Democratic Sentinel, Volume 16, Number 38, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 7 October 1892 — Page 4

NATIONAL DEMOCRATIC TICKET.

For President, GROVER CLEVELAND, OF NEW YOKE. For Vine President, ADLAI E STEVENSON, OF ILLINOIS.

THRg. p. has begun to whistle to keep its courage up Have your name enrolled in a Democratic club and get your neighbor to do the same. If the workingman wants to see a genuine product of protection let him look at Carnegie. The relations between McKinley of 1888 and McKinley Qt 18(9? aye becoming decidedly strajnedPennsylvania lawyers fayor the high tariff because it gives them plenty of work in the Criminal Courts. The McKinley policy is becoming more penetrating as it takes the form of bayonets advanced as arguments. A FEW years ago Mr. McKinley was denouncing the cheap suit of clothes. Now he brags that cloth is cheaper than it ever was before.

If the force bill should ever become a law a Republican administration would have a great deal of work to let out to the Pinkertons. Pat Egan is another elephant Harrison cannot afford to let go or hold on to j nst now. His menagerie will conclude its grand tour in November. Thus far no Republican has offered to explain why in ten years of Republicanism there were more farm and home mortgages filed in Kansas than there were inhabited houses in the State in 1890. Republicans who do not like to compare Harrison with Cleveland may. compare him with other Republican Presidents. And by doing so they will find that he is costing the country an averege of $100,000,000 a year more than Arthur did. The Republican rainbow-chasers are doing plenty of talking about “redeeming” the .South, but they will put no money or high-grade workers there. They are simply running a bluff to which the Democracy should pay no attention. McKinley would probably say that it was an excellent thing for Canada to tax American vessels passing through Canadian canals. It would force American vessels to stay in American canals, don’t you see?

Thebe was a time when Tom Carter was not Land Commissioner, and it was during that time that he referred to Mr. Harrison as “a two-cent Hoosier statesman.” When the campaign is over perhaps Col. Carter will recall the epithet and be able to say, “I told you so. ” New York is not a doubtful State this year. There is no State of the East where the Harrison force bill will damage the Republican party as much as the one of which the commercial metropolis of the country is a part. Harrison's administration has given more unrest and disquiet to the great legitimate business interests of the East than any other in our history. An lowa statistician says that “the tariff and reciprocity have brought the price of hogs in this State to 6 cents a pound. ” It is now in order for the statistician to say whether it was the tariff or reciprocity. And when he has solved this problem he may address himself to the task of proving that one or the other has made food cheaper for the laboringmen. gPPIP——— Having explained to the Western farmer that the tariff has raised the price of wheafJie produces and sells to the American consumer, Maj. McKinley is gQiag<B*st to explain to the consumer that the tariff has reduced the cost of everything, including the products of the farm. Mr. Orator Puff “with two tones to his voice” was not a circumstance to the modern protectionist orator striving to fulfill the requirements of the situation. Since the Alabama election the force bill is more necessary than ever to get the nogro vote at the South counted for the Republican party. The„ Alabama election shows that aothing short of bayonets at the polls will induce the uegroes to to keep on voting the Republican ticket. As fG- the negro vote in the border

States, It will be largely ft oolonlzed vote, paid for in advance. The protested manufacturers ought to have been generous enough to have increased the wagss for this year, at least It would have been better for them than payiDg campaign contributions. After the election the redactions might begin again without injury to tbe'industrial infanta. During ten years of high tariff taxes more McKinley mortgages were put on the farms and homes of Kansas and Nebraska than there were inhabited houses in these States in 1890. We have extracted this fact from the census several times before, but we intend to keep it before the McKinley people until they can make up their mind to say something about it.

Tom Carter is said to have made his start as a book agent for “Footprints of Time,” and to have closed his literary career peddling ‘The Royal Path of Life” through lowa. His sudden rise to fortune and political bossism indicates that he struck the royal path, and made footprints on it at such a rapid gait that Time “wasn’t in it.”

A rampant Pittsburg protectionist organ says that plumbers’ prices are sustained at extortionate figures by combinations. Of course, plumbers’ materials are not only made costlier by the high tariff, but the combinations add their weight to the load put upon consumers. Down with the high tariff, and down with the combinations to which it gives birthl

If protection protects the manufacturer and increases the wages of the mechanic will some Republican please rise and explain why the Carnegie mills have reduced wages from 15 to 50 per cent, and transformed their works into a fort? Even Mr. Harrison in his letter to the Republican State League made no mention of this practical example of the benefits of a high tariff to the working* man.

