Democratic Sentinel, Volume 16, Number 34, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 9 September 1892 — FOR ALL THE VOTERS. [ARTICLE]

FOR ALL THE VOTERS.

THE PRESIDENT’S LETTER OF ACCEPTANCE. The Issues Are Deflned-Pollcy of the Republicans—The Contest Lies Between Protection and Free Trade— Fair Elections and Reciprocity Touched Upon. The President’s tetter. President Harrison’s letter accepting the Bepublican Presidential nomination was made public Monday night. It contains over 10,000 words, is dated at Washington, and the substance is as follows: The Hon. W. McKinley, Jr., and Others, Committee, etc: Gentlemen—l now avail myself of the first period of relief from public duties to respond to the notification which you brought to me on June 20 of my nomination for the office of President of the United States by the Republican National Convention recently held at Mmneapolis. I accept the nomination, and am grateful for the approval expressed by the convention of the acts of the administration. The great work of the Fifty-first Congress has been subjected to the revision of a Democratic House of Representatives and the acts of the executive department to its scrutiny and investigation. There has seldom been a time, I think, when a change from the declared policies of the Republican to the declared policies of the Democratic party Involved such serious results to the business Interests of the country. A brief review of what has been done and of what the Democratic party proposes to undo will justify this opinion. The President then at some length compares the present system of banking and the issuance of money with that which prevailed before the withdrawal of State bank issues, and declares that the present plan is the safest ever yet devised. He touches upon the commerce upon the seas and recognizes the fact that our exports are carried in vessels sailing under foreign flags. He says:

The merchandise balance of trade, the treasury books show, is largely reduced by the annual tribute which we pay for freight and passage money. The great ships—the fastest on the sea—which are now in peace profiting by our trade, are, in a secondary sense, war ships of their respective governments, and in time of war would, under existing contracts with those governments, speedily take on the guns for which their decks are already prepared and enter with terrible efficiency upon the work of destroying our commerce. The undisputed fact is that the great steamship lines of Europe were built up and are now in part sustained by direct or Indirect government aid, the latter taking the form of liberal pay for carrying the mails or of an annual bonus given in consideration of agreements to construct ships so as to adapt them for can ying an armament and to turn them over to the Government on demand, upon specified terms. It was plain to every intelligent American that if the United States would have such lines a similar policy must ■be entered upon. The Fifty-first Congress enacted such a law, and under its beneficent influence sixteen American steamships of an aggregate tonnage of 67,400 tons and costing $7,400,000 have been built or contracted to be built in the American ship-yards. In addition to this,lit is now practically certain that we shall soon have under the American flag one of the finest steamship lines sailing out of New York for any European port. This contract will result in the construction in American ship-yards of four new passenger steamships of 10,080 tons each, costing about $8,000,000, and will add to our naval reserve six steamships the fastest npon the sea. Mr. Harrison favors the development of our South Atlantic and Gulf ports, and the increased application of the policy of reciprocity in South American trade. For this latter, he ascribes all credit to Mr. Blaine, and in summing up results and prospects, says:

At a meeting held In March last of the associated chambers of commerce of Great Britain the President reported that the exports from Great Britain to the Latin American countries during the last year had decreased $23,760,000, and that this was not due to temporary causes, but directly to the reciprocity policy of the United States. Germany and France have also shown their startled appreciation of the fact that a new and vigorous contestant has appeared in the battle of the markets and has already secured important advantages. The most convincing evidence of the tremendous commercial strength of our position Is found In the fact that Great Britain and Spain have found it necessary to make reciprocal trade agreements with us for their West India colonies, and that Germany and Austria have given us important concessions in exchange for the continued free importation of their beet-sugar product. A few details only as to the increase in our trade can be given here. Taking all the countries with which arrangements have been made, our trade to June 30, 1892, had increased 23.78 per cent.; with Cuba during the first ten months our exports increased $5,702,193 or 54.8 percent.; and with Porto Rico $590,599 or 34 per cent. The liberal participation of our farmers in the benefits of this policy is shown by the following report from our Consul General at Havana under date of July 26 last: During the first half year of 1891, Havana received 140,056 bags of flour from Spain and other ports of the island about an equal Amount, or approximately 280,112 bags. During the same period Havana received 13,976 bags of American flour and other ports approximately an equal amount, making about 28,000 bags.

