Democratic Sentinel, Volume 16, Number 35, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 16 September 1892 — Page 4

Stye IlcmocraUt Sentinel RENSSELAER, INDIANA, t. W. McEWEN, ... Publishes.

For President, GROVER CLEVELAND, OF NEW YOBK. For Vice President, ADLAI E. STEVENSON, OF ILLINOIS.

Caknegie’s four-in-hand—Frick, Pinkerton, Harrison and Reid. Contractors for dirty work will please put in their bids with Thomas H. Carter. Granny Blair is now a candidate Tor Congress. Congress has a hard time of it. Mr. Tom Platt still inclines to organize an expedition to the Harrison pole. Tom Reed’s approval of Tom Reed’s personally conducted Congress te without reservation or remorse. The passengers in the Republican coach do not seem to be much impressed with Mr. Harrison as a whip. Whitelaw Reid warns the Republicans against over-confidence. This is like warning a man against a moon-stroke. There is one block in New York which houses 3,500 people. And just to think of Dudley wasting his time on blocks of five. If the McKinley bill grew the great crops, then it produced the labor riots, floods, cyclones, railroad wrecks, and lake disasters. Several years ago Mr. Carnegie wrote a book called “Triumphant Democracy. " After the November election he can pose as a prophet.

“Don’t be overconfident,” says Mr. "Whitelaw Reid. “Who said we were overconfident?” say Messrs. Blaine, Platt, Quay, Dudley, Clarkson, Foraker and Farwell. The only increase of wages yet ascribed to the McKinley law is the high pay given to Pinkerton men. The Carnegie company paid the Pinkertonians $5 a day. According to the New York Tribune “Maj. McKinley has consented to make some speeches in lowa.” There must be some error about this, but the Major may have consented to make the same speech several times. There are 13,000,000 of voters in this country. Each man is paying $lO per year pension grab as a tax. ilustjcp and recognition to the old soldier is a national honor—looting the Treasury for political purposes, a national prime.

The Chicago Inter Ocean always' jpeaks of “Briceville, named after Senator Brice,” and evidently intends It to be understood that he employs convict labor. Senator Brice has repeatedly denounced the statement that he owns any mines where convict labor is employed. Mr. Hatt now—but that’s another story. m rr . The McKinley tax on carpets and carpeting of all kinds is 45 cents a yard and 30 per cent, ad valorem. Under these it is no wonder that the large carpet and upholstery dealers of the country have begun a movement to re-establish a combine. First McKinley, then a trust, is the natural order. It is cause and effect. If it goes on much longer it will have to be stated in. all the text books as a fact of political economy. -

McKinley continues to assert that the foreigner pays the tax. This is how it works: The foreigner makes a coat at a cost of $lO, sends it to this country, pays a duty of $lO on it, and Bells it for, say, sls. By this transaction he loses $5 on every coat of the kind he sells in this country. It is apparent to any one that the moment he sells it for more than S2O, the consumer pays the tax. Now which is the more reasonable inference, that the foreigner sells everything at a loss, or that McKinley is .Simply telling an untruth? An administration organ says that In electing Harrison the American people “declared with all the emphasis at their command that they approved of protection with all their heart.” Oh, no! Mr, Harrison did not receive as many votes by nearly 100,000 as were cast for Grover Cleveland, the tariff reformer. And with tile emphasis of 1,300,000 majority the peoplo declared at the very next election after the McKinley bill was passed that (hey did not approve of this sort of high and trust-creating

protection. It is better to be acciu rate. It may not be generally remembered, but the Republicans of Pennsylvania have not forgotten it, that in the year 1877, after the great Pittsburg riots, Pennsylvania went Democratic. The officers chosen were of secondary importance, but the result was very suggestive and the lesson has not been lost. Hence their frantic efforts to produce the impression that these labor troubles have no bearing on political questions.