The Republicans are preparing to make a hot fight all along the line for the possession of lowa in the coming election. By all means let them try their level best; it will do them good. The weather will soon be pleasant, and campaigning in the open air will not only strengthen their health but brace up their spirits against the disappointment to come in November. lowa ceased to be a Republican State several years ago.

Vice Presidential Candidate Reid skips and plays, makes pretty speeches hither and yon, travels about in private cars and pleasant company, but as the campaign progresses he will be admonished quietly but pointedly by the people who made him the nominee that he was selected for a specific purpose, and that committeemen in need of money are not going to overlook the fact. The suggestion to Mr. Mills’ son-in-law will be , curt and authoritative: “Come downl”

Courier-Journal: “Honesty at the ballot-box,” exclaims a Republican organ, “is proving very costly to the dominant party In New Jersey. It has just sent sixty very efficient Democratic workers to the penitentiary, where they can do no good to their party until this year’s elections are over.” Thus is another difference between the parties illustrated. Just over in Indiana, for instance, the Republican election crook, even on the bench, instead of being sent to the penitentiary is promoted.

Des Moines Leader: In the United States the laboring people have the right to vote. Ihey can right every wrong peacefully through the ballot if they will only intelligently exercise their right. This being true, there is no excuse for physical opposition to established law. If certain laws are objectionable, repeal them. If incorporated capital enjoys unjust privileges and advantages, deprive It of those privileges and advantages in the legal way. Labor must learn to vote right if its would free Itself from legalized oppression. The people are responsible for the statutes.

Papers that talk for the McKinley bill, which is not permitted to speak for itself, as its author contends, are loudly asserting that carpets were never before so cheap In this country. It is well to note in this connection that scarcely a yard of American carpet is exported, while an immense amount of foreign carpet finds Its way over the Chinese wall erected by American legislation. During the last year a hundred million pounds of carpet wool was imported by the United States, and the duties paid were $2,500,000. Now, to reconcile this with the claim of cheap carpets, the manufacturers must admit that they were getting extravagant profits before the McKinley bill went Into effect, or that they are using shoddy in the shape of hair, cotton and other adulterations. The latter is the true explanation, as it is in the case of the cheap clothing about which these same Republican organs make 'so much noise.

HARRISON’S CHANCES.

MANY REPUBLICANS NOT BUP- ■ porting ben. n» Malms mud Vermont Elections Hare Revealed This Fact to a Certainty— Feck’s Hocus Testimony—The Klwood Tin-Plate Fake—State Elections. Outlook for Harrison. The Vermont election revealed the presence of many Republicans in Republican strongholds who are not supporting Harrison. The general extension of the comparative falling off in the vote of the two parties in Vermont would mean a Waterloo for Harrison. In Maine the falling off of the Republican vote is even greater and more significant than it was In Vermont. In Vermont the Republicans showed a slight gain on their vote of 1890, though they lost heavily on their vote of 1888, but In Maine they are losing heavily even from the vote of 1880. One hundred and sixty “towns," which in 1890 gave them about 10,000 plurality now give only a little over 6,000, and Manley only claims the State by 11,000 at the outside, while the latest returns from 177 towns give hurJly 10,000 for the entire 3tate. The highest Republican vote ever polled in Maine was 77,779 for Governor in 1884. This gave them 19,779 plurality, while they had'* plurality of 20,060 for PreStddnt witti a vote of 71,716. In 1888 they polled 73,734 votes for President and 04,214 for Governor in 1890. Their

•-Puck.

