Democratic Sentinel, Volume 16, Number 37, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 30 September 1892 — Page 3

VOLUME XVI

GHOST DANCE STILL ON.

ALLEN COUNTY BLAINE-GRESHAM BRAVES REFUSE TO RETURN TO THE REPUBLICAN RESERVATION WHILE AGENT HARRISON IS IN CHARGE. Big Chief McDonald, of the Gresham Band, and Big Chief White, of the Blaine Band, Urging on the Ghost Dance and Sharpening Their Knives to Scalp Agent Harrison Next November—More Desertions From the Agency—Chief Baird Joins the Ghost Danee. The local Republican machine is not running smoothly. At a meeting of the few remaining faithful at the New Aveline house yesterday William Baird, of Eel River township, directed that his name be stricken from the county ticket as a candidate for assessor. W. H. LaTourrette, of Eel River township, will succeed him. An admission has at last been smoked (out of. Chairman Yesey that Mr. R. T. McDonald’s resignation, as committeeman from the Fifth ward, was accepted, and that Mr. Brainard Rorison has been appointed to the vacancy, although it is doubtful if Mr. Rorison knows it. Quite a while ago Mr. McDonald mailed his resignation to Mr. Yesey, but the letter was held in abeyance and some of the camp followers hinted that Mr. McDonald’s resignation had a string to it and that the committee would not act on it, but the millionaire electric light manager never does things by halves and when questioned about his resignation promptly replied: “I mailed to Mr. Vesey my resignation as committeeman in good faith and its acceptance was quite natural for no other course was open to the committee. My resignation, too, was without reserve or conditions, for I desire to sever all political relations with an administration that practically said it wanted none of the friends of Mr. Blaine or Judge Gresham in its councils, and 1 promise you that very few of us will participate in Mr. Harrison’s personal campaign. I know that Captain White feels that way and hundreds of others, too, will assert their manhood by attending strictly to their own business during this campaign.” Mr. McDonald has always been a liberal contributor to the Republican campaign funds, but it is safe to prophesy that this time his money will remain to his credit in the banks. Mr. McDonald goes east tomorrow and S'ves very little thought to politics, in ct he finds very few people exercised about Mr. Harrison’s election.—Fort Wayne Journal.

. The Sugar and the Tariff. A phamphlet circulated by the Home Market club says, “by the beneficent provision of free sugar, the retail price of sugar has been reduced 50 per cent, and $65,000,000 of annual taxes left in the pockets of the people.” The McKinley bill did not put all sugar on the free list, as many believe. The sugar schedule -provides: Sugar above No. 16 Dutch standard in color, shall pay duty of one half cent per pound; provided, that all such sugar above No. 16 Dutch standard in color, shall pay one-half cent per pound in addition to the rat* herein provided for, when exported from or the product of any country when and so long as such country pay, or shall (hereafter pay directly or indirectly a (bounty larger than is paid on raw sugar of a lower saccharine strength. Provided further, that all machinery purchased abroad and erected in a beet sugar manufactory. and used in the production of raw sugar in the United States from beets produced therein, shall be admitted duty free (Until the Ist day of July, 1802. Provided, (that any duty collected on any of the above described machinery purchased abroad and Imported into the United States for the above indicated factory since January, 1890, shall be refunded.