But for the first half of this year Spain haß sent less than 1,000 bags to the whole Island and the United States has sent to Havana alone 168,487 bags and about an equal amount to other ports of the island, making approximately 337,000 for the first half of 1892. Partly by reason of the reciprocal trade agreement bnt more largely by reason of the removal of the sanitary restrictions against American pork, our export of pork products to Germany increased during the ten months ending June 30 last $2,025,074, or about 32 per cent. The British Trade Journal of London, In a recent Issue, speaking of the increase of American coal exports and of the falling off of the English coal exports to Cuba says: “It Is another dase of American competition. The United States now supply Cuba with about 160,000 tons of coal annually, and there is every prospect of this trade Increasing as the forests of the Island become exhausted and the use of steam machinery on the estates is developed. Alabama coal especially is securing a reputation in the Spanish West Indies, and the river and rail improvements of the Southern States will undoubteply create an Important Gulf trade. The new reciprocity policy by which the United States are enabled to Import Cuban sugar will of course assist the American coal exporters even more effectively than the new lines of railway. The President fears tbe loss of present, And endangering of future trade, If tfche Democrats are successful, for he declares they favor repeal of the reciprocity provision. He further says: The declaration of the platform in favor of “the Amerioan doctrine of protection" meets my most hearty approval. The convention did not adopt a schedule but a principle that is to control all the tariff schedules. There may be differences of opinion among protectionists as to the rate upon particular articles necessary to effect an equalization between wages abroad and at home.

In some not remote national campaigns the issue has been—or, more correctly, has been made to appear to be—between a high and low protective tariff, both parties expressing some solicitous regard for the wages of oar working people and for the prosperity of our domestic industries,- Bnt under a more courageous leadership the Democratic party has now practically declared that, if given power, it will enact a tariff law without any regard to Its effect upon wages or upon the capital invested in our great industries. The majority report of the Committee on Platform to the Democratic National Convention at Chicago contained this clause: “That when custom-house taxation is levied upon articles of any kind produced in this country the difference between the cost of labor here and abroad, when such a difference exists, fully measures any possible benefits to labor, and the enormous additional impossitlons of the existing tariff fall with crushing force upon onr fanners and workingmen ” Here we have a distinct admission of the Republican contention that American workmen are advantaged by a tariff rate equal to the difference between home and foreign wages and a declaration only against the alleged “ad! dltlonal impositions” of the existing tariff law. Again, this majority report further declared: “But In making a reduction in taxes it Is not proposed to injure any domestic industries, but rather to promote their healthy growth. * * * Moreover, many industries have come to rely upon legislation for successful continuance, so that any change of law must be at every step regardful of the labor and the capital thus involved.” Here we have an admission that many of onr industries depend upon protective duties “for their successful continuance” and a declaration that tariff changes should be regardful of the workmen In such Industries and of the Invested capital. The overwhelming rejection of these propositions which had before received the sanction of Democratic National Conventions was not more indicative of the new and more courageons leadership to which the party has now committed itself than the substitute which was adopted. This substitute declares that protective duties are unconstitutional—high protection, low protection—all unconstitntional. A Democratic Congress holding this view cannot enact nor a Democratic President approve any tariff schedule the purpose or effect of which Is to limit importations or to give any advantage to an American workman Proffljcer. A bounty might, I judge, be given to the importer under this view of the