pluralities since 1884 have been as follows: lt#*4—Governor 1»,703 18f4—President 20,060 1886— Governor n,6#l 1888—President 23,263 181*0— Go vemor in,883 In 1884 the Democrats polled 58,070 votes in the State; In 18e6, 56.242; in 1888, 50,481; in 1890, 45,331. So by a remarkable coincidence the election of 1890 shows- OB each -side a little over 13,000 .oflstfermen’’ when the comparison. Is made with the largest vote ever polled In the State. The total vote of 1888 was 128,000, and according to the Manley telegram the total vote is now 12,000 less, or about 116,000. This Is over 2,000 more than the total vote of 1890, while the Republicans are some 7,000 and odd votes behind their plurality of 1890. This shows very clearly that whllo the Maine Democrats are “coming out of the woods,” the Maine Republicans are going fishing in increasing numbers. They have polled only a sufficient vote to hold their own locally, and have not given one vote to encourage or indorse Harrison. Indeed, It is evident that the Democrats by calling out only a part of their reserves could have carried the State. This they did not care to do,-, ItIs well enough that Maine should be just as It is until November. If then the Demoorats poll their full vote and the Republicans keep on fishing, the result will be the loss of the State to the Republicans. This Is not probable, however. The State will probably give Harrison about 5,030 plurality, but even conceding him twice that In Maine, It would mean his defeat in New York, in Indiana, In Connecticut, New Jersey, Illinois, lowa, Wisconsin, and Michigan. The Democrats have only to get out their votes to make this certain. The Republican party is not going to pieces at present, but there are thousands o! Republicans who see that they must upload Harrison to prevent a recurrence of 1890, when it would mean complete party demoralization. The present Indications are that Harrison will not poll 90 per cent, of his vote of 1888. A full Democratic vote will retire him and his radical faction from politics—St. Louis Republic.

Elwood.

How like a pair of clowns McKinley and Chase must have appeared at Elwood, Ind. Each the Governor of a proud, respectable and wealthy State, lending hlmeelf and his office and whatever dignity his manhood has won, to the most barefaced fake that ever was projected. Never a shell-worker on circus day, greeting the granger with the level eye of simulated honesty, aever a thimble-rigger with his pretense of fair dealing and his practice of theft, more faithfully played a confidence game than was played on the Indiana town by the leading Republicans of this nation. Not a feature in the whole business from beginning to end but ehames the decent men who lent themselves to the patent swindle. There is no truth nor honesty nor solidity in the Elwood mills, and the greenest spectator who waded in the yellow mud, or singed his whiskers in the natural gas torch, or loafed unconscious in the dripping rain, but knows it in hisheait. Henceforth the name of Elw od will take the plaee of the scarcely honorable “boom” in ojr language. It is boom with nothing behind it but that which always lurks behind ihe boom—the wary sharper with a waiting trap. Of course, the United States of America can plant a tin-mill at Elwood, and us'i run -i w.tli a thousand hands iora

hundred years. They can will the product for 60 cents a box and pay ihe freight. They can mako glass bottles Ud blow tbs buyer’s portrait In the; sfaS. • They can manufacture window’ panes, and build a railroad as straight as an arrow’s flight to connect the mills and the monkey who swears by them. Sixty millions of people, with treasure such as these people possess, can do almost anything they wish. But that doesn’t prove that the business will pay. If the Elwooi mills should prove a permanent establishment—which they will not; If they should work their imported men and their transplanted machinery on their imported tin to the fullest capacity for the next ten years, and All our markets wilh American tin, it would only prove that the American people permitted themselves to be robbed. If tin can be made in this country and sold in competition with tin from abroad, then it is a sound business and a profitable addition to the industries of America. If Americans must keep up the margin of loss between the price at which it can be sold and the price at which the importe 1 article can be so’d, then Americans simply throw away their money. The manufacturer compels an unnatural profit by robbing the purchaser of more than the article purchased was worth. By stealing a little from each citizen and adding the stealings together the manufacturer can conduit a losing business in any line. And that Is all that is contemplated at Elwood.—Chicago Herald.

The Stats Elections.

The Republican loss in Vermont, com-

"ME AND MY PARTNER”

pared with 1888, was 20-plus per cent. The Democratic loss was l-plus per cent. From this ascertained fact the New York World makes ihe following deduction: Reckoning the changes in relative strength of the great parties since 1888 by the ratios of the result in Vermont— In New York the Democrats would have a plurality of over 100,000. , In Massachusetts Harrison’s plurality qf 32,037 would be wiped out. and the Demoorats would have a -plffralitytif over 1,700. In Illinois the Republican plurality of 22,195 would be changed to a Democratic plurality of 43,935. In lowa the Republican plurality of 31,711 would disappear, and Cleveland would get a plurality of 6,000. In Ohio the Democratic plurality would be 55,683. In Michigan the Democrats would win by over 20,000. In Wisconsin Cleveland would have a plurality of 10,883 over Harrison. In California the Democratic plurality would be over 16,500. The States which would be left to the Republicans of those which voted in 1888 would be Maine, Vermont, ißiuxtaIsland, Kansas, Minnesota. Nebraska, Colorado, Nevada, and Oregon. Of these, Kansas,Minnesota, and Nebraska have, in State and Congressional elections since 1888, shown a revulsion against the Republican party worse than that of Vermont last week, while Colorado and Nevada are probably lost to the Republicans on the silver question. The showing is plausible. It is encouraging to Democracy everywhere. The result in Maine serves to strengthen the showing.

