Democratic Sentinel, Volume 16, Number 39, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 14 October 1892 — Page 1

VOLUME XVI

VORHEES ON SILVER.

What the Democratic National Platform Says and Means —Earnest Words Addressed to Advocates of Free Silver. I have no trouble this year as a Demo crat. and in line with my party, on the subject of silver money. My position ii regard to the coinage and use of silver is well known, and has undergone nt change. It is the money of Jefferson and the fathers, and it is not now ii the slightest danger of being driven from its proper place as an honored branch of the currency of the United States. In 1873 the leaders of the Republican party undertook to secretlj stab it to death, and succeeded in mak ing it the legal tender for no more that the sum of $5. This was its humiliated condition when I entered the senate in November, 1877, and my first speech ii that body was in favor of its restoration to its former dignity, equality and fret coinage. From that time to this, in one form or another, the contest has con tinned, until now it is beyond dispute that silver has a substantial victory. Silver money in the shape of standard silver dollars, subsidiary coins and silvei certificates is now in circulation in this country as full legal tender, and at pai with gold, to the extent of $445,346,805. It is met with everywhere, in every branch of business, and at every hour in the day. It buys the same that gold buys, dollar for dollar, and the man who says it is not honest money is himseli simply dishonest or very ignorant. 1 think the friends of silver have done wonderfully well, and need not be much disturbed on the subject, at least for the present, when we are threatened with absolute slavery on the other issues mentioned. But let us see further, whether the position of the Democratic party as declared at Chicago on the money question is such as to cause any friend of silver to feel ill at ease this year, or to'look around for a third party in which to take refuge without the slightest chance or even hope of accomplishing anything there. You have all read our national platform, but the following sentence can not be read toe often or studied too carefully: We hold to the use of both gold and silver as the standard money of the country and to the coinage of both gold and silvei without discriminating against either metal or charge for mintage, but the dollai unit of coinage of both metals must be ol equal intrinsic and exchangeable value oi be adjusted through international agreement or by such safeguards of legislation as shall insure the maintenance of the parity of the two metals and the equal power of every dollar at all times in the markets and in the payment of debts, and we demand that all paper currency shall be kept at par with and redeemable in such coin.

This plank of the platform declares squarely and unequivocally that both gold and silver shall be our standard money; that no discrimination shall be made between the two metals in their coinage, one being as free for coinage at the mint as the other. The only condition attached to this declared equality between the metals is that one dollar shall be as food as another when putin circulation. can and do stand with both feet on this declaration of the platform. It is all I have ever looked for or wanted. No one but the counterfeiter wants money of different values in circulation. Silver never did and never will circulate in its debt paying, exchangeable value, or purchasing power, a farthing below gold. It is the peer of gold now in every transaction in the United States and it will remain so. If in this connection you ask me as tq Mr. Cleveland’s position on the silver question I only need answer that he stands as I do on the platform, and that the whole civilized world knows him to be an honest man. If elected in November next, as I believe and pray he will be, he will be true and faithful to the principles embodied in the platform on which he succeeds. During all of his great and noble administration there were coined each month by law $2,500,000 of silver. The coinage of silver now in Harrison’s administration is wholly discontinued by virtue of the Sherman silver enactment, which was a fraud from the beginning, and intended as such. Let no Democrat be misled by the silver issue. This is the best year I ever knew in which to stand firm. The monstrous dangers which menace free government itself demand that the old guard shall close up and go into battle once more shoulder to shoulder. This done, and victory is certain.

Governor Porter’s Return to Indiana.

It is gravely announced in the Indianapolis Journal that Governor Porter has resigned his position as minister to Italy for the express purpose of returning to Indiana and informing his farmer friends that they are greatly protected and benefited by the duties imposed upon farming products by the McKinley bill. Governor Porter will show while he is on the stump that the farmers would be utterly ruined had not the McKinley bill placed this tariff on straw, beans, peas, broom com, potatoes, milk, hops, hay and vegetables of all kinds. As there is great danger of the farmers of this country coming into contact with the farmers of other countries in the production of the above named articles, Governor- Porter will impress upon them, the great work of erecting a “Chinese wall” around our borders so as to prevent these articles being imported into this country and coming into competition with the same articles raised upon our farms. He will grow extremely eloquent while presenting these facts to his farmer friends of Indiana; but he may learn before the canvass closes that while he has been luxuriating at the court of the King of Italy on a salary oi SIO,OOO that the farmers of Indiana have thoroughly studied the tax and that they will no longer be humbugged by such cheap argument as Governor Porter and his party are giving them on the tariff. They have all learned that the McKinley bill was not made for the farmer but for the manufacturer and that the duties placed upon farming products in that bill were intended to catch the vote of the farmer while he was being robbed in the interest of the manufacturer.