This tax of one-half cent provoked the Indianapolis Journal, recently, to remark: “The Democratic house puts wool on the free list, but refuses to take from refined sugar the one-half cent of duty which sustained the sugar trust. ” Here The Journal admits that trusts could not exist without the tariff. It also admits that tariff is a tax. But it does not say why the Republicans happen to maintain this one-half cent tax in the McKinley bill. The sugar provision of the McKinley bill is in itself sufficient evidence that the tariff is a tax. If the foreigner pays the duty as claimed by the defenders of the McKinley tariff, why was there a provision inserted to admit sugar machinery free? If the foreigner pays the tax, why was there a provision inserted to refund the duty paid on sugar machinery purchased prior to the enactment of the McKinley tariff law? If it is true, as asserted by the McKinleyites, that the foreigner pays the tax, then the money ought to be refunded to the foreigners. These are questions that the organ of the protectionists should explain. The same sugar schedule provides that “on and after July 1,1891, and until July 1, 1905, there shall be paid a bounty on the products of sugar testing not less than 90 degrees from beets, sorgham, sugar canes qr from maple sap produced within the United States, a bounty of two cents per pound. And upon sugar testing lees than 90 degrees, and not less than 80 degrees, a bounty of one and three-fourths cent per pound,” The bounty paid out of the treasury to the sugar growers last year, amounted to over $10,000,000. This money, which went to the wealthy sugar men of Louisiana, was derived from taxes on imported goods. As jt has already been proven that the foreigner does not pay this duty, the American consumer had to foot »p this enormous gift to the rich sugar growers of Louisiana—rich growers because a clause in the bounty schedule of the McKinley tariff limits this bounty to capitalists. The clause which ben out the small grower reads, “and no bounty will be allowed or paid

fie MmoimM jgeitttttel

to any person licensed upon any quantity of sugar less than 500 pounds.” It can be demonstrated to the satisfaction of any tax payer that to produce sugar testing not less than 80 degrees by the polariseope, on quantities not less than 500 pounds requires machinery which will cost for a small plant not less than $40,000. That is to say, the man who has not $40,000 to invest can not get this bounty. There are a great many small growers of sugar cane in Louisiana, both white and black, who, for want of capital, sell the raw cane to the wealthy mill owners. It is a fact that these poor cane growers receive no more for their raw cane since the bounty was given to the refiners than before the McKinley tariff went into effect. The refiner gobbles up the two cent bounty and keeps it in his pocket like Carnegie. The producer of raw cane, receives not a cent of the bounty which is extorted from the com and wheat growers of the north to enrich the refineries of Louisiana.

They Don’t Practice What They Preach. If the Republicans were consistent they would remove their state committee headquarters from the Denison hotel to some building constructed with American material. The Denison hotel was retiled last winter with encaustic tiles imported from England made out of English “pauper” clay by English “pauper” labor. The United States Encaustic tile works of Indianapolis, are among the largest in the world and in the eyes of the McKinleyites, it should be a treason for the Republican proprietor of the Republican headquarters to buy English “pauper” tiles. Chairman Gowdy can not reach his headquarters without walking on this English floor. He can not send out an American tin badge or a “home market” document without going through the Denison loby with its English “pauper” tiled floor. Even Governor McKinley held a reception on that English “pauper” made floor. From this English floored building a large banner with . “Republican Headquarters,” and “Harrison and Reid” printed in large letters is stretched across the street to a telephone pole. It is treason for a farmer to use cheap English tin, but it is patriotism for a Republican millionaire to tile a two hundred thousand dollar hotel with English clay. Yet the United States Encaustic tile works of Indianapolis employs several times more men than the Conger-Fair-banks tin plate works of Elwood. The encaustic tile works of IndianaDolis do not import “pauper” labor from Wales, either. Nor do the proprietors resort to political rallies to boom comer lots in the vicinity of the tile works. They ask for no protection. They did not build their works with ether peoples money, either. They did not capitalize their works at $300,000 and return their assessment at $9,000. They make tiles and not campaign badges. By way of contrast the Democratic headquarters are located in a building made of American material by home workmen and when Chairman Taggart reaches his office he walks through a corridor with a plain floor made out of Indiana oak, sawed by an Indiana saw mill, and laid down by Indiana carpenters.

