Democratic Sentinel, Volume 16, Number 29, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 5 August 1892 — ACCEPTS THE CHARGE. [ARTICLE+ILLUSTRATION]

ACCEPTS THE CHARGE.

CHARACTERISTIC SPEECH BY MR. CLEVELAND. He Accepts the Presidential Nomination by the Deinoeraoy—Sound on the Plat-form-Hen. Stevenson Also Accepts and Promises to Do His Duty. Speech by Mr. Cleveland. In reply to the formal notification by the National Committee in New York, Grover Cleveland said; Mb. Chaibman and Gentlemen: The message yon deliver from t he National Democracy arouses within me emotions which would be well rilgh overwhelming If I did not reoognixe here assembled the representatives of a great party who most aha. e with me the responsibility yoar mission Invites. I find much relief in the reflection that I have been selected merely to stand for the principles and parposes to which my party Is pledged and for the enforcement and supremacy of which all who have any right to claim Democratic fellowship must constantly and persistently labor. Our party responsibility Is indeed great. We assume a momentous obligation to our countrymen when, in return lor their trust and confidence, we promise them a rectification of their wrongs and a better realization of the advantages whloh are due to them nnder our free and benefloent Institutions. But If our responsibUlty ls great our party la strong; It is strong in Its sympathy with the needs of the people, In Its insistence upon the exercise of governmental powers strictly within the constitutional permission the people have granted and In Its willingness to risk its life and hope upon the people's intelligence and patriotism. Never has a great party, Intent upon the promotion of right and justice, had better Incentive for effort than is now presented to ns. Turning our eyes to the plain people of the land, we see them burdened as consumers with a tariff system that unjustly and relentlessly demands from them In the purchase of the neoessarles and comforts of life an amount scarcely met by the wages of hard and steady toll, while the exactions thus wrung from them build up and Increase the fortunes of those for whose benefit this Injustice Is perpetrated. We see the farmer listening to a delusive story that fills hlg mind with visions of advantage, while his pooket Is robbed by the stealthy hand of high protection. Our workingmen are still told tne tale, oft repeated In spite of Its demonstrated falsity, that the existing protective tariff Is a boon to them and that under Its beneficent operation their wages must Increase, while as they listen scenes are enacted in the very abiding plaoc of high protection that mook the hopes of toll and attest the tender mercy the workingman

receives from those made selfish and sordid by nnjnst governmental favoritism. We oppose earnestly and stubbornly the theory npon which our opponents seek to Justify and uphold existing tariff laws. We need not base onr attack upon questions of constitutional permission or legislative power. We denounce this theory upon the highest possible grounds when we contend that In present conditions Its operation Is unjust, and that laws enacted In accordance with It are Inequitable and nnfalr. Ours Is not a destructive! party. We are not at enemlty with the rights of any of our citizens. All are our countrymen. We are not recklessly heedless of any American Interests, nor will we abandon our regard for them; but. Invoking the love of fairness and justice which belongs to true Americanism and upon which onr constitution rests, we Insist that no plan of tariff legislation shall be tolerated which has for Its object and purpose a forced contribution from the earnings and lnoome of the mass of onr citizens to swell directly the acenmnlatlons of a favored few; nor will we permit a pretended solicitude for American labor or any other specious pretext of benevolent care for others to blind the eyes of the people to the selfish schemes of those who seek, through the aid of nneqnal tariff laws, to gain unearned and unreasonable advantage at the expense of their fellows. We have also assumed, In onr covenant with those whose Bnpport we invite, the duties of opposing to the death another avowed soheme of our adversaries, which, nnder the guise of protecting suffrage, covers, but does not conceal, a design thereby to perpetuate the power of a party afratd to trnßt its conttnuanoe to the nntrammeled and intelligent votes of the American people. We are pledged to resist the legislation intended to complete this scheme, because we have not forgotten the satnmalla of theft and brutal control which followed another Federal regulation of State suffrage, because we know that the managers of a party which did not scruple to rob the people of a President would mot hesitate to use the machinery created by anch legislation to revive corrupt Instrumentalities for partisan purposes, because an attempt to enforce such legislation would rekindle animosities, rain peace, and destroy the hopefulness that now reigns, became such an attempt would replace prosperous activity with discouragement and dread throughout a large section of onr oountry, and menace everywhere In the land the rights reserved to the States and to the people which underlie the safeguards of American liberty. I shall not attempt to specify at this time other objects and alms of Democratic endeavor which add Inspiration to onr mission. True to Its history and Its creed, our party will re- ! apond to the wants of the people within safe lines and guided by enlightened statesmanship. To the troubled and impatient within onr membership we commend continued, unswerving allegiance to the party whose principles In all times paet have been found sufficient for them and whose aggregate wisdom and patriotism, their experience teaches, can always be trusted. In a tone of partisanship which befits the occasion, let me say to you as equal partners In the campaign upon which we to-day enter that the personal fortunes of those to whom you have intrusted your banners are only Important as they are related to the fate of the principles they represent and to the party whloh leads. I cannot, therefore, forbear reminding you and all those attached to the Democratic party, or supporting the principles which we profess, that defeat In the Impending campaign, followed by the consummation of the legislative schemes onr opponents contemplate, and accompanied by suoh other Incidents of their snocess as might more firmly fix their power, would present a most discouraging outlook for future Democratic supremacy and for the accomplishment of the objects we have at heart. Moreover, every sincere Democrat must believe that the Interests of his country are deeply Involved In the victory of onr party in the straggle that awaits ns. Thus patriotic solicitude exalts the hope of partisanship, and should Intensify onr determination to win snocess. This snocess can only be achieved by systematic and Intelligent effort on the part of all enlisted in onr canse. Let ns tell the people plainly and honestly what we believe and how we propose to serve the Interests of the entire oountry, and then let ns, after the manner of true Democracy, rely npon the thoughtfulness and patriotism of onr fellow-countrymen. It only remains for me to say to yon. In advance or a more formal response to your message, that I obey the command of my party and confidently anticipate that an Intelligent and earnest presentation of onr canse will insure a popular Indorsement of the action of the body yon represent. Grn. Stevenson Accepts. General Stevenson in responding to the official notification of his nomination spoke as follows; Mb. Chaibman and gentlemen of the Committee: I can not too earnestly express my appreciation of the honor conferred npon me by the great delegated assembly which yon officially represent. To have been selected by the National Democratic Convention as Its candidate for high office is a distinction of which any citizen might well be proud. I would do violence to your feelings, sir, should I fall to express my gratitude for the courteous terms In which you have advised me of the result of the deliberations of the convention. Distrusting my capacity fully to meet the expectations of those who have honored me by their confidence I accept the nomination so generously tendered. Should the action of the Chicago convention recatve the approval of the people I shall to the best of my humble ability discharge with fidelity the dnties of the Important trust oonflded In tne. Reference has been made In tarmz of oom-