The Democratic sentinel.

PECK’S BAD RECORD.

His Revenge Upon Democrats. Labor Commissioner Peck, of New York, who is now under indictment foi destroying public records, in his late re. port on the increase of wages, padded al the request of the national Republican committee, makes a statement that the carpet workers received an increase ol wages in 1891. The New York Times has made diligent inquiry among th< carpet workers of that city, but hai failed to find one man whose wages have been increased since the enactment ol the McKinley tariff. The employes oi Higgins’ carpet factory, on West Forty third street, state that they have had nc advance in wages since the election ol Harrison. That since that event, their union has been broken up, and conse quently unable to enforce any demand they might make for advance. And that the manufacturers have shown no inclination to raise wages, but on the contrary, complain that they have t« pay higher duties on carpet wool and also on other materials. Mr. W. L. Brower, the president ol the general council of the shoemakers, said that the wages of shoemakers in this state have been going down since 1888. Tney were reduced about 25 pei cent, within a year. Inquiry among workmen in large shoe factories, in the city of New York, show that'no advance has been made in pay for several years. Apropos of the motives of Commissioner Peck for issuing an alleged labor report to boom the McKinley bill, the Buffalo Evening Times publishes a letter from Homellsville, Peck’s old home, in which his former neighbors telltales by no means creditable to him. A number of years ago he ran a newspaper in Dansville, which aroused such a bitter feeling by his vituperative abuse of people, that it culminated in their seizing his office and dumping the type into the street, and he suddenly disappeared from view. His next public appearance was in 1878, when he became associate editor of the Homellsville Tribune. Here he was horsewhipped by two women. A libel suit was brought by Mrs. Braslin, a widow residing in Warsaw, whom he attacked in his paper. She secured a verdict of $14,000 against Peck. the public streets of Homellsville, and Peck was burned in effigy. It was about this time that he bolted the Democratic ticket. In 1882 he had a partner in his paper who was able to bring about a reconciliation with the leaders of the Democrats of the county. Peck wrote a laudatory editorial, nominating Hill for governor, and sent it to the Elmira Gazette which published it. Thereafter, he posed as the discoveror of Hill, who was made lieutenant governor with Cleveland as governor. This is the chief reason why Hill espoused Peck’s cause, and secured his appointment by Cleveland as labor commissioner, and using every effort on later occasions to secure his retention in office when his dismissal was demanded by Democrats throughout the country where he was known. In 1885 Peck forged a credential to the workingmen’s trade assembly convention held at Rome. He claimed to be a representative of the Car Drivers’ association, of Syracuse. His deception was soon discovered and he was ousted from the convention. Ever since Governor Flower has been in office, the Democrats of Homellsville have been trying to have Mr. Peck removed from office, because the fact that a man of his reputation held a state office under a Democratic administration had caused a revolt in the rank and file of the Democratic party in 1868. That on account of Peck’s appointment the district which had averaged Republican majority of about 600, gave Harrison 2,000 majority. Frank Campbell, Senator Walker and delegates from Homellsville and vicinity, called on Governor Flower during the HillFebruary convention and demanded his dismissal in the interest of the Democratic party. It is said that Governor Flower promised to remove him after the election, and it is believed that Peck, knowing that his time was short, made this report out of pure cussedness and revenge, believing that it would bring him notoriety whioh he seemed to crave. It is generally believed, too, that Peck was promised to be taken care of after the election by Harrison for his reward in making this report. And this is the Peck that Mr. Harrison quoted in his letter of acceptance to sustain his plea for the McKinley tariff,

Gresham, Schurz, MacVeagh, McCullough.