ENCOURAGING FOR DEMOCRATS. An Address of Congratulation from the National Committee. The Democratic national committee has issued the following address: Headquarters Democratic National ) Committee, 139 Fifth Avenue, V New York, Sept 14, 1892. ) To the People of the United States: The Democratic national committee congratulates the country on the result of the recent state elections in Maine, Vermont and Arkansas. In Arkansas the combined opposition, after so many extravagant claims, fell short by over 30,000 of the vote of the Democracy alone.. This has brought dismay to the combinations in the south and its manipulators in the north. In Maine and Vermont the contest was conducted distinctly on national issues. The Republican managers appealed for votes in these states on the ground that the size of the pluralities would exert a great moral influence on the campaign in other states, and that the poll would be “practically our vote for president.” Similar appeals summoned to their aid all the potent resources of their national organization with its exhaustless treasury and its splendid equipment of orators. With every favoring force at their command, except public opinion, with no organization opposed, save those made up within the states by a minority party which has been out of power for a generation and which was unaided without, the campaign of our adversaries for a triumphant test vote in these states, so carefully planned and so thoroughly and forcefully executed, has ended in a conspicuous disaster. Our friends everywhere are entitled to take fresh courage from these results. They mean that the strong tendency of Republican sentiment is with the Democracy and that the people of the country are prepared tip enforce rather than reverse the verdict which they rendered in 1890. William F. Haritt, Chairman Democratic National Committee. Don M. Dickinson, Chairman Campaign Committee. With the exception of the war period, New York has swung to and fro between the two leading parties with remarkable regularity. The results of presidential contests for fifty-five years were as follows: Year. Successful candidates. Plurality. 1836—Van Buren, Dem 28 272 1840—Harrison, Whig 13*290 1844—Polk, Dem 5,106 1848—Taylor, Whig (Dem. divided) 1852 —Pierce, Dem 27,201 1856—Fremont, Rep 80,129 1860—Lincoln, Rep..,.......';;;,,.,. 50,475 1864 —Lincoln, Rep 6,749 1868—Seymour, Dem lo'oOO 1872—Grant, Rep 53.456 1876—Tilden, Dem.... 32 742 1880 —Garfield, Rep 21[(K53 1864—Cleveland, Dem i 1^047 1888—Harrison, Rep 13^002 This year the Democrats will carry the state, if precedents don’t fail.

RENSSELAER lASPEB COUNTY. INDIANA FRIDAY. SEPTEMBER 30 1892

FREE TRADE IN PAUPER LABORERS.

THEY DO NOT COST EVEN FREIGHT TO THE TARIFF BARONS. Contract labor Law Passed by Republican Congress While Fighting for Their Country the Tariff Barons Filled Their Places with Imported “Pauper Labor.” One claim may as well be disposed of at once. Protectionists claim that the tariff protects American labor against foreign competition. Does it? There is no tariff on laborers. There is absolute free trade in labor—the one • thing that the manufacturer has to buy, and the one thing that the laborer has to sell. But the manufacturer says we keep out foreign work. Well, when does the foreign laborer most interfere with your job—when he is thousands of miles away, working by hand or with poor machinery, producing goods that have to be transported thousands of miles before they come into our markets ? or when he has come here as an immigrant and stands ready to work right by your side on the very machine you work with, to make the very goods you are making ? When does he most interfere with your job?—when he stays a foreigner thousands of miles off ? or when becomes here and bids against you ? How does it help the employer most—to have him stay at home in Europe ? or to have him here underbidding you. So, when your employer tells you that the tariff is to protect your labor, you know better. You did not make those laws, they did; and they left them in such shape that they could buy your labor as cheaply as possible. Their attitude, when frank, is summed in the speech of the gentleman who has been their leader in congress. Hon. William D. Kelley, of Pennsylvania, who, in the house of reeresentatives, when reminded that there was no tariff on labor, said: “Yes, men are on the free list. They cost us not even freight. . . We promote free trade in men, AND IT IS THE ONLY FREE TRADE I AM PREPARED .TO PROMOTE.” Origin and Object of Our Present Tariff. About as good an off-hand way as there is to judge of a measure is to see who is back of it and what they want it for.