Peck’s Testimony.

There is one point in Commissioner Peck’s oampaign venture to which Republicans will not refer with enthusiaajpp. The Minneapolis - contention declared “that on all imports coming into competition with the products of American labor there should be levied duties equal to the difference between wages abroad and at home. ” The Democratic platform denounces Republican protection a fraud. Let the figures of Mr. Peck’s report be taken as proof of the fraud contained in the Republican platform. Mr. Peck says that “from sixty-seven industries covered it appears that there was a net increase of wages of $6,377,925 in the year 1891 as compared with the amount paid in 1890, and the net increase of production was $31,315,130 In the year 1891 over that of 1890. ” This Is a reported increase In protected in dustries, if the slightest relimrew-can’ be placed in the* figures of the Commissioner. The statistics shay; ihat while the amount paid in WdgSfc was but a little over $6,000,000 the amount of tariff levied for protection of this labor was more than twice the total wages paid in production. An estimate of ou per cent, tariff protection on these increased products is entirely within bounds. That protection covers the total cost of labor engaged by over $10,000,000, In other words, the people we e taxed by tariff barons in the sum of over $16,0u0,000 in order that $6,000,000 might be paid to labor. This is the logic of Republican protection. It is the answer of even Commissioner Peck’s facts to the lying pretense in the Republican .pla'forni that the duties levie i should be “equal to the difference between wages abroad and at tome.” It is the final answer to every Republican proiect who claims that protection { CJ the common bene-

fit and not a special device for tbe anrichment of a class. Commissioner Peck should try once more to serve tho 'frauds for whom Ms alleged' statistics wete prepared. He will probably again confuse them with his efforts.—Chicago Times.

Inventing Statistics.

When the McKinley bill was under consideration in the House, a great deal was said about its being a "farmers' tariff.” Mr. Blaine pretty effectually knocked out this claim by his famous remark about the markets which the bill did not open for flour and pork. Then the reciprocity seotion was added in the Senate, and the talk aoout reciprocity took the place of that a bout, the "farmers’ tariff"—the latter having relerxed; altogether to the rates on farm products,* most of which we sell in < ompetition with all the world. The Indianapolis Journal, however, has plucked up courage to return to the charge, and publishes a list of agricultural imports in 1890 and 1892 to show how the importations of agricultural products have fallen off. One specimen lro:n this table will show how much reliance Is to be put on all. The imports of flax and hemp for 1890 are put at $9,52 ',977. AVe turn to the report of the Bureau of Statistics for that year and find that the imports are given as lollows: Pl»x $2,046,789 Hemp 1,794,668 Hemp, to WOt ...... 102,071 Total $9,923,628 Under the same head is put manila

and other like substitutes for hemp, ol which there were imports of the value of • more thau six million dollars; but as these were put on the free list, and are not included in the imports of 1892, they cannot be taken into consideration. The argument for a “farmer's tariff," therefore, Is made by stating the imports oi 1890 to have been about three times as great as they really were, and suppressing the fact that the free admission of substilutes for hemp has re* ducod the'deniahd for’it, arid j“6f’course,*' reduced importations. These are the sort or “facts” by which the cause of robbery under the forms of law has to bo supported.

Peck's Bogus Report.

Mr. Peck will now be calle 1 upon to produce not only the methods of data which h j employed in making up his report, but also the authorities on which he bases his statement that the effect of the new *ariff law in New York has been to largely increase the rate of wages. With this demand the commissioner, as a State official, cannot well refuse to comp v, inasmuch as the alleged information tin his possession is unquestionably ttoWitesVprtVßte- properly,’* but th* property of the i üblic.—Washington Post. Commissioner Peck's report is no longer regarded even by Republicans as of any worth except as an indication that there is treachery in the Democratic camp. It is this view of the case that now excites their hilarity and fills them with hope. They make no effort to conceal their opinion that Peck’s report was one of David Bennett Hill’s machiavellian strokes. This view of the case may be full of encouragement, but it utterly destroys the Peck report itself as a campaign document. —Memphis Commercial. The report doesn’t touch the question. and wage-earners all over the State know that any such .representation is impudently false. All that purports to be shown is that certain selected groups of manufacturers paid more wages in the aggregate last year than the year before. This oould easily happen coincidently with a decline of the rate of wages. But Peck’s boomerang should be carefully examined as a matter of curiosity.—No v York World. The Republican party never yet gained any permanent advantage by such short-sighted methods, wad the present effort of a few thoughtless public journals and unwise managers to make it appear that the McKinley tariff has been finally aud overwhelmingly “vindicated* at the hands of a great Democratic staWtawas 4s tihe very essence of political foefilst ness.—Philadelphia Telegraph.

