Democratic Sentinel, Volume 16, Number 38, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 7 October 1892 — CLEVELAND IS HEARD. [ARTICLE+ILLUSTRATION]

CLEVELAND IS HEARD.

HE WRITES HIS LETTER OF ACCEPTANCE. fariff Reform the Principal Clause In Hia Creed—Strand and Honest Money and CivU Service Reform Demanded— Support of the World’s Fair. Text of the Letter. Following ia the letter of Grover Cleveland accepting the nomination as the Democratic candidate for President of the United States: To Hon. William L. Wilson and others. Committee, etc: Gentlemen—ln responding to your formal notification of my nomination to the Presidency by the National Democracy, I hope I maybe permitted to say at the outset that continued reflection and observation have confirmed me In my adherence to the opinions, which I have heretofore plainly and publicly declared, touching the questions involved in the canvass. This la a time, above all others, when these questions should be considered in the light afforded by a sober apprehension of the principles upon which our government is based and a dear understanding of the relation it bears to the people for whose benefit it wbb created, We shall thus be supplied with a tost by which the value of any proposition relating to the maintenance and administration of our government can be ascertained, and by which the justice and honesty of every political question can be judged. If doctrines or theories are presented which do not satisfy this test loyal Americans mnst pronounce them false and mischievous. The protection of the people in the exolnsive use and enjoyment of their property and earnings concededly constitutes the espeoial purpose and mission of our free government.

This design is so interwoven with the structure of our plan of rule that failure to proteot the oltlzen in such use and enjoyment, or their unjustifiable diminution by the government Itself, is a betrayal of the people’s trust. We have, however, undertaken to build a freat nation upon a plan especially our own, o maintain it and to furnish, through its agenoy, the means for the accomplishment of national objects the American people are willing, through Federal taxation, to surrender a part of their earnings and inoome. Tariff legislation presents a familiar form of Federal taxation. Such legislation results as surely in a tax upon the dally life of our people as the tribute paid dlreotly into the hands of the tax-gatherer. We feel the burden of these tariff taxes too palpably to be persuaded by any sophistry that they do not exist or are paid by foreigners. Such taxes, representing a diminution of the property rights of the people, are only justifiable when laid and collected for the pnrpose of maintaining our government and furnishing the means for the accomplishment of its legitimate purposes and functions. This is taxation under the operation of a tariff for revenue. It accords with the professions of American free lnstitntions and its justice and honesty answer the test supplied by a correct appreciation of the principles upon which these Institutions rest. This theory of tariff legislation manifestly enjoins strict economy in public expenditures and their limitation to legitimate public uses, inasmuch as it exhibits as absolute extortion any exaction, by way of taxation, from the substance of the people beyond the necessities of a careful and proper administration of government. Opposed to this theory the dogma is now boldly presented that tariff taxation is justifiable for the express purpose and Intent of thereby promoting especial interests and enterprises. Such a proposition ip so clearly contrary to the spirit of onr Constitution, and so directly enconrages the disturbance by selfishness and greed of patriotic sentiment, that its statement would rudely shook onr people if they had not already been insidiously allured from the safe landmarks of principle. Never have honest desire for national growth, patriotic devotion to country and sinoere regard for those who toll been so betrayed to the support of a pernicious doctrine. In its behalf the plea that our Infant industries should be fostered did servloe until discredited by onr stalwart growth; then followed the exigencies of a terrible war, which made onr people heedless of the opportunities for ulterior schemes afforded by the willing and patriotic payment of unprecedented tribute; and now, after a long period of peace,‘when our overburdened countrymen ask for relief and a restoration to a fuller enjoyment of their lnoomes and earnings, they arc met by the olaim that tariff taxation for the sake of protection is ah American system, the continuance of which is necessary in order that high wages may be paid to onr workingmen and a home market be provided for our farm prodnets. These pretenses should no longer deceive. The truth is that such a system is directly antagonized by every sentiment of justice and fairness of which Americans are pre-eminently proud. It is also true that while onr workingmen and farmers cau the least of all onr people defend themselves against the harder home life which such tariff taxation decrees, the workingman snffering from the importation and employment of pauper labor, instigated by his professed friends, and seeking security for his interests in organized co-operation, atill waits tor a division of the advantages assured to his employer under cover of a generous solicitude for his wages, while the farmer is learning that the prices of his products are fixed in foreign markets, where he suffers from a competition invited and built up by the system he is asked to support.

