Democratic Sentinel, Volume 16, Number 45, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 25 November 1892 — THE SNAKE SCOTCHED. [ARTICLE]

THE SNAKE SCOTCHED.

IT WILL NEVER REAR ITS UGLY CREST AGAIN, For the Truth* of Tariff Reform Will Be Preached Until Accepted by All the People—What the New Era Denotes—McKinley ou Factory Building. What the Landslide Means. It means that neither McKinleylsm nor protectionism will ever again be the leading issue in this country. It means that farmers and laborers. 1 who always pay an undue proportion of j tariff taxes, have discovered that "protec ion” is a false god set up by manufacturers. It means that the so-called "statesmen” who have aided and abetted the manufacturers in their robbery of the ' people, will be retired forever to private life. It means that we will never again be compelled to listen to twa .die about the ' foreigner paying our taxes; about cheap i coats making cheap men; about raising wages by giving a bonus to employers; , about taxing ourselves into prosperity, ' and about a dozen other economic falla- ’ clesconnected with "protection.” It means that the question of the best' kind of taxation for national purposes will hereafter be discussed by earnest. students of economics instead of by demagogues. It means that our manufacturers will ’ soon have free raw materials—wool, I iron, copper, lumber, lead, coal, salt, tin plate, etc. It means that duties which support I trusts will be abolished. It means that Americans will soon not be compelled to pay more for agricultural maehlnes, bicycles,' hardware, and hundreds of other articles than do foreigners. It means that we will soon have bet- 1 ter clothing at very much lower prices, i It means that manufacturers will i cease to rely upon, politicians, tariffs, i and trusts to make their business profit- • able, and will become independent and j self-reliant. It means that, commercially, we will ! soon become the leading nation of the 1 earth—the position we should now oc- ' cupy but for the incubus of protection which has rested on us for thirty years. ' It means that early in the twentieth century we will be building and sailing more ships than any other country. It means increased production and 1 more work at higher wages. It means tbat tanners will cease to mortgage their farms to support "home ; markets” which remain abroad. It means that farmers will realize more on their products and that the value of their lands will increase as• their mortgages decrease. It means that political corruption will I decline at least To per cent, and that j purity in politics will no longer be an ; “iridescent dream.” It means that with the discarding of the system which has produced one- ; third of our Millionaires (according to ■ the New York Tribune) one of the great' causes of class distinctions and the ac- ! companying evils will be removed. It means, in short, greater prosperity, more intelligence, better morals and in- , creased happiness.

McKinley on Factory Building. Ralph E. Hoyt, of Chicago, in a letter to the editor of the Herald ot that city, utters some truths well worth the attention of thinking peorle. He says: Mr. McKinley said in one of his recent speeches: “A revenue tariff never built a factory in the United Stat s. ” Nobody says it did. Tariff laws of any kind do not build factories, nor is it the business of the government to build them, or to furnish them with special privileges after they are built and putin operation. But probably Mr. McKinley meant, If he meant anything by such a statement, that no factories have been established in this country during the existence of a revenue tariff. If so, he is a long way from the truth, though that is something over which he is probably not at all worried. from 1850 to 1860 this country had what was understood to be “a tariff for revenue only.” It was designed as such, and if there was any protection in it at all the protective feature was very slight and purely incidental. It was such a low tariff that any similar measure now would be denounced by protection champions as “free trade.” And yet that decade was one of great prosperity in manufacturing Industries. During that period no less than 17.400 factories were erected in the United States, or more than 1,700 a year ou an average. The increase of capital interested in manufacturing interests was 90 per cent.; the increase of manufactured goods was 85 per cent.; the aggregate increase of wages was 60 per cent.; and the increase of wages per capita was 17 per cent. From 1860 to 1892 we have had an era of protective tariffs, with a constant upward tendency, to meet the growing greed of the stalwart “infants” nursed by Uncle Sam. This whole period of thirty-two years dots not show any such ratios of increase in manufactures as are shown by census reports for the ten years preceding the war. In the light of these facts It will be difficult for McKinley and his associates to make intelligent men believe that even free trade would ruin the country. The Farmer's Foreign Market. Mr. E. W. Stout, a farmer whose place is near Trenton, N. J., visited his father in England recently. Before starting, as he tells a New York Times reporter, he talked with some of his Jersey neighbors, “and we agreed that if I found on getting on the other side that I could buy some plows and other things and get them out to Trenton so that we conld save 10 per cent I should do it ” Mr. Stout thus tells the sequel: “Well, I’ve done it, and in the course of a few days the things will arrive, and I reckon tbat I shall save considerably more than 10 per cent. On the plows the saving will be fully 25 per cent. I think, for the prices for American-made plows on the other side are just about half the prices charged for the same things in this country. I bought hay rakes, cultivators, feed cutters and plows, and everything will come hack to this country in the same packing that was on it when it was shipped from the factory." No wonder Farmer Stout is moved to add to this plain, unvarnished tale this wrathful bit of comment: “ ‘Protection,’ the Republicans call it. ‘Robbery’ is my name for it. It’s nothing short of robbery when taxes make me pay $lO for a piece of farm machinery that the manufacturer sends abroad for sale at about half that sum, in spite of the extra expenses of packing and freightage. I'd have stayed on the other side another fortnight if I hadn’t thought it my du'y to come home and vote for tariff reform and get my neighbors to do the same.” Farmers who have wondered why farming didn’t pay, and have been told by the administration that they ought to diversify their crops, may be better able to see where the leak is by the light of this revelation from one of their own fraternity. Philadelphia Record.