Constitution in order to increase important importation, and so the revenue, for “revenue 1 only," is the limitation. Reciprocity of course j falls nuder this denunciation, for Its object and effect are not revenue, but the promotion of commercial exchanges, the profits of which go wholly to our producers. Mr. Harrison denies, that the policy i of the Democrats to-day was the policy of Jefferson or Jackson, and characterizes the present doctrine as “destructive and un-American.” He says: There is not a thoughtful business man in ! the country who does not know that the en- j actment into law of the declaration of the Chi- I cago convention on the subject of the tariff ; would at once plunge the country into a bust- j ness oonvnlsion such as it has never seen; and j there is not a thoughtful workingman who j does not know that it would at onoe enorm- j onsly reduce the amount of work to be done In this country by the increase of importations that would follow and necessitate a reduction of his wages to the European standard. If any one suggests that this radical policy will not be executed if the' Democratic party attains power what shall be thought of a party that is capable of thus trifling with great interests? Tlie threat of such legislation would be only less hurtful than the fact. And now a few words In regard to the existing tariff law. We are fortunately able to judge of its influence upon production and prices by the market reports. The day of the prophet of calamity has beensucceeded by that of the trade reporter. An examination Into the effect of the law npon the prices of protection products and of the cost of suoh articles as enter into the living of people of small means has been made by a committee composed of leading Senators of both parties, with the aid of the best statisticians, and the report, signed by all the members of the committee, has been given to the public. No suoh wide and careful inquiry has ever been before made. These facts appear from the report: 1. The cost of articles entering Into the use of those earning less than SI,OOO per annum has decreased up to May, 1892, 8.4 per cent., while in farm products there has been an increase in prices, owing in part to an increased foreign demand and the opening of new markets. In England during the same period the cost of living increased 1.9 per cent. Tested by their power to purchase articles of necessity the earnings of our working people have never been as great as they are now. 2. There has been an average advance in the rate of wages of .76 of 1 per cent. 3. There has been an advance In the price of all farm products of 18.07 per oent. and of all cereals 33.99 per cent. The ninth annual report of the chief of the bureau of labor statistics of the State of New York, a Democratic officer, very recently issued, strongly corroborates, as to that State, the facts found by the Senate committee. In view of this showing it is plain that this tariff law has not imposed burdens but conferred benefits on the fanner and the workingman. Some special effects of the act should be noticed. It was a courageous attempt to rid our people of a long maintained foreign monopoly on the production of tin plate, pearl buttons, Bilk plush, linens, lace, etc. Once or twice In our history the production of tin plate had b"en attempted, and the price by the Welsh makers would have enabled our makers to produce it at a profit. But the Welsh makers at once cut prices to a point that drove the American beginners out of the business, and when this was accomplished again made their own prices. A correspondent of the Industrial World, the official organ of the Welsh tin-plate workers, published at Swansea, In the issue of June 10, 1892, advises a new triad of these methods. He says: “It Is clearly the Interest of both (employer and workmen) to produce tin-plates, tariff or no tariff, at a price that will drive all competitors from the field." But In spite of the doubts raised by the elections of 1 1890, and of the ra&ohlnations of foreign producers to maintain their monopoly, the tin-plate industry has been established in the United States, and the allianoe between the Welsh producers and the Democratic party for Its destruction will not succeed. The President then shows that in this country the past year there was produced over 13,000,000 pounds of tin and terne plates. In continuance: Another industry that has been practically created by the McKinley law Is the making of pearl buttons. Few articles oomlng to us from abroad were so distinctly the product of starvation wages. But, without unduly extending this letter, I cannot follow in detail the influences of the tariff law of 1890. This tariff law has given employment to many thousands of Amerioan men and women, and will each year give employment to Increasing thousands. Its repeal would throw thousands out of employment and give work to others only at reduced wages. In considering the motives of Democracy’s leaders, the President says: “The appeals of the free-trader to the workingman are largely addressed to his prejudices or to his passions, and not infrequently are pronouncedly communistic.” But of the outcome, he says: “They will settle the tariff contest in the calm light of their November firesides, and with sole reference to the prosperity of