Democratic Sentinel, Volume 16, Number 34, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 9 September 1892 — “Tariff on Tin a Tax.” [ARTICLE+ILLUSTRATION]

“Tariff on Tin a Tax.”

The United Stated report i for the nine months ending Mardi 31,1392, show that 5,240,830 pounds of t ined and teme plate have been produced in that-time in this country. The sam i report gives the United States averi je yearly consumption at 678,000,006j*tmds. / The report from the ways and means committee on the jfcEinley bill promised that this county eventually inhke all the tin contained, with a tariff of two cents a pount McKinley, in his Report, says: It has been demotetrated that we can manufacture tin plati as successfully as it can be done in En| and. Its production here, suitable for all ises, is no longer experimental. The b 1 provides that increased duty shall n : go into effect until July 1,1301, and it i believed that man a-

facturers encouraged by this proposed legislation in the meantime will adapt their plants to the new production and that in the end the advanced duty will not enhance the cost to consumers. “In the meantime,” how many manufacturers have adapted their plants to the new production of tin ? How many tin plate works were in operation July 1, 1891 ? It is over one year since the tariff on tin plate has gone into effect, and did not McKinley promise the people that “in the end” the advanced duty would not enhance the cost to consumers ?

The Republicans have always claimed that the tariff is not a tax and does not enhance the cost of an article produced in sufficient quantity in this country to supply the entire home consumption, and that it is a tax only when the consumption exceeds the home supply as in the case of sugar, which the Republicans claim is much cheaper since the tariff has been reduced. In their last platform Republicans declared, “we believe that all articles which can uat oe produced in the United States shouV' be admitted free of duty,” emphasizing their doctrine that the tariff is a tax on articles not produced in this country. The Indianapolis Journal on Aug. 24, said: “The house which put tin plates upon the free list to prevent their manufacture in this country would not repeal the half cent duty on granulated sugar because that half cent gives the sugar trust a limited power to control the price as it has by advancing it a half cent per pound. Here the organ of the protected monopolists admits that the half-cent tariff on sugar is a half-cent tax to consumers; that the price of sugar has been advanced to the extent of the tariff. Does not the two-cent tariff affect the price of tin in the same way ? No one will deny that there is more sugar produced in this country than there is tin. The last statistical abstract gives the production of sugar in the southern states for the year 1891, 508,630,000 pounds, and the quantity imported during the same year amounted to 8,483,477,222 pounds. According to The Journal the American production, even with a two-cent bounty, failed to prevent the tariff of one-half cent from being a “tax.”

Now, can any one tell what effect on the price of tin, 5,240,830 pounds manufactured in this country, had when 67 8,000,000 pounds were consumed ? According to the latest treasury report only 1 per cent, of the tin and terne plate consumed in this country was manufactured in the United States. Ninety-nine per cent, of the consumption was imported. The question now is who paid the tariff of two cents a pound on the millions of pounds imported? Is it true as claimed by the Republican papers that the price of tin is cheaper notwithstanding the tariff of two cents a pound imposed by the McKinley bill ? If it is true, then the price would be still two cents a pound cheaper without the tariff. The Indianapolis Journal frequently publishes interviews with packers to show that packers pay no more for tin cans since the enactment of the McKinley tariff. A few weeks ago it published an interview purporting to be with a man whose canning product is largely exported, to the effect that his tin cans cost him no more than they did before the passage of the McKinley bill. If this is true, then the exporters of canned goods are robbing the treasury through the aid of the McKiuley tariff. Recognizing that “tariff is a tax,” the McKinley bill contains a drawback clause which provides “there shall be allowed on the imported tin plate used in the manufacture of cans, boxes, packages, and all articles of tinware exported, either empty or filled with domestic products, a drawback equal to the duty paid on such tin plate less 1 per cent, of such duty.” Under this clause Of the McKinley tariff, if it is true that the price of tin has not advanced, it is possible for an American packer to sell his canned goods in foreign countries cheaper than in the home market.