Yes, with a Vengeance.

The American Economist of Nov. 4, last issue before election, instead of putting, as usual, a dozen “questions to free traders” puts but one: “Can you, with clear mind and true heart, vote for Grover Cleveland and the Democratic

ticket Md be happy thus to win the approval of the Cobdt n Club, the titled nobility, and the great manufacturers of England?** Republican Theory Tested. Edward Atkinson, the foremost political economist in the country of the kind that deduces theories from facts and not facts from theories, has issued a pamphlet summarizing the results of the latest census bulletins and applying them to the question of the tariff. Dividing the working population into seven classes he shows, by the last two censuses, that only one class is at all affected by foreign competition, and tbat only halt of that class, or 5 per cent of the working population, or .016 per cent of the entire population, is actually affected. The wages of skilled labor have increased from census to census, but this is due to recognized laws created by the skillful application of methods developed by science. In unskilled labor the increase has been much less, and in farm labor the increase is 1 cent a day. To equalize the increase in wages, to give 95 per cent, of the working population the same chances as 5 per eent., and to move from that 5 per cent, artificial restrictions which cause destructive reactions, Mr. Atkinson shows that it is necessaiy to remove the duties at once from all the crude materials which are necessary in the process of domestic industry and to keep duties for revenue on finished products and manufactures. When that is done our manufacturers will be placed upon even terms in their competition with other countries in the cost of fibres, metals, drugs, dye-stuffs, chemicals, and the like, in many of which wa now enjoy a great advantage over other nations. In agriculture, the mechanic arts, in mining, and in a large part of the manufacturing arts we now possess a great advantage over all foreign nations. M hen the Democratic policy of promoting domestic industry by exempting from duties all important materials that are used therein has been adopted, the only remaining question would be how to protect American labor from undue competition in the moderate number of arts of which a finished product of like kind can now be imported, until the unwholesome effect of a high tariff has been overcome. In dealing with this factor we may rightly a lopt the policy laid down in the Republican platform in the following terms: “On all imports coming in o competition with the products of American labor there should be levied duties equal to the difference between wages at home and abroad. ” We may adopt the policy without discussing it, as the necessity lor revenue will not permit any lower duties at presentthan would- be imposed if it is adopted as a compromise—in fact, much higher rating must for a time be continued. It will be observed that the proportion of labor in converting crude materials into finished products, as disclosed by these statistics of manufacturing,ranges from 18.84 per cent, in Chicago to 32.4 per cent, in Grand Rapids, averaging 25 percent., substantially the same ratio governing the textile arts. It is claimed by the advocates of protection that the rates of wages of the manufacturing arts in this country are double what they are in the manufacturing countries i f Europe. This is not the case in respect to rates of wages in Great Britian, our chief competitor; but let it be granted for the purpose of removing any objection to tariff reform. Let it also be granted that if we abated the duties on crude materials we should compete on equal or better terms in competition with the countries in all but manufacturing labor. Let it then be granted that, In dealing with tne element of labor in the factory and the workshop, the cost of labor in the unit cf product is t > be determined by a comparison of the rates of wages, although such is not the case. If it were so our chief competitors would be on the Continent of Europe, in France, Germany, Italy, and Austria, where the general rates of wages are lower than our own.

