Democratic Sentinel, Volume 16, Number 30, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 12 August 1892 — RALLY ROUND THE FLAG [ARTICLE+ILLUSTRATION]

RALLY ROUND THE FLAG

For Pre»ldent, GROVER CLEVELAND, OF NEW TORE. For Vice President, ADLAI E. STEVENSON, OF ILLINOIS.

If Thomas Platt Won’t “fry the fat” Of Stalwart millionaires. How can he, then, Help frigid Ben And set his campaign snares? The love of tariff is the root of evil. Even Mount Etna strikes against the McKinley bill. Mr. Harrison is suffering intensely from that Carnegie feeling. No one has yet detected even the slightest campaign nettle-rash on the skin of Tom Platt. If the force bill is not an issue, why don’t our Republican contemporaries denounce it? Where was Carnegie when the light went out? Safe in Scotland, or somewhere thereabout. The Carnegie tariff has hung itself up by the thumbs, but the people can be relied on to see that it is lowered. Maybe Harrison selected Carter as his overseer because of that financier’s knowledge of how to get at the mortgaged farmer. With a $4,000,000 government contract on hand .and only one-tenth of it carried out, it is folly to talk about dull times in the Carnegie establishment. The President cannot afford to let Raum go, he says. He has the bear by the ears and wants somebody to help him loosen his grip. The country enjoys the spectacle too much to put an end to it. Should Thomas B. Reed take up the subject of Southern war claims, he will doubtless not be so forgetful as not to acknowledge that the South is paying millions into the Treasury for pensions for Union soldiers.

Mr. Carnegie is one of a syndicate who will make an exhibit of works by American artists at the World’s Fair. It is likely that Mr. Carnegie will enrich the collection with a spirited sketch of the battle of Homestead. President Harrison has accepted from Chili $75,000 as full indemnity for the injuries inflicted upon the sailors of the Baltimore and a sufficient salve for our national honor. The general impression is that Minister Egan and Consul McCreery have made more than that out of Chili. Chairman Carter, of the Republican National Committee, has some ideas worth carrying out. He has advised Candidate Reid to abandon his political headquarters and take a rest at his American castle. Reid is a heavy load to carry, and the more secluded he is the better for his party. “President Harrison’s methods of work are cool, sysytemtic, and constant. ” Republican exchange. They are, indeed. There is nothing cooler, more systematic, nor more constant than the manner in which he has worked out of office and out of power ever Republican who presumes to deny that he is the divinely inspired head of the party. Every ballot cast for Cleveland and Stevenson will be a vote in favor of a fair, impartial, honest and economical administral ion of the government; every ballot cast for Harrison and Reid will be a vote in favor of the perpetuation of trusts and monopolies, of bayonets at the polls, of absolute centralization of the government and a further depletion of the treasury. One remark that Major McKinley made i 6 being widely quoted, and hid* fair to exert as much influence in the presentcaippaign as did the famous three S’s of the Rev. Burchard. The McKinley bill, said the Major, in a tit of blind idolatry and honest stultification, “is doing its own talking.” In view of the rapid, direct and palpably evil effects of the measure, a more appropriate legend for the banners of the Democracy could not have been devised. None but Harrison men have been placed on guard in selecting managerial timber for the national Republican campaign. The President has no idea of trusting the men who, great political leaders as they are,

proclaimed from one end of the land to the other that they could not trust Harrison. When the end is reached your Uncle Benjamin will realize that this policy of proscription is a losing one.

The Republicans are already raising the cry that General Harrison is “a soldier who has never known defeat." A Presidential campaign in which th 6 Republican party did not depend largely on a sentimental appeal to the war spirit would be a novelty indeed. How easy it is to arouse military enthusiasm in this country is shown by the fact that Ben Harrison expects to run partly on his military record.

New York World: It is not true that high tariffs make high wages. The claim is a lie, and the American workingmen are discovering that it is a lie. The tariff was Increased in 1890 all the way from 10 to 50 per cent. Since then the only wages that have been increased, as Gov. Campbell said in Ohio last year, are those of the Pinkerton men—and since the well-nigh universal condemnation of their employment at Homestead their occupation in future is likely to be less.