It is gradually dawning upon the minds of a good many people that the smooth-faced William McKinley is a prize-package fraud. The St. Louis Republic places side by side two recent utterances of his which will bear contrasting. In Pennsylvania McKinley says: “The tariff puts up the price of iron and increases wages correspondingly.” In Nebraska he says: “The tariff cheapens iron and gives the farmers cheap plows and other farm machinery.”

The New York Tribune has unearthed the fact that the American Tariff League has been evading the postal laws by disseminating through the mails as second-class matter a campaign pamphlet, “Protection and Reciprocity,” which, of course, is not entitled to distribution by mail at newspaper rates. Some of the strict constructionists in Congress who were outraged lately at the idea of Henry George’s book, “Protection or Free Trade,” being smuggled in installments into the Congressional Record will doubtless be equally zealous to reprehend this new phase of smug* (fling.

St. Louis Republic: The private farm and home debt of Illinois, exclusive of debt on open account; exclusive of debt on unsecured note; exclusive of debt secured by the deposit of personal collateral; exclusive of debt secured by chattel mortgage; exclusive of the debt of railroads; exclusive of the debt secured by mortgage on the property of corporations; exclusive of town, county, city and State debts, averages SIOO on the head of every man, woman and child in the State. This is SSOO a family, and at 10 per cent, it means an average annual interest tax of SSO a family. These are not “Democratic campaign figures.” They are the figures of the Porter census, which reduced the total of Illinois farm and home debt as far as it cculd. And all this has come about in Illinois with the Republican party in control both at Washington and Springfield.

Whitelaw Reid has a most remarkable knack of profiting by the misfortunes of others. He picked up the New York Tribune, which had been created by Horace Greeley, and proceeded without compunction to freeze Greeley out of it. After matrimony had made him cich and he needed a fashionable town house in which to maintain the state proper for a Republican millionaire he happily secured at a great bargain the magnificent residence on Madison avenue built by Henry Villard. Mr. Villard had met with adversity before his house was completed, and Mr. Reid was in at the death and took Jhe prize. Casting about him for a country house he noticed the spacious castle of Ophir Farm, owned by poor Ben Halliday, then financially embarrassed. Ophir Farm is now adde to Mr. Reid’s other trophies of fishing expeditions in bankrupt pools. Now he is in the possession of a Vice Presidential nomination which every consideration of political decency demanded should have been tendered to Vice President Morton. Nevertheless, Morton will appear in the history of his party as the last of its Vice Presidents.

Cleveland, In his speech accepting the Democratic nomination for President, said: “Never has a great party, intent upon the promotion of right and justice, had better incentive for effort than is now presented to us. Turning our eyes to the plain people of the land, we see them burdened as consumers with a tariff system that unjustly and relentlessly demands from them, in the purchase of the necessaries and comforts of life, an amount scarcely met by the wages of hard and steady toil, while the exactions thus wrung from them build up and Increase the fortunes of those for whose benefit the injustice is perpetuated. We see the farmer listening to a delusive story that fills his mind with advantage, while his pocket Is robbed by the stealthy hand of high protection. Our workingmen are still told the tale, oft repeated, in spite of its demonstrated falsity, that the existing protective tariff is a boon to them, and that, under its beneficent operation, their wages must increase—while, as they listen, scenes are enacted in the very abiding place of high protection that mock the hopes of toil and attest the tender mercy the workingman receives from those made selfish and sordid by unjust governmental favors. We oppose earnestly and stubbornly the theory upon which our opponents seek to justify and uphold tariff laws. ”