But having thus come to an agreement for practical legislation we may legislate on the following basis: Me may leave out articles of luxury, laces, silks, embroidery, furs, fine cotton and worsted fabrics and the like, to be subjected to special rates for revenue purposes. Most of these articles depend upon fashion and fancy for their sale rather than upon cost or utility. They are, therefore, suitable subjects for high revenue duties, and have so been dealt with by the Democratic party in both the Morrison and the Mills bills, and in all proposed adjustments of the tariff. Dealing only with the useful goods which are consumed by the million rather than by the millionaires, the ratio would then be substantially as follows, admitting all that the advocates of protection claim:

European United manufacturing States. States. Cost of materials, general expense and other charges 73 75 Labor In factory or workshop 25 Duty on foreign cost to 87.50 equalize labor or wages 15 per cent 12.50 too 100 Losses In Wheat and Cotton. Sufficient returns have been received to enable the American Agriculturist to make an approximate estimate of the wheat crop of 1892, and it puts it down at 495,0iX),b0« bushels. This is a falling off of 117,C0i),0i0 bushels from the crop of last year (612,t0<',0t0 bushels), and this decrease in the quantity raised does not tell the whole story. Instead of the falling oil being attended by higher prices, it has actually been attended by lower prices. On October 29 of last year No. 2 red wheat was qu ted in St. Louis at 92 cents a bushel, and on October 29 of the present year at 6 j cents—a decline of 24 cents. Here, then, is a falling off of 117, r OO,000 bushels in the size of the crop and of 24 cents a bushel in the price. Last year’s crop (612,01X1,000 bushels) at last year’s October price, 92 cents, was worth to our wheat raisers $563,000,000; and this year’s crop (495,00 1,000 bushels) at this year’s October price, 65 cents, is worth only $321,750,000 a loss of $241,250,000. And this on a single staple in one year. And when we look down south we find that the cotton raisers are in a similar predicament. The cotton crop of last year was 6,700,000 bales, which, at the August price in 1891, was worth SSO a bale, or $435,100,000 for the crop. But Agriculturist estimates the crop of 1892 at only 6,500;000 bales, which at the August price in 1892 is worth only $35 a bale, or $227, MIO,OOO for the crop—a falling off of $207,500,000. Add this to the wheat loss and we have a loss of $448,000,000, with only two staples heard from. How rich we would grow under the McKinley policy, particularly the wheat raisers of the West and the cotton raisers of the South!—St. Louis Republic. A Memorable Kick. The people have broken the kicking record. Republicanism, McKinleyism, protection, and monopoly were kicked into the middle of eternity. There will be no resurrection for them. Ten million voters have employed Presidents, Senators, and Congressmen to make laws for all. These servants of the people have accepted bribes from a few thousand manufacturers and made laws that robbed the millions to enrich these few manufacturers. Encouraged