Judge Gresham, Wayne MacVeagh, Carl Schurz and Hugh McCullough are four ex-Republican candidate officers who are now supporting Grover Cleveland. Schurz and MacVeagh were in Hayes’ cabinet, McCullough served under three presidents, Lincoln, Johnson and Arthur. Gresham served under Arthur, first as postmaster general, then secretary of the treasury. All these former prominent Republicans have joined the Democratic party on account of the tariff policy of the Republican party. They see in the McKinley tariff a dangerous club in the hands of plutocracy. When such men as Gresham leave the the Republican party, it means Botifething. There are 1,000 who have left the high tariff party, whose names have not been hurled to the world because they are not of national reputation. But their votes next November will effect the result largely to the disadvantage of the Republican party’. In this state four prominent men are now stumping for Cleveland, who. four years ago made speeches for Harrison. John Overmyer, of Jennings county, who in 1882 was chairman of the Republican state committee; D. P. Baldwin, of Logansport, who was elected attorney general by the Republicans in 1880; William D. Foulke, a leader of the Republicans in the senate of 1883 and 1885; ex-Attorney General Williamson, of Green Castle, were all on the stump for Harrison in this and other states four years ago. This year they have lifted up their voices in behalf of Grover Cleveland because the McKinley tariff has driven them out of the party in which they have been reared.

RENSSELAER lAS PEL

ALL LAWS VOID.

®neli Would Follow the Success of the Republican Revolution. If the supreme court, affirms the decison of Judge Bundy, and thereby declare void the legislative apportioi unentr of 1885 and 1891, what will bee >me of the acts of the sessions of 1889 and 1891 An apportionment under the constitution is a law that creates offices. This is so because the constitution does not fix the exact number of members ol representatives and senators. It simply provides, that the senate “shall not exceed fifty, nor the house one hundred members.” The legislature, by an apportionment act, can reduce the number of senators to thirty, or twenty-five, or even below that number, and the house to fifty or thirty members. So when the legislature creates a district, it creates an office. Now if the supreme court decides that the districts in which themembers of the legislature elected in 1888 and 1890 did not exist in the eyes of the law, then we had no legislature in 1889 and 1891. And the acts of two illegal assemblies are also illegal. This condition of affairs would no doubt be hailed with delight by certain corporations besides the Republican politicians, because in those two sessions there were important bills enacted in the interest of the people. Take the reform session of 1889, and see how many good laws would be wiped from the statute books, if the Republican program was carried out to its conclusions. Here are a few of the laws that would be annulled: The Australian ballot law. The School book law. The law prohibiting the employment of Pinkertons.

The eight-hour labor law. The law providing for a state board of charities. The law prohibiting blacklisting of discharged employes by corporations or other employers. The law to protect coal miners from the coal operators, prohibiting the payment of wages in store orders, known as the “anti-pluck-me-store.” The law to protect fish and game. The law to prohibit the wasting of natural gas. The law reducing the interest on school money loaned out to farmers and lot owners, in sums not exceeding $2,000, from 8 to 6 per cent. The law providing for the removal of the Momenoe rock in the Kankakee river, in order to obtain an outlet for the drainage for the Kankakee marsh. The mechanics’ lien law. The law for giving additional power to the board of health, to protect the people of the state from epidemic diseases, such as cholera, yellow fever, etc. The law authorizing the township trustees to pay the funeral expenses of ex-soldiers. The law authorizing the governor, auditor and treasurer to make temporary loans. The law authorizing the sale of certain state lands. The law accepting the state house from, the board of state house commissioners. The law authorizing the purchase of toll roads by townships. The act repealing what is known as the conspiracy law of 1881, which made it a criminal offense for workmen to band themselves into unions.