BOGUS WAGE ADVANCE

M’KIN LEY ISM IS COMPLETELY BROKEN DOWN. HUtory of the Smell Llat of Alleged Wage Advance* That Now Supplle* Two Partie* with Campaign Material—Foot* in Regard to Each Ca*e. Foote That Are Foot*. Tbe Hon. John DeWitt Warner, of the Reform Club, has completed his investigation of the twenty-eight cases where, according to the Amerioan Economist and other high tariff authorities, wages have been advanced in protected industries since October, 1890. Trustworthy examiners were sent to each plaoe to get the facts. Their reports were of such a nature that the Reform Club has published them as a number of TarifT Reform, and the New York Weekly World of August 25 gave them a full page. It will be remembered that the Reform Club had prepared and published In the World and in Tariff Reform a list of nearly 500 wage-reduotions and lockouts in proteoted industries since the McKinley act took effect. The protectionists who had promised higher wages with the McKinley bill and had been shouting higher wages ever since, began to get uneasy because they could not tell anxious inquirers exactly where wage advances had ocourred. They began to search, feeling confident that wages must have advanced in many of the thousands of protected mills in this country. They sent out clroulars to manufacturers asking them to report the per cent, that wages had been advanced in their mills since October,' 1890. In this way and in other ways they got together what purported to be a list of wage advances. Apparently it did not occur to the American Economist editor (or if he did he was so anxious to publish the list that he did not consider the consequence of an exposure) that the manufacturers-might misstate facts —perhaps to get free advertising, or, it may be, to attract laborers to their mills. The twenty-eight cases of “wage advances" were published with a flourish in the American Economist. Republican papers were not slow in copying the list. At last McKinley had been vindicated, and the “free-trade liars" silenced. But the one great fault with the list was that it was short; indeed, it was its brevity that betrayed it in more ways than one. It not only exposed the meager results of great promises, but it offered inducements to investigation which a formidable list would have precluded. If the protoctionists were attempting a game of bluff they should have made a list of several hundred advances —so many that it would be a very big and very expensive piece of work to make inquiry in regard to all. But twenty-eight cases were just enough to challenge Investigation. If a few of them could be shown to be incorrect the already small list would be diminished so that even Republican editors would be Ashamed to publish it. It was not expected by Mr. Warner, when he began the investigation, that the whole list was a fraud and that he would in the majority of oases get wage reductions for his already long list. The following are the briefest possible summaries of the list, the quotations being from the American Economist’s list of “examples of wages advanced under the McKinley tariff, showing increased per cent:” “Haskell A Baker Car Company, Michigan City, Ind., 5 per cent.” Wagos were reduced from 12J to 25 cents per day in 1889 and restored 12i cents in May, 1890. No change since the McKinley act took effect. “2. Wooster A. Stoddard, Walden, N.\T., 5 percent.” Strike in May, 1892. caused a readjustment of wages by which some got more and others got less —total effect not certain.

“3. Camden Woolen Company, Camden, Me., 10 per cent.” Four looms got a raise because they changed to heavier work weavers’ earnings were not increased. “4. Rider Engine Company, Walden, N. Y., 5 per cent.” No advances In ten years—but reductions of 10 and 12J per cent, since 1884. “Hawthorne Mills Company, Glonnville, Conn., 15 per cent.” One man advanced from $1.15 to $1.25 in July, 1892, and nearly all of the 200 employes reduced from 10 to 20 per cent, since 1890. “6. Alfred Dolge, Dolgeville, N. Y., 20 per cent,” Alfred Dolge has for years had a system of encouraging employes to work for little and expect more, by advancing the wages of twenty or twenty-five of his more Industrious workmen a shilling at the end of the year. In February, 1891, forty or fifty this advance, but in February, f 892, po g,<jvance gecurrjdj and many employes were disappointed, Numerous reductions eaoh year fully offset tnesS bunched and widely heralded advances. “7. Lake Superior Lumber Company, Sault Ste. Marie, Mich., 15 per cent.” No advance at all was made in this Sanlng mill—yeport was purely for poical reasons. “8. J. C. Bass, Boxboro, N. C., 25 per cent."

The two or three employes of this grist and saw mill never got less wages than now. The report furnished amusement for neighbors. “9. H. L, Chapman, White Pigeon, Micb. ; lj> pqr cent" One of the two employes here Is an apprentice and had his Wages advanced to 50 cents day from 26 cents. “10. Baltimore A Ohio Railroad Company, Grafton, W. Va., 20 per cent.” No advances here, but the few that have not been discharged by closing of foundries, etc., have had their wages reduced in the last year from $2.25 to $1.57.

