Democratic Sentinel, Volume 16, Number 34, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 9 September 1892 — Page 4

Site lemonratit Minet RENSSELAER, INDIANA. — 1 J. W. McEWEN, ... Publisher

For President, GROVER CLEVELAND, OF NEW YOBK. For Floe President, ADLAI E STEVENSON, OF ILLINOIS.

The Republican campaign will be run on the installment plan. Fat manufacturers will please call at Mr. Wanamaker’s bargain counter. It is rumored that Quay and Platt are both making a sneak for the breastworks. The formation of a Cleveland Republican club at Homestead shows which way the wind is blowing. Harrison’s campaign is wholly in the hands of Federal office-holders, with Harrison himself to boss them. The Republican claim that the McKinley bill would raise wages is suffering from a severe case of dislocation.

The Globe-Democrat says almost every anarchist is a Democrat. Gen. Grant was a Democrat when the war broke out. When the protectionists begin to hire speakers at the rate of $350 per speech it looks as if “patriotism” was at a low ebb. » Under the four years of Cleveland the governmental expenditures were $330,000,000 less than under the four years of Harrison. The Republican platform of New York is somewhat different from the national platform, but Mr. Harrison is gradually coming to it.

There can be no question that Tom Reed’s Congress was the greatest Congress this country has ever seen. Tom admits it himself. It is said that Harrison was the choice of all the respectable element of the Republican party. What a minority nominee he must have been! The cost of running the Government under Harrison is $7.01 per capita; under Garfield and Arthur it ijjas $6.43 per capita, and under Cleveland only $6.12 per capita. The Republicans are hunting up “devices” for the heads of their tickets. In connection with Harrison, Carnegie and Whitelaw Reid, how would a rat-trap do? If “the foreigner pays the tariff tax” for Kansas and Nebraska, why doesn’t he send Western farmers money enough to catch up with the interest o< their McKinley mortgages? Secretary Foster is a great financier. Only a Napoleon of Finance would hold back the Government workman’s pay in order to make a false showing for a depleted Treasury.

We do not recollect having seen Mr. Blaine’s name In a single Republican newspaper during the whole of last week. It seems to be considered treasonable for a Republican paper to mention him.

The difference In Major McKinley’s assertions regarding the tariff may he accounted for by the fact that he was the hired attorney of protection, and served it up to suit his clients. Thus he gave them high-priced iron in Pennsylvania, and cheap iron in Nebraska.

The President is still using his officeholders for all they are worth, paying them out of the public treasury while they are-whooping it up for him In politics. The sending of Steve Elkins, Secretary of War, to manage the West Virginia convention is only one of many instances of tax-consuming bossism. «————— During the ten years of high tariff taxes from 1880 to 1890, when the taxes were made higher still, the number of farm mortgages filed in Nebraska exceeded by thousands the total number of inhabited houses in the State as shown by the census of 1890, and this is true of Kansas also. So here is one Western industry that has been promoted by McKinley Republicanism. St. Louis Republic: The lowa Democrat* are in the fleid for business again this year. The platform adopted by the convention at Davenport and the speeches made therein indicate not only tha> lowa is good

ocratic in three elections, and this isn’t the year for the revolution to revolve backward. " -» The Republicans studiously avoid comparing the appropriations of the late session of Congress with the preceding session under Republican rule. According to Reed the late session appropriated $510,000,000, as against $462,000,000 by the first session of Reed’s Congress, but he neglects to mention that the intervening session appropriated $541,000,000. The Chicago Tribune, which has been ridiculing the idea of reviving the force bill, lets the cat out of the bag when it says, “The breath of life cannot be blown into the force bill unless the Republicans can carry a majority of the House, hold the Senate, and re-elect Harrison.” As the New York Evening Post shows, then “the only way to keep the force bill dead is to elect the Democratic ticket. ”

The Indianapolis Journal says there is more joy in the Democratic camp over one failure of one manufacturing enterprise than over the establishment of twenty. Very often the failure of a manufacturing establishment is a greater benefit than the establishment of twenty. Manufacturing establishments are divided into two classes, those that are selfsupporting, and those that require enormous subsidies. Self-supporting establishments do not fail, but blood suckers—like tin-plate mills, for instance—demand much and give little. Chicago Herald: In their efforts to return that distinguished corporation attorney and “political” greaser, John C. Spooner, to the United States Senate, the Republicans of Wisconsin are apparently determined to Mexicanize that hitherto peaceful and orderly commonwealth. Ever since Spooner’s involuntary retirement to private life, a little more than a year ago, the earth has been, in the opinion of the average Wisconsin Republican, out of its orbit. The wind has blown steadily from the wrong direction, and the sun has failed to rise at the right point.