the country of which they are citizens and of the homes they have founded for their wives and children. ” No intelligent advocate of a protective tariff claims that it is able of itself to maintain a uniform rate of wages without regard to fluctuations in the supply of and demand for the products of labor, but It Is confidently claimed that protective duties strongly tend to hold up wages, and are the only barrier against a reduction to the European scale. The Southern States have had a liberal participation in the benefits of the tariff law, and, though their representatives have generally opposed the protection policy, I rejoioe that their sugar, rice, coal, ores, Iron, fruits, cotton cloths and other products have not been left to the fate which the votes of their Representatives would have brought npon them. In the construction of the Nicaragua canal, in the new trade with South and Central America, in the establishment of American steamship lines, these States have also special interests, and all these interests will not always consent to be without representation at Washington. Shrewdly, but not quite fairly, our adversaries speak only of the Increased duties Imposed upon tin, pearl buttons and other articles by the McKinley bill, and omit altogether any reference to the great and beneficial enlargement of the free list. During the last fiscal year $458,000,772 worth of merchandise, or 66.36 per cent, of our total Importations came In free (the largest percentage In our history), while in 1889 the per cent, of free Importations was only 34.42 per cent. The placing of sugar upon the free list has saved to the consumer in duties In fifteen months, after paying the bounties provided for, $87,000,000. This relief has been substantially felt in every household upon every Saturday’s purchase of the workingman. One of the favorite arguments against a protective tariff is that it shuts us out from a participation In what is called, with swelling emphasis, “the markets of the world.” If this view is not a false one, how does It happen that onr commercial competitors are not able to hear with more serenity onr supposed surrender to them of the “markets of the world,” and how does It happen that the partial loss of onr market closes foreign tin-plate mills and plush factories thatl still have all other markets? Our natural advantages, onr protective tariff and the reciprocity policy make It possible for us to have a large participation in the "markets of the world" without opening our own to a competition that would destroy the comfort and Independence of onr people. Of bimetallism he says: The resolution of the convention in favor of bimetallism declares, I think, the true and necessary conditions of a movement that has, upon these lines, my cordial adherence and support, lam thoroughly convinced that the free coinage of silver at such a ratio to gold as will maintain the equality in their commercial uses of the two coined dollars, would conduce to the prosperity of all the great producing and commercial nations of the world. The one essential condition is that these dollars shall have and retain an equal acceptability and value in all commercial transactions. His further remarks upon this head are but illustrative. Concerning regulations of elections; In mv last annual message to Congress, I said: “I must yet entertain the hope that it is possible to seenre a calm, patriotic consideration of such constitutional or statutory changes as may be necessary to secure the choice of the officers of the Government to the people by fair apportionments and free elections. I believe it would be possible to constitute a commission, non-partisan in its membership, and composed of patriotic, wise, and impartial men, to whom a consideration of the questions of evils connected with our election systems and methods might be committed with a good prospect of securing unanimity in some plan for removing or mitigating those evils. The constitution would penult the selection .of the • commission to be vested-in the Supreme Court if that method would give the best guaranty of impartiality. This commission should be charged with the duty of inquiring into the whole subject of the law of elections as related to the choice of officers of the National i Government, with a view to securing to every elector a free and unmolested exercise of the suffrage and as near an approach to an equality of value in each ballot cast as is attainable. The demand that the limitations of suffrage shall be found in the ballot, and only there, is a just demand and no just man should resent or resist it. It seemed to me that an appeal to our people to consider the question of -readjusting onr legislation upon absolutely fair non-partisan lines might find some effective response. Many times I have had occasion to say that laws and election methods, designed to give unfair advantages to the party making them, wouldsome time be used to perpetuate In power a faction of a party against a will of the majority of the people. Of this we seem to have an illustration in the recent State election in Alabama. The situation in Alabama is revewied at length, and the President says: I shall again urge npon Congress that provision be made for the appointment of a nonpartisan commission to consider the subject of