“11. Wilkins & Close, Mayfield, N. Y., 15 to 25 per cent. ” Mr. Wilkins says the report is false, as only the usual advancos to new hands have occurred. “12. Close & Christie, Mayfield, N. Y., 15 to 25 per cent. ” Same situation as No. 11. “13. Canastota Knife Company, Canastota, N. Y„ 10 per cent. In 1891, by threatening to strike the employes got back about 10 per cent of the 2o per cent, reduction made four or five years ago. *l4. New York Knife Company, Walden, N. Y., 10 per cent.” In April and in June, 1892, about twothirds of the workers, by having a union and by threatening to strike, received advances of from 7 s to 10 per cent A general reduction of 10 per cent occurred in 1885, which the company promised to replace if Harrison was elected. “15. Thomaston K-.ife Company, Thomaston, Conn., 10 ffer cent” Same situation as at No. 13. 16. W. F. Epperson, Ladoga, Ind., 10 per cent.” Mr. Epperson’s reply to the Republican letter sent him is being widely circulated by Demorats. Instead of advancing wages, he has had to shut down his heading factory part of the time. “17. Pittsburg Reduction Company, Pittsburg, Pa., 10 percent” The proprietor knew of no advances, and was surprised that such a report was made. “18. Sultan Buggy and Carriage Company, White Pigeon, Mich., 10 percent.” No advancos, but more work for the same pay.

“19. B. Howitzer, Chaseburg, Wls. ( 10 per cent." Chaseburg has 50 inhabitants. No Howitzer there. “20. Enterprise Manufacturing Company, Manheim, Pa., 30 per cent. The girls making socks and overalls at $2.50 to $3 a week became dissatisfied and were irregular at work. The firm advanded prices from 35 to 45 cents and from 11 to 15 cents per dozen. “21. Shaw Stooklng Company, Lowell, Mass., 10 per cent." Tho reduction by law of working hours from sixty to fifty-eight caused no reduotion of wages of day laborers but piece workers may earn less. “22. King's County Knitting Company, Brooklyn, N. Y., 5 per cent." Tho ten or fifteen employes know of no advance. “23. Western Knitting Mills, Rochester, Mich., 15 per cent." Four apprentices were advanced. Mapy others of tho 100 employee received reductions of from 16 to 19i cents per dozen. “24. Western Knitting Mills, Detroit, Mich., 15 per cent.” Wagos have not changed for eight years. “26. Langley & David, Orlskany Falls, N. Y., 25 to 50 oents-a day.” Two foremen and one apprentice advanced slightly; six weavers and one finisher reduced from 11 to 16 per cent.; wages of other five employes unchanged. “26. William Carter A Co., Highlandsyille, Mass., 15 to 60 cents a day.” Five of ninety employes were advanced to prevent them from returning to England. A few other changes In the mills were made because new machines were introduced. “27. McCormick A Co., Harrisburg,

THE INFANT INDUSTRY AND THE WORKINGMAN.

—New York World.

Pa., 15 to 50 cents n day.” Forty laborers whoso wages were reduced from $1.20 to sl.lO last fall had the ten cents restored in June. Forty puddlers on Feb. 15, 1892, were reduoed from $4 to $3.50 per ton. Eighty-five were thrown out in March, 1892, by the closing of one furnace. “28. He (John DeWitt Warner) should not forget the 25,000 employes In the Full River cotton mills who had their wages increased on July 11." Tho legal change of hours from 60 to 58 per week caused no reduction of wages, because the employes were contemplating a strike to get back a reduction of 10 per cent, in 1884.

The Tin Plate Infant.