It is not unusual to hear It asserted that protection means higher prices to the farmer, to the mechanic and to the manufacturer. In the same breath it is asserted that the cost of living is not increased. How can this be? If protection increases the price of the farmer’s products and of the manufacturer’s products, why is it that the cost of living is not increased? If protection causes wheat, potatoes, butter and eggs to bring higher prices, does it not cost more for the laboring man to live? Possibly the high-tariff prophets assume that the cost of living is not increased because he and his family eat less when prices advance. This may be the explanation, but it is not a satisfactory one.

From the beginning of the world until the present day no Government ever raised the wages of the people, and no Government ever will. It Is something no Government can do, but in the campaign made by Messrs. Harrison and Carnegie in 1888 the most ignorant among the people were encouraged to believe that by voting for high-tariff taxes they could get their houses furnished with Brussels carpets and pianos. Such speeches were made throughout Indiana, and Harrison himself did all he could to encourage this belief. It appeared that there were people ignorant enough to listen to such arguments and to he convinced by them that the Government owes them high wages; that it is the duty of Government to make their wages high, and it is their right to have their wages increased by Government.

It is said, in aggravation of Chairman Carter’s conduct as a book agent, that he proposed to show the farmers how they might escape from financial difficulties that oppressed them. He represented, it is said, that if they would put second mortgages on their farms to acquire an interest in the “Footprints of Time” they would soon earn money enough to pay off the first mortgages. The advice proved delusive, and the homes of the victims were sold to satisfy the mortgages. We take no stock in these scandals. If the statements are true they show that Mr. Carter is a marvelously proper man to stand at the head of the Republican party organization and to conduct its canvass. What he is charged with doing on a small scale the Republican party has done for a quarter of a century on a large scale. It has represented to the farmers of ■the country, and particularly of the Northwest, that their only chance for prosperity was in supporting the protection system of the Republican party. Those who have been deluded by these statements have been persistently robbed by that policy r and many of them have lost their bbWes in consequence. If Mr. Carter,.tl|#refore, has done acts imputed to mm, his party has done well to select him as its representative. He is a trtte Republican, and thoroughly in accora with Republican policy

THE WORK OF CONGRESS

IT'S A BAD 9HOWINO FOR REPUBLICANS. AH of the BlUs Which the Democratic House Passed for the Benefit of the People Were Killed by the Republican Senate. Congress and Its Work. The work of the first session of the Fifty-second Congress will be the subject of much controversy, and necessarily an issue of no small Importance In a national campaign which involves the election of a new House of Representatives as well as that of a President and a Vice President. For this reason judgment of its acts will be influenced more strongly than in intermediate years by partisan inclinations. It is obvious, however, that no better or fairer method of judging its performances from a political standpoint than by comparison with its Republican predecessor can be devised. This is a test which Democrats will welcome, and to which Republicans must submit. The Democrats of the House did their best to lighten the burdens of taxation on the people and industries of the country. Under the lead of the Ways and Means Committee a bill was passed making wool free, in the hope of reviving the drooping woolen manufacturing interests and encouraging the wool-grower. The same bill abolished the compensatory duty on woolen goods. The result of this would have been the cheapening of clothes which had been made much more costly by the McKinley law. Another bill made free the binding twine used by the wheat growers and the cotton ties used by the planters of the South. Another made ore containing both silver and lead free,