On June 30, 1804, was financially perfected the system under which the enormous revenues needed during the last year of the war were raised. This system involved increase of internal revenue taxation on the manufacturers and wealthy men and great corporations of the country. Every manufacturer paid a tax on all he produced. Every man who had an income of over SIO,OOO paid one-third of it to government. Every railroad, steamboat, telegraph, express and insurance company paid over to government a large per cent, of its gross receipts. There was a stamp duty on every contract and on every bank check. The internal revenue taxes were high; their methods were sometimes arbitrary. But they bore directly upon no workingman, and simply called on the wealth of the country to contribute to the common defence. But the bill to raise more internal revenue was accompanied by a tariff bill raising duties still higher than they already were, thus enabling them to charge more for their goods, and so GET ENOUGH BONUS FROM THE PEOPLE AT LARGE TO MAKE UP WHAT THEY HAD PAID TO SUPPORT GOVERNMENT. So many of the wage earners had gone into the army that men were scarce and wages were high. This, of course, did not suit the manufacturing employers, and so they had passed, during the following week, the act known as the “contract labor law,” the object of whioh, frankly avowed, was to keep wages down by importing foreigners to take the place of American workingmen —who were then absent fighting for their country. As prepared and explained by Senator Sherman the object of the bill was: “TO ENCOURAGE, FACILITATE, AND PROTECT FOREIGN IMMIGRATION TO AND within the united states, the commissioner (provided for by the bill) is to collect from public documents and other authentic sources full and accurate information in regard to the soil, climate, mineral resources, and agricultural products, rates of wages and price of labor in different portions of the United States, and also the means of communication. and the wants of agricultural, manufacturing and other industrial interests of the United States, and so disseminate such information throughout Europe in a concise and popular form from time to time in such a manner as will best conduce to the accomplishment of the objects contemplated. The information thus collected is to be printed in different languages, at a cost not to exceed $20,000.” When the bill was under consideration, Senator Sherman urged in its be-, half:

“If an official document, prepared from official sources, could be furnished foreigners, giving them accurate information as to the needs of labor in this country, there is no doubt it would encourage a great deal of immigration. Ip the western states labor is absolutely demanded; common laborers are receiving a very high price. And it should be clearly shown to any intelligent person in Europe that it is to his interest to come to America, because the prices as compared with each other are decidedly in favor of the laborer in this country, there would be a great increase in the number of immigrants. I think, while this would involve very little expense, it might increase the immigration to this country within a year, probably to the extent of 100,000 additional persons, and within a short time still more increase immigration.” A Law Repealed When Cleveland Became President. And so the law entitled “An Act to Encourage Immigration,” was passed by both houses of congress and became a law— sll on the 4th day of -JbJ« ig^4_— providing not merely for the appointment of a commissioner for the purposes indicated, but also, specially, for facilitating the negotiations abroad of American employers who might go abroad to contract labor, the second section of the aot being: Section 2. And be it further enacted, 1 hat all contracts that shall be made by emigrants to the United States in foreign countries, in conformity to regulations that may be established by the said commissioner, whereby emigrants shall pledge the wages of their labor for a term not exceeding twelve months, to repay theexwmses of their emigration, shaUbe held to be valid in law, and may be enforced in the courts of the United States or of the several states and territories; and such advances,

“A FIRM ADHERENCE TO CORRECT PRINCIPLES.”