Aooording to tho report of Special Agent Ira Ayer for the fiscal year ending June 30 last, just published by the Treasury Department, the number of works in operation and the production by quarters have been as follows: Production, Works. pounds. First quarter 0 826,942 Second quarter 11 1,109,821 Third quarter 20 3,209,225 Fourth quarter 26 8,200,751 Total 13,646,719 Of these twenty-six works nine produce their own black plates, while seventeen do the tinning only. The nine produced 5,197,028 pounds of tin and terne plates during the last quarter, and the seventeen produced 3,003,723 pounds. Protectionists everywhere are crowing loudly and think this the brightest infant yet born by the aid of protection; and some are making almost as glowing promises for Its future as did McKinley and Allison, who prophesied in 1890 that it would be born in six months and that in a year or two it would have its growth and be produolng all of our tin plate. It is to be expected that the Republicans will crow about something during a Presidential campaign, but if there is nothing better for them to crow over than this tin-plate industry in Its presgnj the party is indeed lacking for cifiipaign material. '"-T JNgi only js. the infant, as yet, very spall pus It is Feeble. At present we are manufacturing only about five per cent, of our total consumption, and the New York Daily Commercial Bulletin, whioh has made nn analysis of the establishments making tin plate, comes to the conclusion that “As long as prices remain high, such works as do the tinning, merely buying the black plates ready for this process, may get along, but the industry can never be firmly established here on this basis. The large manufacturers of sheet Iron and steel, IfliQSp work's are situated and who are In the best position to paake the tin plate industry a success, have not yet shown any Inclination to take up the new industry. The tin plate Industry can be established only when work shall be established on a large scale which will make a specialty of tin plates and carry on the production from the steel and Iron In the form of billets or bars. As yet but few such works are in operation or are projected. ” Grant that in a few years we shall be making all of our own tin and terne plates. What then? The industry would probably be more of a curse than a blessing to us. Saying nothing about expeoting or hoping to get back the $30,900,000 during the last three years, or the more, than $100,000,000 during the last twenty years, which the attempt to establish this industry has cost us, this artificially supported industry, like that of the manufacture of Bteel rails, of refined sugar, and of hundreds of others, would continue in its old age to take dollars, from consumers that It might restore cents to wage earners. If prices

of tin nhould remain about two cents per pound above the foreign price, as it undoubtedly will, as long as the manufacturers of steel sheets, of galvanized iron and steel and of tin plate maintain their eohnbine and are protected by a duty of 1$ 2-5 cents per pound, this industry Mil take $lO from the consumer, not $5 which will be paid to the wage earnersj' and not 50 cents of which will irepresent a gain to wage earners over what they could have eHhied in other industries. By virtuß>f the duty, which the American Ecoßfmist says should he retained “forever.Mthe tin-plate trust would continue tolßob us of $12,000,000 or $15,000,000 sjlrear, that $6,000,000 or $7,000,000 miglMgo as wages to 10,000 or 12,000 meiß who could earn almost as much iB a self-supporting industry. This is B the supposition that American laborerefiwill get the benefit of waged paid in Bis industry. As a matter of fact, a large proportion of the workmen in this.las in most other industries broughtßere by protection, are foreign-

born—brought here to rOduce wages by competing with American workmen. So long as this Infant must have protection pap to keep it alive here so long will it be a curse to us—yes, and if it should ever become so hardy that it could live without this pap and it should not be weaned by radical free-traders, it would still curse us as does the 50year old and still unweaned industries of making steel rails and sugar, which take millions from us every year, though we could make as many tons of steel rails and pounds of sugar and pay lust as high wages as if there were no duty at all.

Effects of Tariff Agitation.

There is nothing ambiguous or twofaced in the tarlfT plank adopted by the Chicago convention. It says: < "We denounce Bepublican protection as a fraud, a robbery of the great majority of the American people for the benefit of the few. We declare it to be a fundamental principle of the Democratic party that the Federal Government has no constitutional power to impose and collect tariff duties except for the purpose of revenue only, and demand that the collection of such taxes shall be limited to the necessities of the Government honestly and economically administered.” In commenting upon the adoption o. this plank and the rejection qf the one reported by the Committee on Platform, in the Noith American Review for September, the Hon. William L. Wilson says: “There is need for little comment upon the paragraphs of the report of the committee which were stricken out in convention. They were no longer aids, but incumbrances in the fight. The