, A ton of tomatoes will fill 500 cans, and the tariff on 500 cans is $4.50. But according to the Republican platform the packer does not pay this tariff of $4.50. The foreigner pays it and it goes into the treasury, and the American packer obtains his 500 cans as cheap as heretofore. He fills them up with tomatoes and ships them to Mexico, England, France or Germany. The government allows him a drawback equal to the duty paid on such tin cans less* 1 per cent., that is 99 per cent, or $4.45.5. If it is true that the packer did not pay more for his imported tin on account of the tariff, why should the government make him* a present of $4 .45.5 on every 500 tin cans exported with tomatoes, com, beef, fruit, etc. One of the largest exporters of tin canned goods is Phil Armour, the greatest beef packer in the world. Ever since the tin plate clause of the tariff went into effect, this great beef monopolist has been receiving from the government thousands of dollars of the people’s money in drawbacks on canned beef exported to all parts of the world. The salmon canners of the Columbia river and Alaska supply the markets of the World with salmon fish. Of all cans Bold outside of the United States they get a drawback of $1.98 on every one hundred pounds of cans exported. Why should the farmers of Indiana be taxed in order that a few imported Welch tin plate men be given employment

TIN PLATE RALLY. How the People Are Taxed to Advertise Conger’s Town Lots. Elwood, Ind., Aug. 29.—There is to be a “tin plate rally” here on Sept. 18. This is one of the mamy Bchemes to boom the town lots of the Elwood Land company of which Millionaire Conger, of Akron, 0., is the principal stockholder. But the Republican state committee will have to bear most of the expenses. Of course the business men and real estate agents will be called upon to subscribe liberally to make the rally a great success upon the plea that thousands of dollars will be left in the town. Ostensibly this is to be a “tin plate” celebration. Governor McKinley will be exhibited and excursion trains will be run into Elwood from all points in the natural gas belt. The Elwood Plate Glass company which is controlled by Conger, will be closed and the employes given a chance to hear McKinley and “allowed” to take part in the parade. The excuse for holding a “tin plate” rally is a small tin plate plant which has been making campaign fin for two months. It is called the “American Tin Plate company” and is capitalized at $300,000. The plant does not cost more than $50,000, however. That is the opinion of experts who have examined it. Of the $300,000 capital stock $32,000 was subscribed by business men and real estate agents, who put in their money for the purpose of advertising the town, solely. They do not expect to ever get a dollar out of their investments except in way of advertisements. These local stockholders paid their assessment in full, but as the promoters have absolute control they do not know how much Conger and- his associates paid. Some of the local sto-’-’-olders believe that very little capit:’ . actually paid in outside of the $32,c.-, and that those who have the controlling interest obtained the watered portion of the stocks free. The plant is a very small one and only two mills are operated, yet the letter heads of the company announce that it is the largest in America. A mill constitutes a pair of rollers through which Steel billets are rolled into thin sheets' Called black plates. It requires four men and a boy to operate each mill. The billets are heated in a small furnace and put through the mill with tongs. The sheets are then sheared, pickled, cold rolled, annealed (tempered in an oven) and then dipped. In all there are forty-seven abled bodied men employed, the rest being boys and girls. The skilled men are imported from Wales. The works are over a mile from town and about them a small village has Bprung up, known as “New South Wales,” on account of the imported Welshmen composing it. The works are surrounded with a high board fence and several watchmen are employed to keep curious Americans from viewing the mills There are no secrets ip tin making, but the company does not want the public to find out what a fraud the “largest tin plate works in America’’ are.

The company claims a capacity of 1,200 boxes per week. That is said to' be the capacity of two mills, But the fact is that the total output of genuine bright tin from the time the factory started does not exceed 1,300 boxes. So far the company has been unable to turn ont a good quality of tin. It is “scaly” and unfit for cans or'buckets. Some of the workmen claim that the steel billet which comes from Pennayl-