These are only a few of the acts of the legislature of 1889 that would be nullified, if the supreme court carried out the program laid out for them by the Republican state committee. There are numerous laws legalizing the acts of town boards, incorporating cities and towns; legalizing the titles of the owners of the Beaver Lake lands, and various other acts which would directly affect the people. The acts of 1891 comprise some of the most important laws in our statute books. Among the number being the following laws for the protection of labor regulating the weighing of coal, to protect the miners from under weighing and for the better protection of the miners from injury; also, providing for better ventilation of the mines; prohibiting the employment of children and providing for speaking tubes to be used in case of danger; providing for a firemen’s pension fund which requires the fire insurance companies to contribute a certain per cent .of their gross earnings to this fund for the purpose of disabled or retired firemen or their widows; providing for the inspection of mines by expert inspectors; requiring corporations, firms and persons employed in mining or manufacturing. to pay their employes once every two weeks with lawful money of the United States and prohibiting the issue or circulation of script or store checks; providing for the protection of trade marks or trade unions; requiring persons or corporations employing women or girls in manufacturing or mercantile establishments; to proride suitable seats for the use of female employee when not necessarily engaged in active duty; making Labor Day a legal holiday. The tax law and the fee and salary bill would also be wiped out No doubt the railroad corporations would be delighted to see the tax law annulled, for With it would go down the tax commissioners and the $91,000,000 increase of railroad property, upon which Mr. Fairbanks and other railroad magnates would not have to pay taxes. The criminal class would also rejoice and this vote will be solid for the Republican ticket as usual. The appellate court created by the last legislature would have to be dissolved, and all the decisions rendered by this court would have np force.

“A FIRM AD ENCE TO CORRECT PRINCIPLES.”

[?]

[?]

Governor Porter on tlie Defensive. Governor Porter has resigned his $12,000 position as minister to Italy to take the stump in Indiana. The Indianapolis Journal, General Harrison’s organ, has been making a great howl about the state debt when it well knew that Governor Porter gave the state debt its first boom. It was fully aware of the fact that in 1883 the legislature authorized the construction of three insane hospitals and limited the cost to $600,000; and it also knew that Governor Porter appointed the members of the board of construction, and by virtue of his office was president of the board. It also knew that Governor Porter and his board adopted plans for the new hospitals which has made them cost $1,500,000, and that he let the contracts when there was not a dime in the treasury to pay for them. It also knew that every cent of this vast sum had to be borrowed when pay day came around, and that the state debt was increased one million and a half by the notion of Governor Porter and his board. Why the organ of General Harrison should have made the state debt so prominent is now apparent. Governor Porter was the party who gave it the big boom and The Journal knew this fact would be disclosed by the discussion, an<j Governor Porter would thus be placed on the defensive to the delight of the Harrison wing of the party. A good part of Governor Porter’s speeches will be devoted to an explanation of the building of the three new insane hospitals, and his excuses for sticking one of them in the clay mud of Wayne county and another three miles from a water supply. Let all the facts come out.

The Speech of a Convert.

William Dudley Foulke, who is how stumping the state for Cleveland, was the leader of the Republican side in the senate of 1883 and 1885. Until two months ago he was a member of the Columbia club of Indianapolis—the club that did so much at Minneapolis for Harrison. Four years ago he supported Harrison and stumped the states of New York and New Jersey. He has served as president of the National Civil Service Reform association. He is a tariff reformer. In his speech at Evansville last week he took strong groundis against the McKinley tariff and especially the reciprocity clause of the Dill, which gives the president the power to remove or replace the tariff against any country by proclamation. He said: “There can be no doubt that in this provision of the McKinley act the spirit of the constitution is broken in one of its most vital places. The charge is committed to the president, as to a dictator, to see to it that the commonwealth suffers no injury in these reciprocity arrangements. If the executive should be corrupt, where would be the limit of his power to perpetuate his own authority ? Let us suppose that in this election the exigencies of the Republican party and the unpopularity of the Republican administration required that not $1,000,000 but $10,000,000 of a campaign fund should be raised to overcome the convictions of the people. Two courses would be open to a president who is strongly convinced of the necessity of his own re-election: First. He could go to some great capitalist, say for instance to Mr. Wanamaker or Mr. Carnegie, and tell these gentlemen, ‘I must have a fund large enough to overcome any popular disapproval. A cabinet office, the very best cabinet office, the postmaster generalship, nay; the secretaryship of state, is at your disposal. Give me the sum I need.’ Or he can raise that sum in a manner far less patent to the people, and hence for less obnoxious, by saying to some trusty subordinate: ‘Buy all the sugar, molasses, coffee, tea and hides before the Ist of next November. On that day, I shall determine that the exactions of certain countries sending these articles to the United States are reciprocally unequal and unreasonable and the duties which will be imposed upon them will raise the price of everything you buy to the extent of the duty imposed.’ Hoyv many millions would be the profits of such an enterprise? What limit would there be to the debauchery of American politics possible under such an arrangement? Where the entire revenues of the government might be placed under the control of the president, as they conld be if sueh a precedent were logically extended, what limit would there be to the perpetuation of the power of an unscrupui lous dictator?”