if so stipulated in the contract, and the contract be recorded in the recorder’s office in the country where the emigrant shall settle, shall operate as a lien upon any land thereafter acquired by the emigrant, whether under the homestead law when the title is consummated or on property otherwise acquired until liquidated by the emigrant. Contracted Labor Exempt from Military Duty. And, in order to further protect manufacturers who might import labor, and further to secure to the incoming foreigners an advantage over our citizens, it was provided by the same act that immigrants should not be subject to military service in our own army for a certain number of years after they arrived. Such was the origin of our present tariff: a bill sandwiched between the internal revenue act and the “contract labor law” of 1864. It was passed by the same congress and advocated by the same men who advocated advertising in Europe to induce foreigners to come over and l educe wages here, and who disgraced our statute book with the contract labor law, by which the same manufacturers were enabled to import from Europe hordes of cheap labor to take the place of the workingmen who were fighting in the field, and who returned only to find their job gone or their wages lower in consequence. Not much care for the laboring man so far. The pretence was not made till later. When the war was over the taxes were taken off of incomes, corporations and home manufactures, and even the whisky tax was lowered. The excuse for high tariffs was thus taken away. But the manufacturing employers liked them too well to let go of them easily. Then, as a last resort, was sounded the cry that the real object of high tariffs was to “protect the laboring man;” and on that plea, while all the taxes on wealth have been one by one repealed, the war tariffs remain little changed—except that in many instances they have been raised higher than they ever were during the war. Our present tariff, therefore, was originally a device by which the people at large, the majority of whom are workingmen, were forced to repay to wealth the taxes it paid government. Latterly, though wealth has been lieved from federal taxation, the tariff laws continue to compel our workingmen to pay wealth what is now a pure bonus, which it can—and does—put into its pockets. With all their professions of love for workingmen, the protectionists have always left free trade in labor, the one thing the wage earner has to sell; while they maintain a high tariff on everything he has to buy of his employers. That’s the only way our tariff WAS PLANNED TO “PROTECT” LABOR.

The Tariff Trusts. The New York Merchants’ Review says that the recently formed rice trust has advanced the price of cleaned rioe and reduced that of the raw material. Thus the duty of two cents a pound on cleaned rice, whioh is pretended to be a part of the so called “farmers’ tariff,” is used by a trust to squeeze the farmers themselves, and is made to do +Vm more harm than good. The same thing has happened in regard to cigarettes. McKinley raised the duty on cigarettes, which was equivalent under the old tariff to an ad valorem duty of 113 per cent., to a figure equal to 188 per cent. This also was for the farmer; but what has happened? The American Tobacco company, otherwise known as the oigarette trust, was organized in 1890, the great year of AtcKinleyism, with a capital of $25,000,000, and includes 95 per cent, of all the cigarette manufacturers in the country. In the fall of 1891 prices were advanced to the dealers in cigarettes, and a system of “rebates” was instituted which puts them under the power of the trust.

But worse than this, trust has reduced the price of tobacco as bought from the farmer. The particular kind of tobacco used in making cigarettes that known as “bright leaf,” is put on sale in the large tobacco warehouses of Virginia and North Carolina, and the agents of the trust, appearing at the daily sales and finding few bidders besides themselves, get the farmers 1 “bright leaf” at about two-thirds of the ; former price. I And yet there is a duty of thirty-five cents a pound on leaf tobacco to “protect the fanner. v |. The Democrats in 1888 had a margin of only 30 votes In the First district, 524 in the Fifth, 155 in the Eighth, 430 in the Eleventh and 1 In the Thlrj teenth. These are narrow margins, and with the complications that the People’s party and Farmers’ Alliance will create, the Republicans have hopes of reclaiming anywhere from sops |to six districts.—United States I District Attorney Chamber’s InI tervlew in Cincinnati Commercial Gazette Aug. 25.

LOUISIANA PLANTER. INDIANA FARMER.

He can’t see it but he pays the tax just the same.

Peek’s One Sided Report.

Commissioner Peck’s report, like the McKinley tariff, was made by protected manufacturers. Peck himself admits that he sent blanks for replies as to the increase of wages of the employer, only to manufacturers. As it is to the interest of the protected employer that the McKinley tariff should continue to give him a bounty on his manufactured goods, it is to his interest to report to the New York bureau of statistics that the McKinley tariff causes an increase of wages of the workingmen. It must be understood that in filling out the blanks furnished them by the commissioner, the New York manufacturers did not give the names of the employes, whose wages had been increased, but simply made statements, unverified and unattested. If Statistician Peck had desired to make a fair report, one that would have some weight with the workingmen, he should have sent blanks for reports to both sides, the employer and employe. It would have been as easy to send blanks for replies to the various trades unions of the state, as it was to send them to the manufacturers. But it was to the interest of Mr. Peck that he should make a one-sided report, which has been discredited by labor organisations of New York.