the purpose being to cheapen one of the most common articles of domestic and industrial use. The bill to reduce the enormous McKinley tax on tin plates would have put an end to a contemptible fraud, and would have saved the people of this country from $10,000,000 to $15,000,000 a year. When these tax-relief bills reached the Senate the Republican majority promptly pigeon-holed them. In the interest of certain manufacturers of cheap plushes, shoddy and certain kinds of woolens, they denied the people cheap clothes. In tho interest of tne cordage trust thoy refused cheap binding-twine to the wheat growers. In behalf of the hoop-iron makers of Pittsburg they insisted upon dear cotton ties for the Southern planters. To help the makers of plate they refused to put an end to the robbery of the people who buy din-ner-pails, pots, pans and roofing-tin, and retained tho tax that increases the price of canned goods and has already closed up a soore of canning factories, depriving labor of its work as well as making food dearer. In brief, all of the bills which the Democratic House passed for tho benefit of the people were killed by the, Benito. The material results of the session will not be of great advantage to the country, for the simple reason that Republican legislation in the billion dollar Congress, a Republican Senate aud a Republican President prevented the Democratic House from carrying out the reforms desired by the people. The New York World is satisfied that the political situation is unchanged by the session. It remains what it was in the campaign of 1890. The Democrats have tried to reduce expenditures, but they oould not. They have tried to drive the administration to reform the abuses in tho pension bureau, but they have been met and overcome by the President’s obstinate adherence to a scandalous administration. Above all, the Democrats have tried to abolish some of the evils and to lighten some of the burdens of the McKinley tariff law. The have attacked some of its most flagrant abuses and some of the worst trusts it has engendered, but the friends of trusts and monopoly controlled the Senate and sat in the White House, and the efforts of Democratic tariff reformers were lost except as they show to the country that the party is still bent upon accomplishing the task which the people assigned to it in 1890.

Cleveland’s Pension Policy.

Mr. Cleveland has always advocated i pension for every veteran who received a wound or incurred a disability in the service. He believed that pensions to such veterans were a debt incurred by the country in their enlistment in its service. But he dtd not believe in pauper pensions; in a pension theory which holds every veteran to bo an outdoor pauper, and that all such must be supported at public expense without discriminating between merit and demerit. He did not believe ih “reinstating” deserters to enable them to receive pensions. He did believe that a dishonorable discharge should be a bar to pension. He did not believe that the crippled veteran of a dozen battles should be put on the same level with three months’ men who never were under fire in their lives. He believed in pensioning the honorable widows of veterans who had died from wounds or disability incurred In service, but he did not believe In putting such honorable women on a level with drunken strumpets from the District of Columbia workhouse. His profession and his practice were perfectly consistent. Compare his record with /Gleneral Black in the Pension Office with the record made by Harrison with Baum's assistance. Honest veterans and honest people of all classes will have no difficulty in determining which is the honest, conscientious and

patriotic reoord; which record of the unscrupulous demagogue. Let Mr. Cleveland be judged by this reoord. Let no man vote for him who expects to obtain public money by fraud and false pretense, for It is not from Cleveland that such can hope to obtain aid and comfort, however confidently they may expect it from the Harrisons and the Raums.—St. Louis Republic.

Cleveland Against Bureaucracy.

Do the people of this country wish to go on with no more control over their officeholders than they have now? If they do they will support Harrison, who stands for less control over officeholders by the people; for more control over the people by the officeholders. His supporters will not deny that he represents this. After his record, culminating in the packing of the Minneapolis convention with his officeholders, it is undeniable. The Democratic party has always striven to make officeholders servants, not masters, of the people. And for this Mr. Cleveland has striven in his work for civil-service reform, which, however various the methods employed, always had the same object—that of bringing the enormous and rapidly increasing body of officeholders in subjection to the people. These officers in the Federal civil service alone are now numbered by the hundred thousand, and every year adds to their number. Under the Harrison system they became trained politicians, and the whole object of their training is to enable them to get the better of the people; to prevent a free expression of the will of the people; to substitute for it an expression of the will of the offlcsholders. No evil of our politics is more crying than this. Unless we can reform this we can hope for no permanent reform

HOW IT WORKS.

elsewhere. Popular government and bossism by Federal bureaucrats are not compatible, and one or the other must cease to exist.

Cleveland, Ninety-two.