Vermont and Maine.

The Republican slump in Maine was a foregone ' conclusion. Republican Chairman Manley knew days ago, by the rumbling of the granite beneath his feet, exactly what wa’s coming. The Maine pines have made answer to the Vermont hill-taps, and their blended voices will sound like a w ailing dirge in the camps of McKinleyism.—Philadelphia Record. The result in Maine is not encouraging to the Republicans, the majority for Cleaves, their candidate for Governor, 4topwing a significant decrease when Compared with State elections in previous years. Following so rlosely on the notable slump in Vermont, it may well Cahse the Republican managers anxiety &S to the outcome of the Presidential contest in November.—New York Herald ilad.}.

TRADE ORSTRUCTIONS.

TOLLS? AND TARIFFS THE CHIEF ENEMIES. Ball Roads, High Freights, Etc., Are Minor Hindrances—How the Farmer*’ Earnings Are Deposited In Custom House*—Tbe Sugar Trust Supreme. Enemies of Industry. The typical protectionists are a queer set. From McKinloy down, they all continually cry, “We must protect American industry;” as if they alone, and not all Americans, were in favor of any and every policy that will protect f andJhepeflL our own people and country IndpapSfi'ence to all other peoples and countries. But, at the same time, it is clear from their actions—when they come to substitute actions for words—that they have no correct idea of what industry is. Doubttess, some will say, “What an unfounded and impudent assertion!" “What a'free-trade lie” But let us reason about it a little and see wherein is the truth. Industry consists of two factors, or there are two elements in it. One is production (derived from two Latin words—pro, forward, and ducore, to leadi—meaning, in this connection, the drawing out of materials or products irorn natural resources, and the other is exchange, or the selling of the things produced; and Industry can’t get along? .without both any more than a man get along with only one leg. For example, if a farmer grows 10,000 bushels of corn, and needs only 1,000 for himself, family, and animals, and can’t exchange or sell the other 9,000, he might as well not have raised It. He can eat corn, burn it for fuel and make whisky of it, but he can’t clothe himself with corn husks, plow with a cornstalk, wear corn shoes, and the like. To get these other things he must sell or exchange his surplus 9,000 bushels; and he must be stupid who does not at once see that the greater the facilities afTorded him for exchange, such as good roads, bridges, horses and wagons, cheap and swift railroads and steamships, low tolls, fretghis and taxes, the greater will be the opportunity for exchange and trade to advantage. On the other hand, poor roads, unbridged streams, few or no railroads or steamships, and high tolls, freights, and taxes all tend to restrict or destroy trade and the opportunity to sell his 9,000 bushels of com to advantage. A 20 per cent, tariff tax may fairly be considered as the representative of a bad road; a 50 per cent, of a broad, deep river without proper facilities for crossing; a 75 per cent, of a swamp bordering such river on both sides; while 100 per cent, duty, such as is ieviei on blankets, window glass, cottv n ties,and the like, can only properly be compared to a band of robbers, who strip the producer of nearly all he possesses and make him thankful that he escaped with his life. In short, there has never been a case in all human experience when the removal of restrictions, natural or legislative, on trade that did not result in the extention of trade to the mutual advantage of the great majority of the people concerned. The man who can get a law passed that will enable him to tax trade or exchange, always sees an advantage lo himself in the restricted trade that will result. So also does his brother-in-law who sits behind a bush on the road, with a gun, and tells the farmer who has sold his surplus of 9,000 bushels of corn, You can’t pass unless you give me a big part of what you received for it in exchange. But I fancy some farmor protectionist saying: “There is no one sitting behind a tush for me, I don’t see him." Nevertheless, he is there, ail the sather. Our farmer sells hi 3 nine thousand bushels of corn in England, and, as he wants things rather than money, and as many things are oheap in England, he concludes to take his pay in hardware, woolen clothing, blankets, starch, paints, oils, glass, salt, cordage, hats, crockery, cotton ties, and other like articles, and starts for home by way of New Yoffk. There is no man with a gun behind a bush on the wharf to lie in wait for him, but there is another man, armed with something better than a gun, who tells the farmer that he must give up more than half the value of all the things he has received in payment for his corn before he can come into possession of the other half. If he does not pay 'qufckly-or if he‘makes any fuss about the charges, this other man will take the whole, and not unlikely put the farmer in jail. If the farmer could pay in things instead of money, and had taken salt in exchange for his corn, then for every hundred bushel* he would have had to bring and give up seventy-three additional bushels, for every yard of the cheapest carpet he would have had three-quarters of a yard cut off, and if he had cotton ties, each tie would be shortened to the extent of 90 per cent. If he had taken the commonest kind of china plates or cups, then in order to carry a dozen of .them home he would have had to pay for eighteeu. And so on. If our Government -needed to impose and collect such taxes In order to meet its'necessary expenditures, there would be some justification (or such procedure. Butrevenue was not the object sought for in the enactment of tbe laws which authorize or require them, but the restrictions of trade, to prevent the farmer from selling his products to the best advantage. In short, carry out logically and to their fullest extent McKinley’s views about Industry, and you would have every man trying to produce a good deal and sell as little as possible.—David A. Wells, in American Journal of Politics. Keep McKinley on ilie Stamp.