There never was a more hypocritical plea urged by any set of men than the pretense of the Republican leaders that their party is the friend of the wage-earner. While the unemployed workingmen at Homestead have nothing to look forward to except a struggle with starvation, while the idle mills there are guarded with a chain of fortifications and patrolled by armed sentinels, the owner, who has been and is a beneficiary of the iron schedule in the McKinley bill, is enjoying himself in a foreign land.

There is an old East Indian fable that happily illustrates the yearning of the Republican party to protect the struggling workmen of this country. Once upon a time a kind, greatheated old elephant went out for a stroll in the jungle, and as he wandered about he came upon a herd of young partridges left by a heartless mother to die of hunger, thirst and exposure. The elephant’s mighty sympathy went out to the wretched partridges, and he said: “You need protection.” And he sat on them.

Indianapolis Sentinel: Chairman Harrity is right when he says the Democracy has nothing to conceal about this coming campaign. This is to be a campaign of principle, by the people and for the people. There is no occasion for sharp practice—there never is—and the fight must be open and above board. The position of the party is well defined, and because of its position it asks the support of all friends of good government. When Democracy has won its victory, as it seems certain it will, the people will know just what to expect.

Governor McKinley Is still asserting that the foreigner pays the tax. If we may assume as true the Governor’s assertion, it would be pertinent to inquire why, when he was framing a revenue bill, he did not entirely remove the internal revenue tax? That tax, of course, is paid by Americans. If he had added that tax to the tariff, then the foreigner would pay it all and the United States would be a happy nation, differing wholly from any other nation of whom the world has record in that its government sustains itself entirely without taking tribute from any of its people. Governor McKinley failed to give us enough of his good thing.

Now that Chili has paid $75,000 for the acts of an irresponsible mob it is proper to recall attention to the heavy amounts of the people’s money expended in preparations for war with the little republic by the administration. There was never reason to believe that Chili would fall to respond to proper requests. The money expended for war materials with which a nation of 63,000,000 people were to tight a war with a feeble republic weakened by a civil war was money worse than wasted in the hope of gaining political capital. This is one part of the record appealed to by Mr. Depew on which the people will demand light as the campaign progresses in accordance with the suggestions of the railroad president. Detroit Free Press: The efforts of the Republican soothsayers to eliminate the force bill issue from the campaign are heroic. They hold that because the Lodge scheme has once been defeated, despite Mr. Harrison’s urging, it must not’be considered as a present issue. This is ingenious but not convincing. The McKinley party gave this obnoxious measure the place of honor in the Minneapolis platform, thus indorsing the centralizing idea of John I. Davenport and all his disciples. It was done to give g. o. p. a stronger grip upon the administration should it again be secured. They must now face the music, for should President Harrison go so far as to promise a vqto of such a bill, in the event of passing Congress and reaching him, the country could only attribute his pledge to the policy of “anything to win, * which has adopted.

DEMOCRACY GETTING TOGETHER HARMONIOUSLY. I Lone Lilt of Damaging Blunders Made by Republicans and the Administration—Tbe People's Party a Delusion and a Device of the Enemy. Pull Together. The election of Cleveland will depend >n a united Democracy. In New York ;he factions are getting together, differsnces are healing and enthusiasm is growing. It is the Republicans and not the Demicrats who are blundering in this cam?aign. Blaine’s attempt to gettbe nomination it Minneapolis was a blunder. Mr. Harrison’s refusal to consent to the selection of Mr. Clarkson as Chairman of the Republican Committee was i blunder. The choice of a “hired lobbyist" for that position was a blunder. The opposition to the confirmation of fudge Shiras, promoted by Senators Quay and Cameron,' was.a blunder. The appointment of a negro postmaster at Charleston, S. C., was a blunder.