[Air —“Bonnie Blue Flag.”] The Democrats are coming, boys, with Grover at their heal, The freemen of America advance with solid tread; We come to cast our ballots for retrenchment and reform, And we will sweep the spendthrifts out in next November’s storm. CHORUS Hurrah! Hurrah! To Cleveland we are true. And we’ll elect him President, November, ninety-two. And we will send the force bill down, with Mister Lodge in tow, . To keep McKinley comp’ny, In November, don’t you know; And Grandpa’s Hat and Benjamin will follow in their track. And they can hold a “caucus” there with Johnny Wanamak! And we’ll reform the tariff, boys, that makes our living high. And fight the big monopolies that turn men out to die; And we'll resent the Insult then flung out by little Ben “Cheaji olothlng’ for Americans can only “make cheap men.” ****** With Cleveland and Stevenson, with honest hearts and true. We’ll rally round their standard, boys, and wo will dare and do; We’ll pile up such majorities on “Hat and Bat," you see. That they will never rise again to fight Democracy! The Democrats are coming, hoys, with steady step and free. From every nook and corner of this land of llterty; The South will join the Northern host, the East will join the West, With “victory” emblazoned on the Democratic crest!

An Aggressive Campaign.

Our Bepublican friends make a great mistake in assuming that this Is to be a defensive campaign on the part of the Democrats. It is to be aggressive in the last degree. We have nothing to excuse or to apologize for. There are just three issues: First, the tariff. Second, the force bill. Third, Bepublican extravagance. These the Democrats mean to press home,neither asking nor giving quarter. Bepublican protection is robbery. The tariff is a gigantio job. Forced tribute to the tune of a thousand millions a year is wrung from the people to enrich a favored class. Everybody Is fleeced—the farmer, the doctor, the lawyer, the laborer—in order that the Carnegies may pile up fabulous wealth. The system is rotten to the core, and It will have to go. The Force Bill is a scheme to centralize all power In a self-perpetuating election machine. If it is enacted, nothing short of a revolution can set it aside. It will raise anarchy in the South and ruin in the North. The Bepublicans are committed to it, and if they elect their ticket, we shall have a new era of reconstruction more terrible than the old. It must not be. The people North and South must unite to defeat it. The Bepublicans found an overflowing Treasury. They proceeded at once to loot it. If they are continued in power they will squander all the money of the people and take out a post-obit on the national credit. Down with the robber Tariff! Down with the despotio Force Bill! Down with reckless waste of the resources of the country!—Courier-Journal.

About Gerrymanders.

While rejoicing over the decision of the Supreme Court of Michigan, which overthrew the Democratic apportionment of 1891, many of our Bepublican

friends failed to note that the gerrymander of 1885, which shared the same fate, was the work of the Bepublicans. There are a good many other Republican gerrymanders that need the services of a court like the Supreme Court of Michigan. Here Is a specimen of the Pennsylvania gerrymander, supplied by the Pittsburg Post: DEMOCRATIC DISTRICTS. County, Population. Senators. Berks 137,327 Luzerne 201,203 Lackawanna 142,068 Totals 430,818 ~3 REPUBLICAN DISTRICTS. Lebanon 48,131 1 Delaware 74,883 . Lancaster .149,095 j Totals 271,909 4 Less than fifty thousand people in the county of Lebanon are represented by a Republican in the State Senate, while moie than two hundred thousand in Luzerne have only one Senator, who is a Democrat. The county of Lancaster, with less than one hundred and fifty thousand population, chooses two Senators, while Luzerne, with over two hundred thousand, chooses only one. The Constitutions of different States have different provisions with reference to the principles that shall govern an apportionment. Hence a gerrymander which appears to have stood the judicial test in Pennsylvania would probably be unconstitutional in Michigan. At all events the gerrymander in Michigan could hardly have been so bad as that in Pennsylvania.

Harrison’s Western Trip.

As Harrison is going to Chicago to make a speech at the dedication of the World’s Fair grounds he proposes to adopt his usual tactics and make a stumping tour of his trip. He has done this repeatedly. He stumped his way across the continent, and on his return he stumped