McKinley sjroke in three large cities in Vermont this year, and “was received with the greatest enthusiasm” by great audiences in each city. To show, their of the Major kfld his blessed tariff law, these cities this year cast the following vole as compared with Ihe vote in the corresponding election in 1888: , 1888. . , 1892.—, Rep. Dem. Rep. Dem. Brattleboro l.'xri 456 *62 403 Rutland 1,398 026 1,285 !183 Burlington 1,401 l,ou l.oie 1,106 Total 3,801 2.326 3,113 2 402 If the Major could have teen induced by tariff reformers to have made twentyspeeches in Vermont it is safe to say that it w-ould have gone Democratic. It is a curious fact that the farmers and laborers of this country, tax-bur-dened and hard pressed as they are. will not consent to shift their taxes upon the-poor foreigner, and thereMs no surer sign that there is yet left something of that American manhood and independence that made them as unwilling to pay Ingland’s taxes in 1776. as they are now to have England pay their taxes. Justice, no more and no less, is about their size and McKinley cannot change the fit by appealing to their selfish instincts by asking lhem to tax the helpless foreigner; that is, providing they believe that his scheme will work. McKinley is the only stumper that is entirely satislactory to both parties. He should be given double pay and asked to •make two speeches a day until November,

Andrew Jackson* Prophetic Word*. “The corporations and wealthy individuals who are engaged in large manufacturing establishments desire a high tariff to jncrease their gains. Designing politicians will support it t© conciliate their favor and to obtain Ufa means of proiuse expenditure for the purpose

of purchasing infiuence in other quarters. * * * Do not allow yourselves, my feljow cfcfizena.to be misled on this subject. The Federal Government cannot collect a surplus for such purposes without violating the principles of the constitution and assuming powers which have not been granted. It is, moreover, a system of injustice, and, if persisted in, will inevitably lead to corruption and must end in ruin.’—Jackson’s Farewell Address.

High Prices to Be Advanced.

The greed of the (sugar Trust is unbounded. Aided by the duty of $c per pound, which McKinley left on refined sugar for no other purpose than to swell the profits of the trust, which would have been enormous without any duty, this combine, as its power has extended, has mercilessly reduced the price of raw and raised the price of refined sugar. At present there appears to be no relief from its oppression. A few months ago the wholesale grocers of the United Slates, who had been in league with the trust, and had been receiving a rebate of A cent per pound for handling “trust” sugar only, became dissatisfied with the advancing prices, and threatened to erect a big refinery in Brooklyn. It now transpires that the trust people have again established friendly relations with the grocers by sligntly extending discounts to them, and perhaps by making other concessions unknown to the public. As is evident”from the following notice sent out by the trust on Sept. 10, the monopoly is stronger than ever before: “We inclose herewith invoice of sugar of oven date, on which a commission of one-eighth of a cent a pound has been deducted, in addition to our usual terms of one per cent, cash in seven days and one per cent, trade discount on 100 barrel lots, the understanding being that with your remittance the certificate below is to be returned duly signed by you as a voucher. *