The withdrawal of the nomination was another blunder. The retention of Raum is a blunder. The McKinley bill is a blunder of such stupendous proportions that It reaches the dignity of a crime. But all of these will avail nothing unless Democrats North, South, East and West realize the importance of success in this campaign, and work in every State, certain or doubtful, as if the election of Mr. Cleveland depended on the electoral vote of that State. Especially is it time for Southern Democrats to pull together for the success of the Chicago ticket. The People’s party is a delusion: it is a device of the enemy. Even if successful It would only keep the word of promise to the ear-aud break it to the hope. But its success Is impossible. It is not a compact organization appealing to the sympathy and the intelligence of the American people. It is a gathering of irreconcilable elements, appealing to class prejudices, under the command of wornout political demagogues, and can no more hold together than a rope of sand. Here are the great issues for 1892: Freer trade and wider markets. Rigid economy in public expenditures. Home Rule and no Force bill. The iniquitous tariff confiscates onefourth of the products of the farm. Cotton was exported last year nominally worth $250,000,000. Had this been invested in just such goods as the farm needs, had it been paid for in clothing, in household furniture, in carpets, tin pans ana cans, in axes, shovels, bagging twine, ties, etc., the duty on the return cargo would have been $125,000,000. Had half been Invested in sugar and other articles on the free list, and the remainder fn taxed articles, the duty would have been $62,500,000. At the lowest estimate the tariff reduced the value of the cotton crop onefourth. The People’s party talk about more monby; what th© farmer needs first of all is more wealth, and the tariff robs him —make no mistake about that sentence —the tariff robs him of one-fourth of all the wealth he produces. The currency question is important, but It is not imperative. The first step toward currency reform is tariff reform: We are adding annually $54,000,000 to our money in circulation; let us wait and watch the effect. In 1870 the money in circulation was $770,312,000, In 1880 it was $1,022,685,000, in 1890 it was $1,498,072,709, or an increase of nearly 100 per cent, in twenty years. In 1880 the circulation per capita was $20.37; in 1890 it was $23.96, it is in 1892 $24.38. In England the. circulation per capita is $18.60; In America $24.38; in France $44. These figures do not show that we do not need currency reform, but they do show that something besides an inflation of the currency is needed to restore prosperity. But while we have been increasing the currency we have been increasing the taxes. We have had more currency but less wealth. The McKinley bill was a bill to increase the tariff, and to-day we have a worse than war tariff.

Rack of the McKinley bill stalks the force bill. The Republican platform Indorses this measure; the Republican candidate for President approves it; Mr. Reid’s journal has been its most earnest advocate. There is no mistake about this. The moment the Republican party feele itself strong enough, Federal supervisors, uqdef the direction of some unscrupulous man like Davenport, will be stationed at every voting precinct in the South. The defeat of the force bill is not final until we have placed a Democratic President in the White House. The third issue of importance is Federal extravagance. d The annual expenses of government have swollen to dangerous proportions. The pension list is a menace Us free government, for it is a huge, bribery fund. j&y In 1867 the pension list required $21,000,000; interest on the public debt was $143,781,591. In 1892 the pension list is $150,000,000; the interest charge is $35,000,000. In 1878 the ordinary expenditures of the government—excluding interest and debt redemption—had fallen to $134,463,452. In 1891 these same expenditure* reached the enormous sum of $317,825,549. Here is the itemized comparison:

War *32,164,147 *48,720,066 Navy 17,366,301 26,113,836 Indians 4,623,280 8,627,468 Pensions 27,187,019 124,415,361 Miscellaneous. 53,177,703 110,048,167 Total *134,463,462 *317,825,649 In addition there was a heavy pension deficiency, and the postoffice appropriations, which are chiefly met by postage. Here we have a picture of the political situation: A robber tariff. A force bill threatening. Extravagance everywhere. These are the evils which must be cured by Democratic supremacy. Is this a time for Southern Democrats to wander off after strange gods? They must choose not between Cleveland and Weaver, but between Cleveland and Harrison. There is no alternative. Mr. Harrison or Mr. Cleveland will be the next President. The election of Cleveland means freer trade, lower taxes, economy in public expenditures, home rule. The election of Harrison means hard times, higher taxes, restricted trade, corruption and extravagance, negro j postmasters in the South and the force bill. Look on these two pictures, farmers, grangers, Alliance men, Third Party men. Democrats and patriots, and then decide how you will cast your votes.— Courier-Journal. Will'Carter Be Retßinqfrl? Will President Harrison retain smart “Tom” Carter, agent for “The Footprints of Time,” at the head of the Republican National Committee? Will the j President in this manner condone the 1 conduct of the man who some years ago through sharp practice secured for his employer, without warrantable equiva- ! lent, the farms and homes of many j honest citizens of lowa and Nebraska? i Will the President, said to be a good and respectable man personally, consent to employ in the coming campaign a tool of-this 1 character? Will he deliberately retain in the management of party affairs a man with a bunco reoord? Regretable as is the condition of affairs whioh renders it so, it.is probable that President Harrison will do all these things. Although a reputable man personally, President Harrison politically has always shown a queer predilection for the utilization of rascality. Dudley, despised for his misdeeds by all decent persons, has been at once the President’s benefactor and beneficiary. Judge Woods, who prostituted his position on tne bench in condonation of Dudley’s offense, has been rewarded with one of the mo3t important and honorable positions on the bench. It was from Matthew 8. Quay himself, acting in the office now filled by Carter, that President Harrison ; received his vitiated title to the Presidency. It is hot to be supposed that President Harrison selected Carter for the Chairmanship of the National Committee because of his record in Nebraska and lowa. It may be that the President did not know that record. But there is every reason to believe that Carter was chosen because of the general reputation which he bore for sharpness, shrewdness, trickiness, and unscrupu-