New England for renomination on pretense that he was merely visiting it to help dedicate a monument. He is now making preparations to orate in Indiana, Illinois, Wisconsin and as many other Western States as he can get an excuse for invading with his campaign Ice wagon. While in Chicago Mr. Harrison will be there as President of the United States, but when he starts upon his campaigning tour he becomes Mr. Harrison, the candidate, apolitical aspirant working for his individual advancement. There he the active partisan and open to the opposition which his position invites. In this connection it is naturally recalled that one Andrew Johnson visited Chicago some years ago and assisted at laying the corner-stone of a monument erected to the memory of the late Stephen A. Douglas. From that point he began his famous “swing around the circle." Mr. Harrison will also swing around the circle, and it is conceded on every hand that he has a discouraging contract before him. There was a time when the entire Northwest could be counted upon with perfect confidence by the g. o. p. It was in line year in and year out, always reliable and never estimated as even debatable ground. Since then, says the Detroit Free Press, there has been a marked change, and the situation which confronts Candidate Harrison is not an inviting one. Should he visit Wisconsin he will find there a Democratic Governor and a pronounced Democratic sentiment. In Minnesota he will encounter a condition of affairs which induced the Republicans to nominate an out-and-out tariff-reform man because they did not dare take chances with one indorsing the McKinley iniquity as upheld in the national platform of the party. In lowa is a Democratic Governor with a following that disheartens an opposition which once boasted of an overwhelming majority. In Kansas there is a deplorable state of affairs, and should Candidate Harrison reach South Dakota, admitted to the sisterhood of States with a view of strengthening his party, he will realize how fallible is man’s judgement in dealing with an unknown Western quantity. Let the candidate visit Michigan. Here he will strike a Democratic administration, a hopeless division of his own party and a confidence among the Cleveland following that will still further chill the austere statesman from Hoosierdom. It is a desperate situation that induces Candidate Harrison to attempt the proposed swing: and should he fail to make it there will be a disappointment among the Democrats of the land.

One of London's Old Ceremonies.

The annual ceremony of the trial of the pyx has just been observed at the British mint. The pyx is «trictly a box, and the term is technically applied to the chest at the mint in which specimens o’ the coinage are preserved. The trial by weight and assay of the gold and silver coin of the United Kingdom prior to its issue is made by a jury of goldsmiths nominated for the purpose by the Lord Chancellor. On this occasion the test included 4,297 sample sovereigns and £420 in silver, representing a total coinage of $25,000,000. —New York World. When your neighbor comes home in a hack at 3in the morning, and you suggest to your wife that perhaps he has been out of town, she merely remarks that it is but natural for you men to stand up for one another. Caterpillars from six inches to a foot long are common in the vicinity of the Darling River, Australia. The natives twist them together and boil them in kangaroo grease, which is said to make a palatable dish.

Major McKinlet is always ready to defend the McKinley bill for $350 and traveling expenses.

TARIFF IS ROBBERY.

STIRRING SPEECH BY CONGRESSMAN SPRINGER. He Exposes the Fraudulent Pretense Surrounding; High Tariff, and Traces Responsibility for Low Wages and Open Revolt of Oppressed Labor. An Answer to McKinley. Congressman William M. Springer of Illinois received a flattering reception when he arose to speak on the grounds of the International Fair and Exposition Company at Detroit. Mr. Springer having made a brief introductory statement, proceeded to discuss national politics, and especially the tariff. He said: One of the stock arguments of the protectionists is that under the system of protection which has prevailed in this country for more than a quarter of a century our country has been brought to the front rank In agriculture, In mining, and In manufactures. If protection has accomplished so much for our country and people It must also be held responsible for the evils which have sprung np under it, and which it seems rather to foster than to abate. Turning to the Bureau of Statistics of the Treasury Department I find that during the last twenty-live years, while protection has prevailed In all its vigor, just as Its friends would have It, a vast army of individuals, firms, and corporations In the United States, amounting in number to nearly two hundred thousand, nave succumbed to the pressure of hard times and have gone Into bankruptcy. Their aggregate liabilities have exceeded $3,t 00 ,000,010. But this is not all. It appears that the number of commercial failures Increased In 1891, as compared with the year 1889, the year before the passing of the McKinley bill, 12 per cent, and the liabilities Increased 27 per cent. The McKinley law did not improve the financial situation. On the contrary, It seems to have added fuel to the flame. The census bu-

CONOR ESSMAN STRINGER.