temper and the courage of the party are mightily different in 1892 from what they were in 1884; what was neoessary prudence then would bo cowardice now. The convention responded fully and heartily to the feeling of the party it represented. It showed its confidence in tariff reform as the great and winning issue by Its nomination of Mr. Cleveland in the face of warnings that would have driven It from a man who did not also stand for a cause. It meant that there should be nothing ambiguous about the party’s attitude to that oause, and that the statement of its fundamental principle should not be overlaid with cumulative limitations. And in all this the convention was right. We have passed that stage In the great tariff controversy where it is necessary or proper to cumber party platforms with limitations and promises and protests. After the Mills bill and the special bills passed by the present House, it is superfluous to assure the people that the Democratic party will prooeed carefully and conservatively in reducing the tariff. In dealing with this, as with every other long-standing abuse interwoven with our social or Industrial system. the statesman will always remember that in the beginning temperate reform is safest, having in it the principle of growth. ”

Reciprocity.

Reciprocity is Christian. It is a golden rule. But a treaty of reciprocity between nations is a public confession that the people have been deprived of the benefit of practicing the golden rule, and it is now proposed to give some the opportunity, though withholding it from others. Freedom had first to be taken from the colored man to be restored to the slave. Before restoring to man his right to trade, that right has to be first taken from him. A treaty of reciprocity gives to some the right which has been first taken from them, while it leaves others begging for their right. In the abstract, therefore, a treaty of reciprocity must necessarily bean injustice; yet, Inasmuch as it does not cause the Mffism N«W ftonj &e injury, we can welcome it until we are able to remove the cause. If, in the year 1$40 ( Maryland had giv§n freedom to all her slaves, Garrison might have rejoiced, but he would not have been satisfied till all other sufferers were freed; and, in like manner, giving some thq right to buy and sell wheat, pork, coffeb, and hides is a cause of rejoioing, yet we are not satisfied till others can buy and sell potatoes, butter, wool, iron and everything. We love a treaty of reciprocity for the good it does, but we have to first injure everybody before the good can be done.—Brackett’s Cobden Pellets.

The Sin of Protection.

“Protection. Is not protection a sin? It involves more sin, and a greater variety of it, that any system I know of except slavery. It would astonish some folks not a little to learn what relation the system (in any form or degree! bears to sin. “As to the protectionist matter, I need only say that we see more and more plainly that the subject is not understood, which is quite natural among a flourishing new people. I wish they knew how the degradation of our peasantry (who are rising hourly), the crime of our cities, the brigandage of our ooasts, the deprivation of our poorlaw system, and the demoralisation of our whole classes have been occasioned by the protective system, which they seem to consider an optional matter, with only some considerations of expediency, pro and con. Protection has ruined more of our people, body and Soul, than drink."—Harriet Martineau’s Letters.

Protecting Metal Workers.

Mr. Henry G. Marquand imported from England, not long ago, a bronze statue of Eros, eleven Inches high, for which he paid $l,lOO. The collector imposed a duty of 45 per cent, on it, classing it as a manufacture of metal. Mr. Marquand appealed to the Board of Appraisers, ana they decided to admit the statue free as an antiqity, as it was made about 250 B. B. The collector appealed from this ruling to the United States Circuit Court, and Judge Lacombe has decided that the object is dutiable at 15 per oent., as a- piece of metal statuary. So Mr. Marquand must pay $165 for the protection of .American metal-workers against competition from rivals dead 2,000 years.—Exchange. To bcy what you need in a dear market and sell your labor in the cheap world’s market is indorsed every time a ballot is cast for the tariff. Stop voting that way and grumble less.—St. Louis Courier.

THE CORRECT IN STYLE.