lousness in politics. He is exactly the sort of timber out of which the typical Chairman of the Republican National Committee is constructed. There may be something in the cheap meanness of Chairman Carter’s career as a book agent which will be offensive to President Harrison, but the chances are that the President wttl hold his nose with one hand and his Chaiaman with the other.—Chicago Herald. The Wtit In the Campaign. The Republicans believe that Harrison will carry New York. Some talk of their ability to elect him without New York, but hosy are they going to do it?. The talk of carrying West Virginia for him is moonshine, but even if it were not there is not a safe Republican State between Ohio and Kansas. Many Democrats believe that. Ohio will go Democratic this year. AVe believe, however, that it will not We believe that Ohio, California, Oregon, Maine, and Vermont are still safely Republican in presidential years. Ordinarily Pennsylvania may be added to the list, but there is no means of telling anything about what Pennsylvania will do this year. Here in the Central West the Republicans can count on nothing surely. Indiana is now opposed to Harrison. There

is little doubt that there is now in the Btate a plurality of at least 20,000 against him. The Democratic chances of carrying Illinois and Wisconsin are . bttter than the chances of the Rebublicans. lowa is at least as apt to give its electoral vote to Cleveland as it is to return to the Republican party. The Democrats will divide the vote of Michigan, and in Kansas and Nebraska Harrison is fighting both the Democrats and the Third party people of the Farmers’ Alliances^ Where then do the custom house and postofflce Republicans expect to get an electoral majority? The blocks-of-five system cannot be successfully used over such a territory as this when the people have been educated to such a knowledge of its workings as they gained from the Harrison campaign of 1888 in Indiana, and In the absence of such means of control Harrison is beaten three months before the polls open.—St. Louis Republic. Political Notes. The people of the West are not financially prosperous and they never will or can prosper financially until they are released from the burden of paying tribute to the monopolies of the Last. Under Republican politics the people of the West are fprced to pay a considerable portion portion of their earnings to the sheep raisers of Ohio, the lumber syndicates of Michigan, the cordage trust of New York and hundreds of Other pet industries for • which the Republican party entertains a surprisingly tender feeling.—Des Moines Leader. A cartoon may convey a falsehood as well as the types. When the tariff robbers put out a cartoon representing women drawing the plow in free-trade countries, the cartoon is highly inaccurate. The countries where women are hitched to plows are “protected” by high tariffs, as every one knows who is not ignorant of European affairs. Freetrade Britain, small and crowded as it is, pays higher wages than any protected country of Euio,»e.. When you come to think that the Democrats of Illinois have fourteen Representatives in Congress in a delegation of twenty, a majority in the r State Legislature, and a Democratic | United States Senator, and in 1891 elected their State ticket by a majority of nearly ten thousand votes, it doesn’t seem altogether unreasonable to put it in the list of debatable States. W ho is Adlai E. Stevenson? He is a I Democrat who has the happy faculty of carrying*- a Congressional district normally 2,500 Republican, and a Democrat who knows nearly every voter in Illinois. Instead of Pinkerton detectives at Carnegie’s worksf'why not start them out to detect the workmen whose wages have been raised through the monopoly tariff? Even if Harrison can make the running without a handicap, he can never hope to carry his running-mate, Jacob Whitelaw Reid, to a successful finish. Perhaps the reason Mr. Carnegie has not sent any more jugs to Mr. Harrison is because he needs them all himself.

ONLY ONE GOOD WING FOR A LONG JOURNEY. —Truth.