reau was requested by act of Congrees to collect and make report upon the number and amount of mortgages upon real estate in the United States In 1000. Reports as to only six States have, up to this time, been published by the oenaus office, namely: Alabama, Illinois, Kansas. Nebraska, lowa, and Tennessee. In these six States It was found that there was an average of $91.60 per oapita of the whole population of these States of private indebtedness, •eeured by mortgage upon real estate. If this average is maintained throughout the Union the whole of such Indebtedness In the United States will be found to exoeed $8,600,000,000. In the State of lowa it appears that there was $21,000,000 more of mortgage Indebtedness rcoorded in 1890 than In 1880—an Inorease of $2,000,060 a year In that State, The percentage of Inorease of mortgage indebtedness in that State In ten years was 75, In Illinois it was 168, In Kansas It was over 200, In Alabama it was 413, In Tennessee It was 310. In the whole oountry the Interest charge on mortgage Indebtedness, at an avbrage of 0 per cent, amounted to over $345,000,000 a year. The people who are struggling under this mountain of debt are the victims of high protective tariffs. We are a debtor people and our oountry is a debtor country. The wealth U gradually but surely falling Into the hands of the favored few, while the poor are getting poorer. Even In the State of Ohio, Gov. MoKlnley's own State, the oensuß statistics for 1890 show that the number of families owning their homes Is only 30 per cent., and that 70 per cent, rent the houses and homes in which they live. And In Hamilton County, In whloh Cincinnati Is situated, less than 22 per oent. of the families own their homes. It also appears that in ten counties of that State, seleoted by the oensus office as samples, the inorease between 1880 and 1890 of the number of families who rented farms amounted to 49 per oent. And this ratio will donbtless be maintained throughout the State. Even In Ohio it aeema that under this glorions system of protection the people are rapidly passing from a condition Of home ownership to that of tenants. Protection Makes Millionaires. Protection means that all the people, all the consumers of the oountry, are to be taxed incidentally by Increasing the cost of consumable commodities, in order that the few who manufacture such articles may get more for them than they otherwise could get In the open markets of the world. It means the taxing of the tolling millions In order to make (nlUonalres of the favored few. But how muoh does this Incidental tax amount to? What, In other words, does protection oost the American people? If it Is worth anything it must cost something, and somebody or some persons must create the values whloh this cost involves. The amount which protection secures to the beneflolarles of the tariff must be very great, or there would not be suoh a contention for It. I have given muoh thought and study to the subject, and It Is my candid opinion, baaed upon carefully prepared data ana official statistics, that within the last thirty years, during which the protective system has prevailed, the people of the United States have paid. In the Inoreased coat of domestlo commodities, by reason of the tariff on'foreign products of like Oharacter,a sum exceeding $16,(K0,C0 i,O'JO. This Is In addition to the $5,000,000,000 acttuallv received by the Government on foreign produots. Every dollar of this vast sum was wrung from the hands of toil and bestowed or wasted on unprofitable Industries. It Is the prioe the people have been required to pay for so-called protection to American Industries. It does not seem that the lives of onr workingmen have been made sweeter and brighter during this era of high protection. There has been great contention in labor clroles. Strikes have Deen frequent, lookouts the order of the day, and In many Instances private detectives —the Pinkertons—have been hired to guard the mills and factories, and the militia of the States and sometimes the regular army have been called out lo suppress alleged riotous demonstrations by organized labor. Strikes and lockouts are the Inevitable results of high tariff. The tariff-protected monopolists, stimulated by greed, enabled to procure labor from all parts of the world and secured against competition by practically prohibitory tariff, are In a condition to provoke strikes, to dictate terms to their employes and fix the hours of labor.