apportionments and elections in their relation to the ohoioe of federal officers. Mr. Harrison expresses himself as thoroughly satisfied with the civil service system. Upon the education question he says: The approval so heartily given by the convention to all those agencies which contribute to the education of the children of the land was worthily bestowed and meets my hearty approval, as does also the declaration as to liberty of thought and conscience and the separation of ohnrch and state. The safety of a republic Is an Intelligent cltirenship and the increased interest manifested in the States in education. The public-school system, however, was not intended to restrain the natural right of the parent, after contributing to the public-school fund, to choose other educational agencies for his children. I favored aid by the general government to the public schools, with a special view to the necessities of some of the Southern States. But it is gratifying to notioe that many of these States are, with oommendable liberality, developing their school systems and increasing their school revenues to the great advantage of the children of both races. The considerate attention of the farmers of the whole country is invited to the work done through the State and Agricultural Departments In the Interest of agriculture.

Then is shown how, by inspection of our meats, the markets of several European countries were opened to our products. The President strongly advocates the Nicaragua Canal. Of the foreign policy, he says: It has been the purpose of the administration to make its foreign policy not a matter of partisan politics but of patriotism and national honor; and I have very great gratification in being able to state that the Democratic members of the Committee on Foreign Affairs responded In a true American spirit, and I frankly confess my obligation for needed cooperation. They did not regard a patient but firm lnslstanoe upon American rights and upon immunity from insult and injury for our citizens and sailors In foreign ports as a policy of “irritation and bluster." They did not believe, as some others seem to believe, that to be a Democrat one must take the foreign side of every internation question If a Republican. I do not believe that a tame submission to lnsnlt and outrage by any nation at the hands of any other can ever form the basis of a lasting friendship—the necessary element of mutual respect will be wanting. The Chilian Incident, now so happily and honorably adjusted, will, I do not doubt, place our relations with that brave people upon a more friendly basis than ever before. In our relations with the great Europen’ peckers, the rights of the United States and our citizens have been insisted upon with firmness. Nevor before, I think. In a like period have so many lmporant treaties and commercial agreements been concluded, and never before, 1 am sure, have the honor and influence, national and commerial. of the United States been held in higher estimation in both hemispheres. The Union soldiers and sailors are now veterans of time as well as of war. The parallels of age have apppoaohed close to the citadels of life, and the end, for each, of a brave and honorable struggle Is not remote. Increasing infirmity and years give the minor tones of sadness and pathos to the mighty appeals of service and suffering. The ear that does not listen with sympathy and the heart that does not respond with generosity are the ear and heart of an alien and not of an American. Now, soon again the surviving veterans are to parade upon the great avenues of the national capital, and every tribute of honor and love should attend the march. A oomrade in the column of the victors' parade In 1865,1 am not less a comrade now. The necessity for a careful discrimination among the Immigrants seeking our shores becomes every day more apparent. We don't want and should not receive those who by reason of bad character or habit are not wanted at h ome. The industrious and self-respecting, the loverß of law and liberty, should be discriminated from the pauper, the criminal, and the anarchist, who come only to burden and disturb our communities. Every effort has been made to enforce the laws and some convictions have J>ecn secured under the contractlabor law. The general condition of our country is one of great prosperity. The blessing of God has rested upon our fields and upon our people. The annual value of our foreign commerce nas Increased more than $400,000,000 over the average for the preceding ten years, and more than $210,000,000 over 1890, the last year unaffected by the new tariff. Our exports in 1892 exceeded those of 1890 by more than $172,000,000 and the annual average for ten years by $265,000,000. Our exports of breadstuffs increased over those of 1890 more than $144,000,000, of provisions over $4,000,000, and of manufactures over $8,000,000. The merchandise balance of trade in our favor In 1892 was #202,944,342. No other nation can match the commercial progress which those figures disclose. Our compassion may well go out to these whose party necessities and habits still compel them to declare that our people are oppressed and our trade restricted by a protective tariff. In closing, the President decries the policy of change advocated by the Democrats. He says: A change in the personnel of a national administration is of comparatively little moment. If those exercising public functions are able, honest, diligent, and faithful, others possessing all these qualities may be found to take their places. Rut changes In the laws and in administrative policies are of great moment. When public affairs have been given a direction and business has adjusted itself to those lines any sudden change Involves a stoppage and new business adjustments. If the change of direction Is so radloal as to bring the commercial turn-table Into use the business changes Involved are not readjustments, but reconstructions. The Democratic party offers a programme of demolition. The protective policy, to which all business, even that of the Importer, Is now adjusted; the reciprocity polloy, the new merchant marine, are all to be demolished—not gradually, not taken down, but blown np. To this programme of destruction It has added one constructive feature, the re-establishment of State banks of Issue. The polloy of the Republican party is distinctively a policy of safe progression and development—or new factories, new markets and new ships. It will subject business to no perilous changes, but offers attractive opportunities for expansion upon familiar lines.