by their successes the manuf*cturer«' increased their bribes and the mie-rep-resentatives of the people extended their bold scheme of robbery. This process has been repeated several times during the last thirty years. The people have been slow to discover the schemes and to believe in the guilt of their servants. But as Lincoln said: “You can’t fool all of the people all of the time," and at last the most credulous have been compelled to believe that their interests have been betrayed. The kick of November 8,1892, will be a memorable ohe. The Protection Shirt. Albert B. Leeds is professor of chemistry in Stevens In titute, Hoboken, N. J. Being requested by many prominent citizens of Hoboken, both Republican and Democrat, 1o make public his Masons for having the Republican party, he did so in a speech on Nov. 4. He left the Republican party mainly because of its position on the tariff-protec-tion for protection’s sake. He thinks that such protection corrupts morals and causes class distinctions. He says, with Garfield: "I am for protection thaS leads to ultimate free trade.” He says this is good orthadox Republican doctrine from which the party has strayed, and that neither his reason nor his conscience will permit him to follow it. As a result he is left in the Democratic party. Prof. Leeds has traveled in Europa and has purchase 1 goods there. He is firmly convinced that the foreigner does not pay our tariff taxes. He showed two small linen table-cloths of the same pattern, one purchased in New York and the other in Cologne, the former at $3.75 and the latter at $2.50. He mentioned other articles that showed even greater differences in pi ice. He has come to the conclusion, reti.hed by all sincere investigators, that American labor at Ametican wages is as cheap as European labor at European wages. On this question he says: 1 was much struck by the reply which a manufacturer of textile machinery, employing 1.500 hands In Manchester, made to my question as to what had most impressed him In his visit of six months’ duration to the factories of the United States. He was a member of Parliament sent out on a tour of inquiry in America by the Royal Commission on Technical Education. He replied that It was the feverish way in which the American mechanic appeared to hint to do his work, laboring as though his prospects for tbe future depended upon his putting all his heart and soul into it. and in his turning out in tbe shortest possible length of time an amount of work which to tbe more phlegmatic Englishman appeared Incredible. As far as true labor cost and producing capacity are concerned, the American mechanic is more than a match for his competitor the world over, and his truest friends are now asking to back him in a fair fight, no protection gloves belli; worn, and without favor. One of Prof. Leed’s greatest objections to McKinley protection Is that it has deteriorated the quality of goods and introduced greater dishonesty into trade. He illustrated this part of his speech with a shirt and two pairs of stockings. Here is what he said: The effect of Inflated protection is to bring about an unfair competition which degrades tbe character of American goods, places tbe dishonest imitation in competition with the superior fabrics from which its pattern and finish are copied, and does away with the necessity of artistic skill and advanced technical education. These debasing effects were strikingly shown after tbe passage of the McKinley bill. At first there was a sharp rise of prices corresponding to tbe increased duties. But the people could not pay the increase, and tbe prices fell to tbelr former level, an Inferior article being substituted, 'i o Illustrate bow this was done, 1 have here to show you the famous “23-cent stocking.” Of the two pairs which I show you. this, which was sold before the higher tariff, weighs forty-seven grains; the other pair, such as is sold now for twenty-five cents and having tbe same trade-mark and purporting to be just the same goods, weighs thirty-three grains. It weighs one-fourth less, and is of an open, flimsy texture, representing hardly half the value and endurance of the old goods. In another store I purchased a shirt of American make for 98 cents, marked “Men’s Fine Natural Wool.” I purposely asked the salesman three times whether it was all wool, and he positively declared that It was. On treating it with washing soda the shoddy filling at once came off and only the cotton backing remained. In this bottle I have the dissolved shoddy. On adding acid to it you see that the shoddy comes to light again as so many dirty white flocks. It may be said that falsehoods of this character are a part of ordinary business, but tbe telling of them both by manufacturers and sellers of these debased domestic goods has been greatly stimulated by a competition of which theft Is regarded as a necessary feature.

We heard a (treat deal at one time of what was called the bloody shirt. It long outlived Its usefulness us a campaign scarecrow, and is now consigned to wellmerited oblivion. But the shirt I show you might justly be retarded as a fit emblem of the inflationists, and be held aloft by them as a standard under the name of the Protection Shirt. Its thickness and apparent warmth are all shoddy and represent that part of the protection which goes t,o' the manufacturer. It won’t wash. Its substance is this open gauze of cotton like a mosquito net, but with meshes so coarse that even a Jersey mosquito might slip through. Tills is the part of the protection which will be enjoyed by the laboring man who wears, and quickly wears out, the shirt. It won't keep him warm this winter; he will decidedly be left but in the cold. When competition is on a fair basis, manufacturers must continually improve the quantity as well as Increase output and diminish cost They must invent new and more artistic patterns and designs; they must add the latest refinements in finish and taste; they must anticipate the latest caprice or novelty of fashion; they cannot safely steal or copy, they must invent. But when goods having all the virtues above spoken of are shut out of the country, except to the rich who will and do buy them at any price, the domestic manufacturer finds it much cheaper and easier servilely to imitate than to produce a domestic article of genuine merit.

A Terrible Wreck. Few more tragic disasters of the sea arerecorded than that which befell the fine steel bark Newfield August 29 on the Victorian coast at Curdie's Elver, The vessel went on the shore and nine men lost their lives. The exact spot where the Newfield struck is an evillooking reef that runs out some hundreds of yards from under towering cliffs. The tops of the cliffs turn stiffly over a sheer iall of about 100 feet, and at the base and all round there is a network of sharp rock teeth, on any one of which ash p might meet her fate. It was upon the highest and most dangerous of all that the Newfield sailed in the darkness. Captain Scott mistook the light on shore, and before he could remedy his error the ship struck, became wedged in the rocks, and was swept by huge rollers. Then began a struggle "for life, the captain and crew evidently thinking their only safety lay in reaching the shore, whereas if they had remained on board all would have been saved. The life-boat was launched, and the captain and twenty-two men got aboard. The sea was so heavy, however, that she was water-logged, and the men on board saw that they must regain the ship or be lost. By great efforts fifteen men succeeded in reaching the deck. The captain and the others went down with the life-boat The survivors got out the other life-boat, and at a great risk all on board reached the shore. A great crowd thronged the beach, and there was deep disgust when it was learned that the vessel was loaded with salt.—San Francisco Examiner. Key West has 4,000 idle cigar makers.