From 1846 to 1860, a period of fifteen years of low tariff—a Democratic tariff, If you please—for revenue only, there were only seventy-fonr strikes or lockouts of whloh anv official report has been made. There were quite a number of strikes during this period reported, but they were of little or no importance. Altogether, there were not two hundred strikes ana lockouts during this whole period of fifteen years. During the last fifteen years there have been over six thousand strikes and lockonts in the United States. From 1876 to 1880 there are no statistics as to the number of persons Involved, but from 1881 to 1890, inclusive, there were a million persons involved in such strikes and lockouts. An effort is being made by the Carnegie Steel Company, a gigantic monopoly, created and fostered by our protective tariff laws, to reduoe the wages of their 3,000 employes 10 to to per cent. The rates heretofore paid were not unreasonably high, as is sometimes asserted. Only a few of the employes and those most highly skilled were reoelving good wages. Nearly half of them were getting only 14 cents an hour or $1.12 for eight hours' work. Less than 10 per oent. of the employes owned the houses in whloh they lived, and those living in the company’s houses have been summarily evicted since the strike began. If there was ever a labor contest where the laborers were dearly in the right, it is the one now being carried on at Homestead. The mills are surrounded by the State militia, and the barbarous treatment shown to one of the soldiers by one of his superior officers for an offense which did not reach the gravity of a misdemeanor under the laws of the State Bhows that they (the militia officers) are fit Instruments for the work in which they are engaged. This oontest has attracted universal attention from the fact that early in the strike or lockout a band of private detectives, employed by the Carnegie Steel Company, armed with revolvers and repeating rifles, invaded the State of Pennsylvania, fired upon the orowd of striking workingmen and provoked a battle in which ten or twelve persons lost their lives and a large number were more or less seriously wounded. This important lnoldent calls to mind the contest for Governor of Illinois in 1888, in which the Democratic party denounced the employment in that State of private detectives to perform official functions, in behalf of and at the instance of private individuals and corporations. The Democratic candidate for Governor in that contest, General John M. Palmer, now United States Senator from that State, was especially pronounced in his opposition to such employment. He said he was “in favor of government as strong as the law and no stronger, as weak as the law and no weaker." This is the doctrine of the Democratic pagty. We hold that the officers of the law are competent to enforce the law, and that the employment of private individuals to perform official functions, except as law directs, is revolutionary and no better than mob vlolenoe itself. “Senator Palmer’s defeat for Governor of Blinds in 1888 doubtless emboldened the Pinkertons and their employers to oontlnuc their nefarious methods and practices, but the election in November next. I trust will

teach them a lesson, at least, If li toes not put a quietus upon their operations. No Protection far Labor. It is said to be an ill wind which blows good to no one. Some good m»y vet oorne out of the Homestead affair. It will doubtless teach workingmen everywhere that they must not depend on the HcKlnlev law or tariff laws to secure for them good wages or constant employment; that a so-called protection is a delusion and a fraud; or, as the great Daniel O’Connell said In 1843 when fighting high tariffs in England and Ireland, “the meaning of protection Is robbery—robbery of the poor by the rioh!” Gov. McKinley said in one of his speeches in Nebraska recently: “Substantially everything which protection directly affeots has been reduced m price exoept labor.’ In his next public address will the Governor plesae tell the oountry how the tariff affeots labor, except Indirectly to rob It of Its rightful rewards and to force It to organize for Its own protection? There Is no tariff on foreign laborers—they come In free and at once enter Into competition with American workingmen. The products of foreigners only are taxed. There is no protection m the law for labor. The law fumlßhes protection for monopoly only. Let the laboring men learn this great truth and in November next at the ballot-box let them strike off the political shackles that have bound them to the party of the Carnegies and other monopolists, and'strike for the right to enjoy the fruits of their own labor. If any evidence were needed to prove conclusively that the tariff does not Increase wages It Is furnished by the report of the Senate Committee on Finance, submitted by Senator Aldrich, at the olose of the last session of Congress. Let me read a portion of that report under the heading of “wages": “It appears from the report of the statistician employed by the committee that In fifteen general occupations selected by the committee wages were threefourths of 1 per cent, higher In September, 1891, than In the three months (June, July, and August) selected as a basis In 1889, and that the wages In the special Industries selected were thirty one - hundredths of 1 per oent. higher than at the beginning of the period." The McKinley law Inoreaßed the tariff on protected articles 26 per cent., on a general average, but its friends now olalm that wages have Inoreased in these fifteen Industries slnoe Its passage less than one-third of X per oent. In other words, the laborer in these seleoted industries who received $1.60 per day before the MoKlnley act passed may now receive U oent a day more. If this statement of alleged Inorease In wages after the passage of the McKinley bill and by inference as a result of Its passage were not made by able and distinguished Senators, leaders of their party, It would be reoeived with soom and contempt and denounced as a campaign lie Invented by wicked Democrats. Do Foreigner* Ray the Tax ! One of the favorite arguments of proteotlonlsts, if I may dignify suoh nonsense as an argument, Is that “by the Republican policy the foreign producers wholly or largely pay the expenses of our government.” This doctrine Is often proclaimed by Gov. MoKlnley, and Is iterated and reiterated by the lesser lights Of the party, by their newspapers and their pnbllo speakers everywhere. Before an Intelligent audience like this It seems like a waste of time to give any consideration to so absurd a proposition. Suppose it were true that we In America had Invented a system of taxation by which we conld Impose upon the people of other countries the expenses of our own country. How many of you would be willing to aooept suoh a policy? Would you be willing to impose the expenses of our government upon foreigners with the understanding that they might impose the exSenses of their governments upon us? Gov. ioKlnley and his friends olalm that they have already adopted this policy so far as our oountry is concerned. He is welcome to the delusion, for It Is merely a delusion. But in making this claim he concedes too muoh for his theories. He conoedes that the tariff is a tax, bnt claims that foreign producers pay it. It Is Indeed a tax, bnt foreigners do not pay It. Nine-tenths of the persons who import foreign-made goods Into this country are American citizens, who purchase suoh products abroad, pay for them abroad, ship them to this oountry, pay the freights and the tariffs, the lnsuranoe and all commissions and charges of every kind, and sell them to American consumers with all these tariffs, freights, and charges added to their price. Foreign producers, as a rule, know as little about our tariffs and care as little about them as the producers of American products know or care about the tariffs Imposed upon their products by the countries into which they are Imported. But a very slight knowledge of the solenoe of polltloal economy will teach us that the tariff Is a tax, whether we realize the foot or not. It Is a tax upon consumable commodities, and those who consume the taxed articles pay the amount levied upon them. The Democratic party Insists that this tax shall bear heaviest upon articles of luxury and lightest upon artloles of necessity; that It shall bear heaviest upon artloles consumed by the rich and lightest npon those who are poor. It farther Insists that whatever is paid ou account of the tariff shall go Into the pnbllo , treasury to support the government, and that no more shall be levied than Is necessary for the purposes of government honestly and economically administered—in other words, that It shall be a tariff for revenue and not to enrloh one olass of people, the favored few, at the expense of the tolling millions. The Democratic party favors a tariff for the support of the government, and not to bnild up and foster monopolies. The question Is submitted to the American people. It will be decided at the ballot-box In November. Let the verdict be In favor of Cleveland and Stevenson, a Democratic Congress In both branches, and a tariff for revenue only.