INDIANA FRIDAY. OCTOBER 14 1892

THE “BUNDY” APPORTIONMENT

Compared with the Existing Law. The apportionment of 1879, which the Republican conspirators have undertaken to review through the supreme court, is as follows: Senatorial Districts. Posey and Gibson; Vanderburgh; War rick and Pike; Spencer and Perry; Crawford, Harrison and Orange; Dubois, Martin and Ijtwrence; Clark and Scott; Jefferson; Decatur and Shelby; Floyd and Washington; Franklin and Ripley; Dearborn, Ohio and Switzerland; Jackson and Jennrngs; Brown, Monroe and Bartholomew; Green and Daviess; Knox and Sullivan; Vigo; Clay and Owen; Parke and Vermillion; Wayne; Randolph and Delaware; Henry, Delaware and Randolph; Grant and Madison; Howard and Miami; Boone and Clinton; Montgomery; Tippecanoe; Benton, Newton and Jasper; Lake and Porter; Laporte; 8t„ Joseph and Starke; Marshall Cass; Kosciusko and Wabash; Elkhart; Lagrange and Noble; Steuben and DeKalb; Allen; Allen and Whitley; Huntington and Wells; Adams, Jay and Blaokford; Carroll, White and Pulaski; Marion; Marion, Hancock and Shelby; Hendricks and Putnam; Morgan and Johnson; Tipton and Hamilton; Rush, Fayette and Union. Each district has one senator except Marion which has two. Representative Districts. Posey; Gibson; Vanderburgh; Warriok; Pike and Dubois; Spencer; Perry; Crawford and Orange; Harrison; Washington; Dubois and Martin; Clark; Clark, Scott ami Floyd; Floyd; Jefferson; Ripley; Switzerland and Ohio; Dearborn; Franklin; Jackson; Jennings; Monroe and Brown; Lawrence; Daviess; Green; Knox; Sullivan; Knox, Sullivan and Green; Vigo; Clay; Owen; Parke; Vermillion; Wayne; Randolph; Marion; Hamilton; Hendricks; Morgan; Johnson; Shelby: Hancock; Bartholomew; Madison; Madison, Hancock and Henry; Marion, Shelby and Bartholomew; Decatur; Rush; Fayette and Union; Henry; Delavare; Grant; Wabash; Kosciusko and Wabash; Howard; Miami; Boone; Clay, Putnam and Hendricks; Putnam; Fountain; Tippecanoe; Benton and White; Newton and Jasper; Lake; Porter; Laporte; St. Joseph and Starke; St. Joseph; Fulton and Pulaski; j Cass; Kosciusko; Elkhart; Warren and Benton; La Grange; Noble; De Kalb; Allen; Whitley; Steuben; Huntington; Wells and Blackford; Jay, Adams and Wells; Adams and Jay; Carroll; Elkhart, Noble and DeKalb; Tipton. Under the apportionment of 1879, Vanderburgh, Vigo, Wayne and Tippecanoe are entitled to each two representatives; Allen three, and Marion, five. All the other districts one eaoh.

Apportionment of 1801—Senatorial Districts. Posey and Gibson*; Vanderburgh; Warrick and Spencer*; Dubois and Perry*; Orange, Crawford and Harrison*; Daviess and Martin*; Knox and Pike*; Lawrence and Jackson*; Sullivan and Greene*; Washington and Floyd; Clark, Scott and Jennings; Clark and Jefferson*; Dearborn, Ohio and Switzerland*; Ripley, Franklin and Union*; Shelby and Decatur; Hancock and Rush*; Henry and Fayette; Wayne**; Delaware and Randolph; Grant and Madison; Adams, Jay and Blackford*; Huntington and Welle*; Miami and Howard**; Clinton and Tipton; Boone and Hamilton; Tippecanoe*; Warren and Fountain; Newton, Jasper and Benton**; Monroe, Brown and Bartholomew*; Morgan, Johnson and Brown*; Marion and Hendricks; Clay and Owen; Vigo; Parke and Vermillion**; Putnam and Montgomery; Marion; Pulaski, White and Carroll; Cass*; Lake and Porter*; Laporte; St. Joseph and Starke*; Marshall and Fulton; Elkhart; Kosciusko and Wabash; Whitley and Allen; Allen*; Noble and DeKalb; Lagrange and Steuben. Eaoh district is entitled to one senator except Marion which is entitled to three. Districts marked with one asterisk have holdover Democratic senators, twentyone in number; those marked with two asterisks have holdover Republicans, in all four. Representative Districts.