The struggle for unearned advantage at the doors of the government tramples on the rights of those who patiently rely upon assurances of Amerioan equality. Every governmental concession to clamorous favorites invites corruption in political affairs by encouraging the expenditure of money to deb&uch suffrage in support of a policy direotly favorable to private and selfish gain. This in the end must strangle patriotism and weaken popular confidence in the rectitude of republican institutions. Though the subject of tariff legislation involves a question of markets, it also Involves a question of morals. We cannot with impunity permit injustice to taint the spirit of right and equity, which is the life of our re8 nolle; and we shall fail to reach our national estiny If greed and selfishness lead the way. Recognizing these truths, the National Democracy will seek by the application of just and sound principles to equalize to our people the blessings due them from the government they support, to promote among our countrymen a closer community of Interests, cemented by patriotism and national pride, and to point ont a fair field where prosperous and diversified American enterprise may grow and thrive in the wholesome atmosphere of American industry, ingenuity and intelligence. Tariff reform is still onr purpose. Though we oppose the theory that tariff laws may be passed having for their object the granting of discriminating and unfair aid to private ventures, we wage no exterminating war against any American Interests. We believe a readjustment can be accomplished in accordance with the principles we profess without disaster orrfemolitfon. We believe that the advantages of freer raw material should be accorded to our manufacturers, and we contemplate a fair and careful distribution of necessary tariff burdens rather than the precipitation of free trade. We anticipate with calmness the misrepresentations of onr motives and purposes instigated by a selfishness which seeks to hold in unrelenting grasp its unfair advantage under present tariff laws. We will rely upon the intelligence of our fellow countrymen to reject the charge that a party comprising a majority of .our people is planning the destruction or injury of American interests, and we know they cannot be frightened by the specter of impossible free trade. The administration and management of onr government depend upon popular will. Federal power Is the instrument of that will —not its master. Therefore the attempt ■of the opponents of Democracy to interfere with and control the suffrage of the States through Federal agencies develops a design, which no explanation can mitigate, to reverse the fundamental and safe relations between the people and their government. Such an attempt cannot fail to be regarded by thoughtful men as proof of a bold determination to secure the ascendency of a discredited party in reckless disregard of a free expression of the popular will. To resist such a scheme is an impulse of democracy. At all times and in all places we trust the people. As against the disposition to force the way to federal power, we present to them as our claim to their confidence and support a steady championship of their rights. The people are entitled to sonnd and honest money, abundantly sufficient in volume to supply their business needs. But whatever may be the form of the people’s currency, national or State —whether gold, silver or paper—it should be so regulated and guarded by governmental action, or by wise and careful