’TIS WHAT STRIKES THE POPULAR FANCY. Woman’* Will Ignores Man’s Criticism— Good Taste in Dress tl»e Evidence of Superior Refinement—Some of the Prettier Things About to Reign. For Autumn Wear. New York correspondence:

when Socrates stole away to sit at the feet of Aspasia, philosophy has been powerless to make a so-called reasonable being out of a woman. As the great bard of Avon makes Borneo exclaim: “Hang up philosophy unless philosophy gan make a Juliet!” Thefasnion is in reality the woman herself. A man may wear a cowl and be very far from a monk, but a fashionable gown is a long step toward a great lady. The reason why woman are more refined than men is because they pay more attention to dress, to the art of adornment. You may affect to despise dress, but when once you have tasted the supreme satisfaction of a perfectly fitting gown you are converted forever. In reality the woman of fashion is often far more practical and economical than her plain sister who affects to despise modes. By studying the fashions you become an expert in tissues, you know which wear the best, which are least likely to fade, or to lose their finish. I was struck with the truth of this upon returning to town. On the train with me were two ladies, one an ultra fashionable woman and the other a plain sister. The latter had provided a cloth traveling dress with a train, and, the day being damp, it was soon a mass of wrinkles. She looked very dowdy, indeed. The ultra fashionable woman wore serge of a becoming gray tone which just grazed the ground, and when she stepped from the

OUTDOOR GOWN.

-.ar after a whole day’s journey her gown looked as smooth and neat as if she had just left her own room. The other woman, too, bent down one of the upstanding loops of her hat trimming and she looked a bit out of gear; but the fashionable lady’s gray straw tourist's hat sat on her head as neat and natty as you please. In the initial illustration you see a very pretty gown for afternoon indoors, a stamped surah, salmon toned, with black florets. The lace plastron has a transparency of plain foulard. There are two skirts, the under being ornamented with a ruching and openwork galloon, the upper with the galloon only.’ The sleeves are garnitured with lace, the lower sleeve having a band of the galloon. At the front the pleats are held in place by a ribbon rosette. During September we shall have to content ourselves with old conceits. The queen bee of fashion is brooding; she has withdrawn to her thinking chamber to hatch out new ideas and fancies. What will they he? Ah! if I only knew, but a,t this moment I can only guess, perhaps we shall sit in grand state this winter with square-toed shoes thrust solemnly out from under short skirts, or mayhap we shall find ourselves wearing bag' gowns or paniers. Who can tell? Anyway, the flying hour has quite enough to carry it along till the new styles have .been promulgated. What could be .prettier than a gown in a percale or in a satin finish stuff, sky blue, water green, pink, sulphur or mauve, skirt and corselet in one, coming up over a plaited silk blouse with ribbon belt? In my second picture you will find an extremely fetching outdoor gown for a Septem-

VERANDA TOILET.

ber fete, in embroidered batiste, the underskirt being in plain batiste. The corselet is made from a strip of the embroidered material, and must be boned. It closes at the back like the gown. Two plaited ruchings ornament the corsage yoke-style. The sleeves are very full and hare ribbon bracelets, and the open-work silk gloves should be of the shade of the ribbon used for garniture, and they may, if you choose, be sewed to the sleeves. Among the types at summer resorts you are sure to find the bookish girl. She scorns such frivolous things as tennis, although she confidentially informs you that she looks well in a tennis costume. She is not overfond of young men, they are so dreadfully “lacking. ” This is a favorite word of hers. I never could make out exactly what it means. To the bookish girl the subject of dress is by no means a distasteful one, for •he accepts the decrees of fashion, but

not blindly. She feels that a woman must not destroy her individuality t® please the giddy throng. The third picture shows this type—the bookish girl. She wears a very pretty gown in plain and striped surah. As she is almost invariably tall and slender, the corselet and«blouse effects are very becoming to her. Speaking of books reminds me of the rumor that literary societies are to be the great fad of the coming winter season, and you will be expected to dress for the occasion and not make your appearance wearing a gown in a frivolous tone, or dislaying any gaudy or flippant style of garniture. Black will be the favorite color for these meetings, and I need not add that black has a hundred charming possibilities, while these dainty shades usually have but one. It is a pity that children can’t live outdoors all the year round; it would be better for them and better for those who grumble at their presence. Children are like birds —outdoors their voices are pleasing and we never tire of listening to them, but behind closed doors these shrill little notes are apt to become a bit too sharp and soon rasp our nerves. However, we are often toosevere in our judgment on children, and are inclined to close an account of their petty misdeeds. We ought to bear in mind that the sweetest nuts lie inside of bitter rinds. “ Mamma, ” asked a wee tot of seven,