Vanderburgh, Gibson and Knox; Posey; Gibson; Vanderburg; Warrick; Spencer; Perry; Knox; Pike; Greene, Daviess; Dubois and Martin; Lawrence, Orange and Dubois; Harrison; Floyd; Floyd, Harrison and Crawford; Washington; Jackson; Clark; Clark, Scott and Jennings; Jefferson; Ripley; Dearborn; Dearborn, Ohio and Switzerland; Ripley, Franklin and Union; Franklin; Decatur; Bartholomew; Monroe and Brown; Johnson; Morgan; Owen; Putnam; Hendricks;' Sullivan; Olay; Vigo; Parke; Sullivan, Vigo and Vermillion; Montgomery; Fountain; Montgomery, Putnam and Clay; Marion; Marion and Shelby; Madison; Hancock; Shelby; Rush; Henry; Wayne and Fayette; Wayne; Randolph; Delaware; Hamilton; Boone; Clinton; Tipton; Clinton, Tipton and Madison; Howard; Tippecanoe; Benton and Warren; Lake; Porter; Newton and Jasper; PuUski and White; Carroll; Cass; Fulton;* Cass and Miami; Miami; Wabash; Huntington; Wells; Grant; Adams and Jay; Adams, Jay and Blackford; Allen; Whitley; DeKalb; Noble; Steuben; Lagrange: Elkhart,; Elkhart and Kosciusko; Kosciusko; Marshall; St. Joseph; Laporte; Laporte and Starke. Vanderburgh, Vigo, Tippecanoe and St. Joseph are entitled to two representatives each, Allen three and Marion six. All other districts one each. The apportionment is based upon the enumeration of legal voters made by the township trustees once in six years. The last enumeration was made in 1889 and shows a total 551,048 voters of which 484,843 were whites and 11,048 colored. The American Non-Conformist, the people’s party organ, has analyzed the vote under the two apportionments, that of 1891 and the Bundy apportion* ment of 1879, and makes the following comments:

“ Judge Bundy will not be able to verify a very high spirit of judicial fairness when the people come to compare the facts of 1891 with 1879. By that act the counties of Henry, Hancock Madison were each given one Representative and a joint representative for the three. Under the enumeration of 1877, on which the apportionment of 1879 was made, the voting population of these three counties was 15,880. The number entitled to a representative was 4,510. Three representative would call for 13,580, which would leave a surplus of 2,300. But under the act of 1879, which the judge approved, these three ooun*

ties were given four representatives, whereas they lacked 2,210 of enough votes to entitle them to four. And this under the unpardonable supposition thai the enumeration of 1877 would bean equitable basis of representation foi 1892. But to bring forward these counties to the enumeration of 1889, it appears that the voters now required foi four representatives are 22,040 and that these three oountiea have but 18,941, which is 8,099 less than an equitable apportionment. In other words these three oountiea under the Democratic gerrymander have 2,411 too many voters for three representatives, and under Bundy’s gerrymander they have 8,099 too few for four representatives. It is possible that Judge Bundy had not consulted the almanac when he attached his signature to the elaborate typewritten decision.

The Gam Belt in Danger.