No Mongoose Need Apply.

Beware, says a writer in Goldthwaite’s Geographical Magazine, of tampering with nature's balance. One way of doing this is by introducing new animals, as happened when the sparrow was delberately brought from Europe and liberated on this continent. The latest suggestion is to import the mongoose in order to reduce obnoxious mammals like rats, and also lizards and snakes. The mongoose was taken to the island of Jamaica for this purpose, and has turned out to be a worse pest than any It was intended to remedy. To escape the mongoose the rats of Jamaica have learned to climb the trees and into the upper stories of houses. “In the last residence which I occupied in the vicinity of Kingston,” writes an American in Jamaica, “while the mongoose was so common as to make chicken raising an expensive luxury, the rats held nightly high carnival in my rooms, over my bed and through my clothing.” The mongoose in Jamaica will sit by a lizard and eat a mango, and is suspected of an appetite for bananas. The animal is absolutely untamable, its bite dangerous, and its enmity to poultry, cats and small dogs uncompromising. The bringing of any new animal to a continent is a dangerous piece of business.

The Era of the Pistol-Pocket.

“I have been selling firearms for fifteen years,” said Jacob EhrliDger, at the Lindell, “and I believe that more deadly weapons are now bought by civilians than ever before. The heaviest sales are of .22 and .32 caliber revolvers of a cheap make. Now, these weapons are well nigh worthless as means of offense or defense. The ordinary .22 caliber pistol will not put a bullet through a heavy overcoat at a distance of ten yards, and you might put all six shots into a man without disabling him. The •32 is not much better. When a man needs a pistol at all he needs one that can be relied on to knock an antagonist out the first fire, and should get a .44 or .45. When one of those puts a bullet into a man he generally quits right there. It doe§ not matter much where you hit him, the ball is so large and strikes with such terrific force that it renders him hors de combat. The knife is not so much used as formerly by Americans. If well made it is a terrible weapon for close fighting, but a man may make a killing after he has been cut half to pieces. The thing to stop an antagonist quickly and effectively is a . 45. St. Louis Globe-Democrat.

A Public School Art League has been founded in Boston, with Mr. Henry Saudam as President and John Lyman Faxon as Secretary. The object of the league is to supply the public schools, so that from their earliest school days the future generation of citizens shall be sufrounded by objects of the fine arts. The idea seems to be a most excellent one, and worthy of imitation in the sohools of other citie3.