[Copy of the Voucher.) THE A. S. R. CO. “We hereby certify that we have not sold, nor will we sell, nor has any employe, salesman, or agent sold in any of the territory specified on the back of this certificate, either directly or indirectly, any of the sugars for which we are now remitting, for less than your dally quotations, nor on more liberal terms as to credit or cash discount.* The only independent refinery in the country is the small one of Nash, Spaulding <t Co., at Boston, that can have no effect on the market. The quarantine regulations due to the cholera scare have caused the price of raw sugar to advance A cent per pound. Taking advantage of the situation which practically prohibits the importation of sugars, for a few weeks at least, the trust has advanced the price of refined sugar if cent per pound, and authorities say that prices will go still higher. The following quotations show clearly the effects of the trust upon prices: 96 deg. centrifugals. Granulated. Dlff'ce. Cts. per lb. Cts. per lb. Cents. Dec. 31,1891 4 % April 11.1892 4% I*4 May 25, 1892 3 1-16 1 6-16 Sept. 10, 1892 3 9-16 a 1-16 1H It should be remembered that there were several large refineries outside of the trust until last March. When these had all been gathered in, prices of raw and refined sugar began to diverge. The cost of refining is about A cent per pound. At present prices the trust is making net profits of more than SIOO,000 per day or $40,000,000 per year, and every additional difference of i-16 of a cent adds $2,500,000 to this amount. Twenty millions of dollars of these profits are extracted from the people by means of the J-cent duty, and helps to sWell the pockets of the rich refiners. None of It finds its way into the coffers of the nation, though a few thousand may get into circulation through the medium of the Republican National Committee.

That Free Breakfast Table.

Whitelaw Retd said, in his speech of September It), that, by coupling together “protection and reciprocity,’’ his party had given us “a free breakfast table,” which the Democrats propose to destroy by “restoring the revenue duties on coffee, tea and sugar.” The only thing the Republicans did to give us a free breakfast table was to reduce the duty on refined sugar fio n about 2J to cents per pound. For this we would have been thankful ■if It had- not reduced our revenue by nearly $60,000,000. to give an opportunity to impose more onerous duties upon other articles of food and clothing—duties that would not, like the sugar duty, put almost as many dollars into our treasury as it took fiom the people, but that would take three dollars from the people, one of which would reach our treasury and two of which woul i bo caught on the fly by the “friends” of the administration. No, we have not free sugar yet for our breakfast tables; the A cent duty must be paid to the sugar trust. It ia this duty that the Democrats propose to remove, and that they would hav9 removed months ago if a Republican Senate and President had not blocked the wdy.' As to tea and eoffee, they have for years been on the free list. The only possible effect of “reciprocity” upon them would be to relmpose duties and to tax them, as has been done by decree of President Harrison in some cases. For such a “free breakfast table” we are not especially grateful to tbe protectionists.

Benighted Greenlanders.

The Arctic explorers are back, and bring with them much interesting information In regard to the s'range inhabitants of the northern portion of Greenland. It appears from Lieutenant Peary’s reports that these Greenlanders have very few of the ordinary comforts of life. Their tables are but scantily supplied'with apples, oranges, watermelons, potatoes, sugar and other ordinary fruits and vegetables. Even wheat, corn or rye bread is almost unknown there. The people are also backward in dress, and could not tell Americas shoddy from English all-wool goods; in tact, they pay no attention to Parisian fashions, and do not even wear collars or cuffs. They have no railroads. electric lights, r.elf-blnders. band, organs or world’s fairs. What is the cause of this sad state of affairs? The lack of tariff protection. They have m> Major McKinley there to teach them the art of levying duties on imported products, so that while producing any article to advantage in any climate and soil they could at the same time build up home markets! provide increased employment at advanced wages, and collect their taxes from the commercial foreigners who might seek Gieenland’s marke s. Benighted inhabitants! Let them s* *d their statesmen to our World’s Fair next year. McKinley and his trained assistants may possibly have & school there, where instruction will bo given in McKinley government, religion and morals. If taxing imports encourages wealth production then geographic boundaries cannot stay the beneficence of high duties Pennsylvania ought to grow still richer were Jersey’s products shut out. Where is the protectionist who dares follow his logic?—St. Louis Courier. The trap with the bait labeled “protection” is being set for the Eastern workman. The same ©age. with reciprocity as the lure, does duty among the hayseeds.—St. Louis Courier.