HEBE is the man, 'asks the poet, who has power and skill to stem the torrent of a woman’s will? All summer long the men have been railing at our trailing gowns and assuring us that we looked like Turkish brides with our ■heads wrapped up i in white veils; but I did we yield? Did ; we lay aside a single fashion or fad to please the men? Not a bit of It. Since the days

child’s dress.

“weren’t you ever bad when you were' little?” “Yes. my darling, I suppose I was.” “And was papa bad, too, when he was a little boy?” “No doubt he was, sometimes,” replied the mother. “Well, all I dot to say is bofe of you is very ’fected. ” In the fourth illustration I present the little tot as we all know her, noisy" at times, but full of the possibilities of a well-equipped young lady a few season® hence. I have often thought how different the history of the world might have turned out if Grandmother Eve had only had a childhood. I know of nothing more ridiculous than for parents to get an idea that their children are too good to play with their neighbors’ children. Are not one-half of the bumps to which phrenology gives high-sounding titles the result of tumbles had belore we reached our teens, and would we not find, if the truth were known, that ideality often owes its existence to a severe fall from out a sweet apple tree? But the tot here presented is for the nonce on her good behavior. Good clothes, says an old proverb, make gcod morals. Tne dress worn by this little miss is a sky-blue crepon, which has the look of being made of a single piece. The •waist and skirt are joined, and the seam is hidden by a ribbon belt. The corsage is crossed over a pleated plastron. The right side is ornamented with a ruffle which continues down the side of the skirt and also around the bottom of the skirt. The dress should be lined with thin silk or satinette. I was lately asked how many toilets are necessary for each day at the springs. I would reply that the ultra fashionable woman begins the day by dressing for a trip to her favorite rill of health. Fof

BEFORE BREAKFAST.

this purpose she arrays herself verysimply, without the least attempt at ornament, and if she wears a hat it should be something in keeping with her gown. For instance, in my last illustration I give you the correct idea of such a bit of headgear. It consists of old-lace-colored guipure over a round form gathered in the center and set off with a large Dow of double-faced ribbon, to which you add lace loops. Such a hat is suitable for a young married woman and should be worn with an ivory-white gown trimmed with the same guipure. Now you return to your room and dress for breakfast, which toilet must be several degrees more elegant, but yet kept within the bounds of refined simplicity. This costume suffices for the morning concert and promenade. At midday you dress for luncheon, still another rise in degree of elegance, more richness in color, more intricacy in ornament With this costume, after putting on a carriage hat, you go for your afternoon drive, returning at 6 to dress for dinner. Now let loose the reins of fancy and send the plummet to the bottom of your purse. Put on the richest and the best of your gowns which are not decollete. At 9 make ready for the dance by donning a ball costume, feathers, lace, and jewels. Copyright. 1892.

Lbieral Boston Idea.

A project for the introduction of a university course into Boston’s public school system is before the Boston Board of Aldermen. It provides that the course shall be free to such scholars as exhibit the necessary proficiency, and that all the expense of it shall be borne by the city. It is not unlike educational schemes that exist in France and Germany. The bites and stings of insects may be at once relieved and inflammation prevented if the parts are touched with strong liquid ammonia. A wise plan for those who indulge in country rambles or who play tennis is to carry a tiny flat bottle filled with ammonia, with a small camel’s hair brush fitted in the cork, when it may be used immediately after the attack. The recognition of the Jewish religion by the people is the object of the bill to be proposed in the Chamber of Deputies by the Hungarian Minister of Publio Worship.