The New York World has interviewed the officers of the various labor unions, and thoroughly exposes Peck’s report as a fraud. These leaders show that where wages have been Increased, the McKinley tariff had nothing to do with it, but the increases were accomplished through demands of the unions. In a number of cases it required a number of strikes to bring about better wages. ■ln this state the workman need no “made to order” statistics to inform them whether the tariff has increased their wages or not. Two weeks ago the Indianapolis Sentinel advertised for ithe photograph of a workman whose wages had been increased on account of the McKinley tariff. It received one photograph, and that was from a printer who had been employed extra hours on a county paper to set up sheriff sale advertisements. The fact that Peck refuses to disclose the names of the manufacturers who increased the wages of their employee is sufficient evidence that the report was stuffed to be used as a campaign document. Beck will be rewarded if Harrison is re-elected.

Decline of Prices in England.

The Republican journals which are now claiming that the McKinley law has, reduced prices upon the admitted fact that some prices, chiefly articles the'duties on which were not raised by the ! McKinley bill, are now lower than they were two years ago, would do well to extend their observations beyond the limits of our own country. If they would, for example, investigate the course of prices in England they would find that a general downward movement had taken place there. A late number of the London Economist gives the prices of many staple articles in that country in Feb. 1, 1800, and compares! with them the prices prevailing Aug. 1, 1893. The table of The Economist shows the following changes, the figure# bfeing for tons of 2,340 pounds; Feb. 1, Aug. 1, 1890. 1882, Scotch pig iron sl2 60 $lO 20 Steel rails 82 80 19 96 Cleveland bar 5............ 86 88 27 83 Copper (Chili bar 5)........ 236 48 216 98 Lead j 62 84 56 66 Rw materials of the texile indusshowed a decline. Cotton of all as it did here, about four ound. Flax fell off $3.50 a ton, ained the same, while man ilia ide the astonishing drop of sll4, nearly one- half. Most of the principle articles of food are of course somew aat higher, just as with us, a result ca ised by the partial failure of the grain < rops in Europe last year. The question suggested by these figures is this.’ If prices declined so muoh jn England without any tariff law, how can a much slighter decline in the United States upon some articles be claimed as a result of the McKinley act? By 4 provisions of the McKinley bill the rich! monopolists have reserved to themselyes the right to buy all their Wearing apparel in the cheapest markets of the world, and import it into the United Spates, duty free.

THE TIN PLATE TAX.

HOW THE DUTY ON TIN PLATE INJURES THE FARMER. Million* Lost and Labor Wasted to Build Up an Infant Industry—A Burden on the Canning; Business, as Shown by a Prominent Conner. Congressman Bunting, a prominent canner, in his recent speech in congress depicted the burden imposed upon agriculture by the tin plate duty ;w follows: The canning industry, which consumes ov.er one-half of all the tin plate imported, becomes the principal victim, because it has alternative but to pay the increased tax or go out of the business. This wonderful industry emanates from the farm, and its profit is in preserving perishable farm products and the surplus of glutted markets. There are 1,200 canning concerns in the United States, scattered over the productive fields of twenty-five different states. Adding to these the meat, fish and oyster packers, we have an industry of 2,000 concerns affected by this legislation of growers, pickers, stock reisers, ranchmen, oystermen, fishermen, canners, packers, laborers, box and label manufacturers, canmakers and shippers, which stands for the support a d sustenance of 2,000,000 of our peopli

