanao for 1893 has just been received by us. It is without question the most complete and best work of its kind that has been issued in the State. The main features of the work are deserving of extended notice. The World’s Fair, which is to be held this year, will no doubt be visited by almost every citizen of Indiana. This important subject is fully outlined in twenty-eight pages of printed matter, showing cuts of the buildings and descriptions of all the interesting features and exhibits, Complete tables and Tariff Duties and increases are noticed. A reliable table of the Indiana Post-offices, with their salaries. This constitutes reference volume for those interested in the new appointments expected after March 4th. The United States Government, with the names and salaries of every official thereii , from President down, are given. A full list of United States Senators and Representatives are furnished. Tables of population of States, cities, etc., and other matters of paramount importance are also set fully forth. A concise collection of general iniormation on the recent political revolution is perhaps the most interesting feature of this work. The veto of Indiana by counties on both State and National tickets is scheduled, and separate tables are. given on legislative districts. The great result by popular vote an ) electoral votes is also shown. For the benefit of handy reference the platforms of the four leading parties in 1892 are appended.

A nationaljbank at New Castle has just placed an advertisement to the effect ihat they have five hundred thousand dollars to loan at 4 per cent, interest, which is evidence of returning better times. The at. tempt of the national banks to bluff the administration into the issuance of $300.000,000 of bonds having proved abortive they are prepared to resume the even tenor of their ways. In a recent letter President Cleveland says: “I am a friend of silver, but I believe its proper p'ace in our currency oan only be fixed by a readjustment of our currency legislation and the inauguration of a consistent and comprehensive financial scheme. I think suoh a thing oan only be entered upon profitably and hopefully after the repeal of the law which is oharged with all our financial woes. In the present state of the public mind this law cannot be built upon nor patcfin d in suoh a wsy as to relieve the stagnation.” " ♦ m « -

The Tariff Object Lessons from the old manufacturing est .blishment for that olass of goods, the New York Press, are again going the rounds of the Republican organs. They are part of a systematic. effort adopted by the opposition to bluff congress and provent tariff reform. Tariff for revenue only, ie no experiment, it was in operation for years before the war, and even James G. Blaine has admitted that the country never witnessed more prosperous times. Congress will proceed to reform the tariff, and the bluff game might as well oease.

Governor Neal, for such we hope to oall him, in ans ver to the oharge made by McKinley that the ways and means committee was made up of men who represented, farming communities, said: It should be borne in mind however, that the manufacturing and commercial communities are not the only ones in this country. There is a vast army of people not connected direotly or inJirectly with manufacturing, and sharing none of the benefits of protection. It would not be strange, therefore, to find on the ways and means committee men who are as muoh interested in representing the consumers and other masses of as they are in representing the manufacturing and commercial communities who appear to be the only ones entitled to representation according to the clase and sectional views of Maj. McKinley. It is upon the theory of representing the whole people, the consumers as well as the producers, that the presont ways and means committee is proceeding.

Hon. Lawrence T. Neal in his opening speech at Newark disoussed the wage question from a correct standpoint.— “Whateveradvantage,” he said, “iu wages the American wage-earner has over his English and other foreign competitors he ha* acquired for himself, in spite of ti is pretended protection, by his superior intelligence industry and skill, and bis longer hours of unremitting toil. This sham Republican protection has been to him a hindrance and a drawback. This is us true of the labor in unprotected occupations, which constitute at least 85 per cent ol all the laboi of the country and receives no possible benefit from protection. -is it is of the 15 percent.|in protected industries for which alone shadow of a pretext for the claim of a benefit ly protection can be made. We must remember in considering the welfa:e of the laborer, another tbiug, and that is that steady employment is not second in importance to high wages. Good wages and continuous emj lovmeut are each es - sentirl to the prosperity of labor. But we look in vain for such employment to labor even in the protected industries under the McKinley system of taxation. “ The independence of labor Is destroyed by such legislation. The tyrannical will of capital beoomea supreme and it restricts andlimits the employment of labor both as to terms ana time. Reduction in wages, strikes and lookouts become the order of the day. Enforced idleness results, and you know the rest. The object lessons of the unfortunate conflicts between protected capital, relentless and cruel, ana honest labor, begging only for the opportunity to sell itself for a livii.g price, are indeliibly stamped upon your memories, and I need not recall them. “Governor McKinley may call this Americanism and patriotism if he will, but I say to you, no darkerjrage in American history will be written than those which record these irrepressible conflicts between capital, protected, proud, arrogant and all-powerful upon the one side, and labor, wronged, fretful, impatient, contending for its just rewards, upou the other. ' “We must have a higher order of Americanism than this; our patriotism nustbe bronaer than this, and we must, und, r the guidance of a wiser statesmanship, break the restraining shackles of this Republican protection, and give to labor, and capital as well, a freer and larger market for the limitless productions of our mines, our factories and our fields.”