vania is unfit for tinning while others say that the sheets (known as blaok sheets before being dipped into tin) are not properly annealed in the tempering ovens, while others put it on the mills which they say are not constructed like those in Wales. A stockholder says that the machinery is constructed for a rolling mill. That after the election it will not pay to run the concern as a tin factory and the plant will be turned into a rolling mill for which it was constructed. An employe, who, by the way, does not make as much as he did in Wales, states that several thousand boxes of imported tin has been shipped in and stored away for the purpose of reboxing it and selling it for campaign purposes as American tin made by the Elwood plant. This is one of the reasons why the works are protected with a high wall and guarded by armed watchmen. Every pound of the pig tin is imported. It comes from the Mines of Straits Settlement, in the peninsula of Malay, and dug out by natives who work for nine cents a day. The acids and palm oil are also imported. The managers apologize for the small ! plant by saying, “We will double our ' capacity if Harrison is re-elected.” The 1 old story. Yet there are men here willing to wager money that no more tin will be dipped after the election no matter who is elected. According to the official report on tin plate made by the treasury department; March 81, 1892, the annual consumption ' of tin in the United States is 678,000,000 ] pounds. It is admitted that the Elwood plant is the largest in the United States. Assuming that the Edwood workß can turn out 1,200 boxes of tin a day, the total output would be -less than 6,000,000 pounds. Meantime the American consumers of tin would continue to pay two cents tax a pound on 670,000,000 which must be imported, because according to the latest treasury report only 1 per cent, of the tin used is made in this country. But the Elwood tin plate plant will answer the purpose for which it was es-. tablished—to boom Conger’s real estate. The Elwood Land company bought 1,000 acres of land at $125 per acre. This is laid out in town lots. It also secured gas leases on 100,000 acres. By offering free gas and free sites the land company induced a number pf glass works to locate here. The employes of these new works have purchased a large number of lots from the Elwood Land company of which Conger is the; principal stockholder.. Conger himself established a branch of the Kokomo Diamond plate glass works here. But the land company has over 5,000 lots left on hand which are held at an average price of $250 per lot. Conger being a shrewd schemer knew that a tin plate, milh no matter how small, would attract attention in all the Republican papers of the country. He has openly boasted that he induced McKinley to put a tariff on tin for the purpose of booming the town of Elwood. Without a bounty he could not have induced capitalists to invest in a tin 1 mill. Conger seldom uses his own capital when carrying out b big scheme. He is a promoter. He wanted a tariff so ho cpuld induce capitalists to invert in tin works and he desired a tin plate factory to advertise his corner, lots. And the rally in, September is simply an advertising scheme for Conger, but it will be a great day for the “tin plate liars.” The consumers “will pay the freight.

Th* Fight for tha American Market. All that the people of the United States eat, wear and use must bo provided by their own labor. It is distributed by an exchange of products through trade. All that the people eat can be provided by our farmers; Imt all that they wear and use is not now provided by the millowners. A part of It is provided by our fanners, in exchange for their surplus farm products. In 1880 the farmers numbered 7,670,498. Of these 5,773,008 worked in 1879 to supply the American market with what it wanted to eat, and 1,897,485 to supply the American market with a part of what was needed for wear and useclothing, iron, and the like. Of the $2,213,402,564 worth of farm products raised in 1879 only $1,666,925,861 could be profitably disposed of, or were needed here, leaving a surplus of $546,476,708, which had to be exported. When their surplus farm products are sent abroad they have to import the payment. When their payment passes through the custom house, all of it which would interfere with the mills and factories is taxed 48 per cent, on the average; which amounts to a tax op the whole of about 30 per cent. This tax is levied to protect the American mill owner from the competition of the American farmer. The 14,500 protected mill owners and the 1,897,485 farmors are fighting one another for the “home market” for manufactured goods—the mill owners to get it all; the fanner for a share of It. If the mill owners gain it at all, the 1,897,485 farmers must abandon their land and find other work. The tax is not levied to keep out the foreigner. He can not come here, except as an immigrant, and then he is welcomed. The tariff tax is levied to keep out payment for our farm products. The business question is: “Shall our 1,897,485 farmers be permitted to supply their countrymen yearly with mill products worth $415,000,000 (abroad), by an exchange of our surplus farm products for thorn, or shall they be taxed out OF THE BUSINESS TO PROTECT THE 14,500 MILL OWNERS FROM THEIR COMPETITION ?” ' y