There is one syndicate in Chioago that is watohing the Indiana Republican suits to annul the apportionments of 1885 and 1891 with great interest. The last legislature whioh was elsoted on the apportionment of 1885 passed a bill to prohibit the pumping of natural gas at a higher pressure than 800 pounds. This law was framed for the purpose of preventing the piping of natural gas outside of the state, and especially to Chicago. A strong syndicate headed by Yerkes, and supposed to be baoked by the Standard Oil oompany, was formed two years ago for the purpose of piping natural gas to Chicago from the heart of the gas belt of Indiana. Over sixty miles of pipes were laid, and hundreds of thousands of acres of gas land leased for this purpose. All the gas towns of the stats were justly alarmed at this gigantic scheme to rob the state of its great natural wealth for the benefit of Chicago and a few greedy monopolists. It was not an undertaking that would give employment to many workmen. Once the pipes and pumping station established, a dozen men along the line would have been sufficient to keep the flow of natural gas into Chicago. The natural gas towns of the state united to seoure the proper legislation to protect and preserve the gas for Indiana people. The gas legislation was enacted In 1891. One of the attorneys of the Chioago company recently boasted that, insido of of ten months, Chicago would be supplied with Indiana gas. That the apnortiouraent of 1885 upon which the legislature of 1891 was elected, would be deolareil unconstitutional by the supreme court; and that the gas compnny would go on with its pipe line regardless of the gas law of 1891, and if arrested, the company would contend that the law was void because enacted by a “sham legislature,” and carry the case to the United States supreme court where the oompany felt certain of success. For that oourt had already established precedents that would destroy every law passed by legislatures wrongfully eleoted. When this matter was referred to a Republican who is connected with the committee of Wabash county, he said: “Yerkes is good for SIO,OOO campaign money.”

DEMOCRATIC TICKET.

If you want to vote a Straight Democratic Ticket, stamp within the bio square containing the Rooster at the top of the ticket. If you stamp within the big square von must not stamp anywhere else on the ticket or yon will lose your vote. Yon must not mark on the ballot with anything but the stamp. You must not stamp except on the squares. If you acddently stamp off a square, return your ballot to the poll clerks and get a new one. Don’t stamp inside the square hut once. Yon must fold your ballot before coming out of the booth, so that the face will not show and the initials of the poll clerks on the back will show. The following information will help the voter: 1. If the voter wishes any information a* to the manner of voting he may ask the poll clerks. 2. There are two ballot-boxes and two ballots to be voted. One ballot-box is painted red and is for the state ballot, which ballot is on red paper; the other ballot-box is painted white and is for the county ticket, which ticket ia on white paper. 8. The voter enters the room, tells the poll clerks his name; the clerks rive him the two ballots to be voted and a stamp; (the stamp is a little stick with a rubber on the end of it;) the voter goes alone into one of the booths with the two ballots and the stamp; in the booth on a little shelf he will find an ink pad; (this ia a cloth saturated with ink;) the voter touches the ink pad with the •tanjp and then stamps his ballots. Let the ballots dry before folding. 4. After stamping his ballots and the ink has become dry, the voter then folds, each ballot separately before leaving the Dootli; hs must fold thorn so thjftt no quo can see how he has voted, and so that the initials or first letters of the polls clerks names can be seen on the backs of the ballots; he then goes and gives the stamp back to the clerks, and hands the two ballots to the inspector; then he leaves the room. 5. After the voter comes out of the booth into the room he must fee careful not to let any one see the.iuside of his ballots; if he exposes his ballot so that it can be known,haw h* votes, his ballot will be rejected. 6; If the ' voter can not read EnglUh K blind, or is physically unawe to p his ballots, he h*« a right to on the poll clerks to stamp nis ballots fpr him; this must be done in his presence and m the. presence of both poll clerks. 7. The voter must vote the ballots given him by the poll clerks and none other. 8. The voter must not put any mark or sign on his ballots; if he does, bis vote will not be counted. If by accident he blots his ballot in stamping or makes a mistake, lot him return the ballot folded to the poll fterke and rat another.

NUMBER 39

v ote a straight Democratiff ti k stamp within the square enolosing taa rooster at the top of the. ballot, andn i* where else. If any other square is stamped in addition to the large square tba ballot will be thrown out. After stamping fold the ballot so as to leave the initials of the poll-clerk on the outside an 1 hand to the eleotion officers.