On a basis of tin consumed by oanners during the season of 1891 there were 1,200,000,000 cans used. Computing the amount, to be safe, at a round 1.000,000,000, and assuming that two-thirds were two-pound cans and one-third three-pounds, which is the usual proportion, wo have a duty cost in the used of $7,898,000. At the prices ruling in 1891 this vast sum represents the cost to consumers of 8,500,000 oases of corn. To pack this amount of oom would require the product of from 00*000 to 70,000 acres of land, and would pay the farmer and his laborers $2,500,000, The total labor employed In growing, picking, canning, packing, canmaking, labeling and boxing this amount of canned goods would not fall short of 40,0 AM) people during the canning season, or half of that number during the whole year. Here then is a tariff tax which would pension off 80 - 000 on living wages now deprived of a chance to earn their living. A bushel of tomatoes in New York will fill on an average fifteen cans. A ton of tomatoes therefore fills 500 cans. Five tons of tomatoes to the acre is a good average. The duty cost in cans per ton therefore is $4.60, and per sore it is $22.50. The price paid the farmer in most states is $6 per ton; hence the farmer has this Bublime summary of protection presented for his practical consideration.

In the absence of any duty on plates the canner could pay him $52.50 instead of SBO per acre for his tomatoes, an increase of 80 per cent. This is a loss to the fanner of thirteen and a half cents per bushel. We have known farmers, irrespective of politics, to enter Into a justifiable combination and strike for an advance of two and a half cents per bushel.

The average yield of corn per aare is three tons, whioh, at $6 per ton, nets the fanner $18; the duty cost on the cans to put up an acre of com is sll.Ol. In the absence of a tariff on tin plates the farmer could receive 04 per cent more for his crop and the canner still be able to sell his roods at the same mice. With free tin plates a revolution among the canneries would take place; the fanner wonld get 26 percent, of this tariff tax added to the prioe of his tomatoes and other products; the laborer could get 25 per cent, of this tariff tax added to his labor; consumers would ret 50 per cent, of the tax through a reduction in the cost of the canned good. This reduction in prices woula increase their consumption 25 per cent,, which means a larger home market and more acreage of products for the fanner. Again, the senate committee’s report on their measure says: “The framers have not hesitated to erect or defensive barriers which will carry confidence and comfort Into American homes.” Yet we have hero the spectacle presented of the value of 10,000 oarloads of canned tomatoes or 7,000 carloads of canned com thus added by law to the cost of the cans, which would only go to swell the dump heap where the goods are served, while men by thousands ask in vain for a day’s work, and while mothers, tortured by the pleading of starving children, beg for bread. °

The Conramera Pay the Tex. The canning and other industries required about $20,000,000 worth of tin annually before the McKinnley bill a law. The revenue from this amount was nearly $7,000,000. A few manufacturers in Pennsylvania and Ohio informed the government that they r, n within a year make enough tin plates to supply the entire country, U the duty was raised to a point which practically makes the 1%,000,000 worth of tin cost $95,000,000. It was also stated that *hia hew industry would give employment to 24,000 people. After a year’s time there is only one manufacturer who makes tin plates. There are two or three who make leaded sheets which they call tin plates. The entire output is very nearly absorbed in campaign badges. It would probably not be an exaggeration to say that 5,000 people were given employment instead of 24,000. Would it not be cheaper for the entire country to pay each of these supposed 24,000 people SSOO each and let them do nothing—s3,ooo,ooo would be saved by the operation. No people governing themselves by universal suffrage can have a series of general elections, the stake in which consists in scores upon scores of millions of gain for a strong money power, without becoming utterly demoralized and corrupted in their political life. It is high time that every American who loves his country should open his eyes to this incontestable truth.—Carl Bchurz. The rates of wages in New Engine have steadily decreased since the passage of the McKinley hill, while the protected monopolists have grown steadily richer.

NUMBER 37

f' To vote a straight Democratic ti k stamp within the square enclosing t 3 rooster at the top of the ballot, andn - where else. If any ether square is stem • ed in addition to the large square t c ballot will be thrown out. After stam • ing fold the ballot so as to leave the in • tials of the poll-olerk on the outside an t hand to the election officers.