laws, that no one can be deluded as to tbs certainty and stability of its value. Every dollar put into the h' ids of the people should be of the same intrinsic vain* or purchasing power. With this condition absolutely guaranteed, both gold and silver can be safely utilized, upon equal terms in the adjustment of ourourrency. In dealing with this snbjeot no selfish scheme should be allowed to Intervene and no doubtful experiment should be attempted. The wants of our people, arising from the deficiency or Imperfect distribution of money circulation, ought to be fully and honestly recognized and efficiently'remedied. It should, however, be constantly remembered that the lnconvenienoe or loss that might arise from such a situation can be much easier borne than the universal distress which mnst follow a discredited currency. Public officials are the agents of the people. It is therefore their duty to secure for those whom they represent the best and most efficient performance of pnblio work. This plainly can be best accomplished by regarding ascertained fitness in the selection of Government employes. These considerations alone axe sufficient justification for an honest adherence to the letter and spirit of civil-service reform. There are, however, other features of this plan which abundantly oommend it. Through its operation worthy merit in every station and condition of Amerloan life is recognized in the distribution of public employment, while its application tends to raise the standard of political activity from spoils-hnntlng and unthinking party affiliation to the advocacy of party principles by reason and argument. The American people are generous and grateful, and they have impressed these characteristics upon their government. Therefore, all patrlotlo and just citizens must commend liberal consideration for onr worthy veteran soldiers and for the families of those who have died. No complaint should be made of the amount of pnbllc money paid to those actually disabled or made dependent by reason of army 86rrio6i But onr pension roll should be a roll of honor, nncontaminated by ill-desert and unvitiated by demagogio use. This is due to those whose worthy names adorn the roll and to all onr people who delight to honor the brave and the true. It is also dne to those in years to come that they should hear reverently and lovingly the story of American patriotism and fortitude illustrated by onr pension roll. The preferences aocorded to veteran eoldlere in public employment should be secured to them honestly and without evasion, and, when capable and worthy, their claim to the helpful regard and gratitude of their oonntrymen should be ungrudgingly acknowledged. The assnranoe to the people of the utmost individual liberty consistent with peace and good order is a cardinal principle of onr government. This gives no sanction to vexatious sumptuary laws, which unncessarily interfere with such habits and customs of our people as are not offensive to a just moral sense and are not inconsistent with good citizenship and the public welfare. The same principle requires that the line between the subjocts whioh are nroperly within governmental control and those which are more fittingly left to parental regulation should be carefully kept in view. An enforced education, wisely deemed a proper preparation for citizenship, should not Involve the impairment of wholesome parental authority nor do violence to the household consolenoe. Paternalism in government finds no approval in the creed of Democracy. It is a symptom of misrule, whether it is manifested In unauthorized gifts or by an unwarranted control of personal and family affairs. Our people, still cherishing the feeling of human fellowship which belonged to onr beginning as a nation, require their Government to express for them their sympathy with all those who are oppressed under any rule less free than ours. A generous hospitality, which is one of the most prominent of our national characteristics, prompts us to welcome the worthy and industrious of all lands to homes and citizenship among us. This hospitable sentiment is not violated, however, by carefnl and reasonable regulations for the protection'of the publlo health, nor does it justify the reception of immigrants who have no appreciation of our institutions and whose presence among us is a menace to peace and good order. The Importance of the constraotlon of the Nicaragua ship canal as a means of promoting commeroe between onr States and with foreign countries, and also as a contribution by Americans to the enterprises which advanoe the interests of the world of civilization, should commend the projeot to governmental approval and indorsement. Our countrymen not only expect from those who represent them in publlo places a sedulous care for the things which are dlreotly and palpably related to their material interests, bnt they also fully appreciate the value of cultivating our national pride and maintaining our national honor. Both their material Interests and their national pride and honor are involved in the success of the Columbian Exposition, and they will not be inclined to condone any negleot of effort on the part of their government to insnre, in the grandeur of this event, a fitting exhibit of American growth and greatness and a splendid demonstration of Amerloan patriotism. In an lnperfect and Incomplete manner 1 have thuß endeavored to state some of the things whioh accord with the creed and intentions of the party to whioh I have given my lifelong allegiance. My attempt has not been to instruot my countrymen or my party, but to remind both that Democratic doctrine lies near the principles of onr Government, and tends to promote the people's good. I am willing to be accused or addressing my oonntrymen upon trite topics and in homely fashion, for I believe that Important truths are fonnd on the surface of thought and that they should be stated in direct and simple terms. Though mnch is left unwritten, my record as a pnblio servant leaves no excuse for misunderstanding my belief and position on the questions which are now presented to the voters of the land so: their decision. Called for the third time to represent the party of my choice In a contest for the supremacy of Democratic principles, my grateful appreciation of its confidence, less than ever, effaces the solemn sense of my responsibility. If the action of the convention you represent shall be Indorsed by the suffrages of my countrymen, I will assume the duties of the great office for whioh I have been nominated, knowing full well Its labors and perplexities, and with humble rellanoe upon the Divine Being, Infinite In power to aid and constant In a watchful oare over onr favored nation. Yours, very truly, Grover Cleveland.

GROVER CLEVELAND.