NATIONAL DEMOCRATIC TICKET

For President, GROVER CLEVELAND, of New York. ■ For .Vioe-President, ADLAI STEVENSON, of Illinois. DEMOCRATIC STATE TICKET Governor, CLAUDE MATTHEWS, Vermillion. Lieutenant Governor, MORTIMER NVB, LaPsrte. Secretary of State, WILLIAM R. MYERS,Madison. Auditor of State, JOHN 0. HBNDBRONM Howard. Treasurer of Slate, ALBERT GALL, Marlon. Attorney General, A LON 7,K G. SMITH, jenalnga. Reporter of Supreme Court, SIDNEY R. MOON, Fulton. Superintendent of Public Inatruotlou, IIERVEY D. VOIUEB, Johnson. State Statistician, WILL/AM A. PKELK, Jn., Marlon. Supreme Judge, Second District, JEPTHA.D. NEW, Jennlnes. Supremo Judge, Third Dletrlct, JAM CS MoOABE, Wsrren. Supreme Judge, Fl.th District,' TIMOTHY E. HOWARD, St. Joseph. Appellate Judge, First District, GEORGE L. REINHARDT, Spencer. Appellate Judge, Bocond DlsuicO FRANK E. GAVKN, Decatur. Appellate Judge, Third District, THEODORE P. DAVIS, Hamilton, Appellate Judge, Fourth Dlatrict, ORDANDO J. LOTZ, Delaware. Appellate Judge, Fifth Dlatrict, GEORGE E. BOSS. Cass. For Congress, THOMAS HAMMOND. For Representative, J. W. NOhAND, For Judge Circuit Ceart, JAMBS T. aAUBDBWWN, For EroseeutlnglAttsrney, FRANK DAVIS. For Next United States Senator, DAVID TURFIE.

■"THE DEMOCRATIC CONVENTION, Pursuant to call, met at the Court House, Saturday, October 8, 1892, at 1 o’olook p. m.. Chairman Bates called the oonvention to order, and on motion Jas. W. Douthit was elected to preside. Jas. W. MoEwen elected Secretary and G. D. Nowels ass’L The business of the oenvention was stated, and Immediately proceeded to the nomination of a county tioket, with the following resalt: For Treasurer—Walter Ponsler, of Newton township For Reoorder—Judson J. Hunt, of Gillsm township. For Sheriff—Benjamin F. Robinson, of Barkley township. For Surveyor-Pleasant A. Gant, of Union township. For County Assessor—George E. Yin* cent, of -Carpenter township’. For Uoronsr—William E. Moore, es Hanging Grove township. / For County Commissioner, Ist Dist.— R. L. P, Massey For County Commissioner, 2d Diet.— Franois M. Psrker, of Marion township. * After the nominations were oompleted Jesse ,E. Roberts, Esq., of Chicago, for- ‘ rnerly of this oout ty, addressed the people on the issues of .the day. He started out by giving. hfs reasofie for the faith he had espoused; traced the Republioaa through the Whig baok to ; its origin the old Federal parly—the party of Adams and Hamilton, responsible for the and sedition laws, • fbr the treasonable Hartford convention, and opposition to the Government in the war of 1812; the party whioh later on prayed that the Mexicans should welcome the Amerioan soldiery with bloody hands to hospitable graves; approaching the present,4the sectional party accessory to the precipitation of civil wer; the party of to-day field together by the oohesive power of plunder, even to the extent of stealing tbs presidency, putchasing votes in blooks of five, depauohing the judioiary. He concluded that was not the party in whioh, as a good citizen, to oast his lot. He then traced the Democratic party baok to the date of its organization by the illustrious Jefferson. Its foundation nrinoiple, “Eaual and Exaet Justioe to all Men, Esreoial Privileges to None,” shone out all along the line in advancing years, It coaquoie. a perpetual peace with our old enemy, England. It had acquired vast additions to onr territory. It oarried on to a successful conclusion the war with Mexico and added still further to our domain. In the civil war it stood by the patriotic declaration of "Old Hickory* that “The Federal Union Must be Proserved”. It had proven itself to be the “Party of the People," and with it he ohose to stand. He nrged upon all sincere in their desire for reform‘to vote for that matchless, pure and honest candidate for President, Grover Cleveland A vote lor Harrison was a vote for monopoly and centralization of Governmental powers. A vote for Weaver helped the chances of Harrison. The -speech was given the closest attention bv the largest political gathering held in Rensselaer this campaign At the dose of the meeting Mr. Soberts took the train for when he was booked for an appointment that night|

Tie apportionment suits have not been

advanced. Bundyism has had its day.—The next legislature will perform a .great service to the State if it willsxemine into - the chaige of collusion, and if proven do a little impeaohment A few examples htay be pioluotive of good in the fatvso.