NATIONAL DEMOCRATIC TICKET

For President, GROVER CLEVELAND, of New York. For Vioe-Fresident, ADLAI STEVENSON, of Illinois. DEMOCRATIC.STATE TICKET Governor, CLAUDE MATTHEWS, Vermillion. Lieutenant Governor, MORTIMER NYE, LaPertc. Secretary of Slate, WILLIAM R. MYERS, Madlaou. Auditor of State, JOHN O. H KNDKRONM Howard. Treasurer of Slate, ALBERT GALL, Marion. Attorney General, ALONZA G. SMITH, Jenainge. Reporter of Supreme Court, SIDNEY H. MOON, Pulton.. Superintendent of Public Inetructlon, IIERVEY D. VUKIBS, Johneon. Stato Htatletlclan, WILL/AM A. PEBLE, Jit., Marlon. Supremu Judgo, Second District, JBPTHa.D. NEW, Jennies. Supremo Judge, 'Third Dlotrict, JAM ts MoCABB, Warren. Supreme Judge, Fl.th DletHot. TIMOTHY E. HOWSRD, St. Joeeph. Appellate Judge, Plret Dletrlet, GEORGE 0. REINHARDT, Spencer. Appellate Judge, Second Dle’ilet, PRANK E. GAVBN, Deeatur. Appollat.oJudge, Third DUtrfet. THEODORE P. DAVIS, Hamilton. Appellate Judge, Fourth District, ORDANDO J. LOTZ, Delaware. Appellate Judge, Fifth DUtrlet, GEORGE E. BOSS. Case. For Congress, • , THOMAS HAMMOND. For Roproeontative, J. W. NOBAND, For Judge Circuit Oeart, JAMES T. SAUBDBBWON, FordAroeeoutlnglAtternoy, * PRANK DAVIS. For Next United States g^t or DAVID TU&Pie.

the d ld *t ri b 8 of the Mrth, «d obliterated from the memory of man," * Parson Chase at Union City. The Republioan organ at Union. CRr denounoed the above in unsparing terms. Judge Johnston's meetings in this oounty did not inspirs him with oonfldsnoe of sneoess.

And 8 or il) special appointments are to be mado for State Senator Gilman in this, oounty. We hope the Senator will take, advantage of the opportunity thus afforded to defend the present tax law for which, he voted. ***""" ' T ■ MUU *th W&7 ’ b,,t k ,,n —Marshall , Q d MUls-the courts save decided that the rat road corporations must pap the taxes levied against them under the new law.— We believe Marshall and Mills have not mads h„te to inform the resder* of the Republioan of this fact.

After having laid the blame of increased looal taxation upon the more nume*. one shoulders of the township trustees,, and after admitting that lobal tsTatiom bss been increased over $13,000, (the tablesj published by us week before low# sho’fr an increase ovei $17,000) the editor 'of the Republioan halts, catohea his bisath, and promises his readers in a series of articles to show: First—That there is noinorease in looal taxation. Second—ls there ie an increase the township trustees are responsible: Third If the township trustees are net responsible, no one is, but the increase is' needed and every dollar will be honestly sxpsndsd. The Republioan campaign in tLis locality, compared with the past, j g , oraly laoking in vigor. The lootd committee is desirous of stirring up, the animals nd have made a number e* appointments to be filled by looal talent. W® thi.iV it will prove to be, "Love’s Labor Lost " gentlemen. The Republioan says it was the loeaT editor of the Pilot who declared: “Oh well, jnst so wo oan get them tobelieve it until after tbe election. ■ The local editor is a republioan, and a graduate of the Republican. He denounces the charge that he tftered the expression, however, as “a He? pure and unadulterated.” Bui euppoie he did utter it. He would only have been * answer, ing a fool according to his folly.* What right had the *man whose weed is above question" to attempt to reprove the employe of the Pilot Co. We remember that an employe of the Republican was disobarged on a certain oooasion for permitting a faction of his own party tosse him.