mendatlcra to tbs late Democratic administration. Identified In some measure In an Important branch of the public serrloe with that administration. lam gratified to knowthat tt has In so marked a degree reoelved the Indorsement of the Democratic party in Ita national convention. lam persuaded that Intelligent discussion of the Issues Involved In the pending oontest for pollttoal supremacy wIH result In victory to the party whloh stands tot honest methods In government, economy In pnblio expenditures, and relief to the people from the Durden of unjust taxation. I am not unmindful, Mr. Chairman, of the grave responsibilities whloh attach to the great offloe tor whloh I have been named. I may be pardoned for quoting In this, connection the words of the honorea patriot , Thomas A. Hendricks, [oheersj when officially informed that he had been designated by his party for the vtoe-presldenoy In 18M. He said: “I know that sometimes it Is understood that this partlonlac offloe does not Involve muoh responsibility, and as a general rule that Is so. But sometimes It oomes to represent very great responsibilities, and It may be so in the near future. The two parties In the Senate being so nearly evenly divided, the Vice President may have to deoide upon questions of law by the exercise of a oastlng vote. The responsibility would then become very great. It would not then be the responsibility of representing a district or a State. It would be the responsibility of representing the whole oountry. And that vote when thus oast should be in obedienoe to the Just expectations and re§ulrement of the people of the United tales." Should It please my country men to call me to this offloe the high appreciation of its dignity and of Its responslblltles as expressed In the utteranoea and Illustrated In the life of the eminent statesman whom I have mentioned will be a light to my own pathway. In the oontest npon whloh we now enter-we make no appeal to the passions, but to the sober judgment of the people. We believe that tho welfare of the toiling millions of our countrymen 1b bound up In the snocess the Democratic party. Recent occurrences In a neighboring State have sadly emphasized the faet that a high protective tariff affords no protection, and tends la no way to better the condition of those who earn their bread by dally toll. Believing the right of every voter to cast his ballot ttnawed by power, the Democratic party will steadily oppose all legislation which threatens to imperil that right by the Interposition of federal bayonets at the polls. In a more formal manner hereafter, Mr. Chairman, I wl|l Indicated by letter my aoceptanoe of the nomination tendered me by the National Democratic Convention, and will give explosion to my views touching the Important questions enunciated in Its platform. Hoosters After Harrison. Harrison’s managers all* over the country are in a disturbed state of mind, but In'lndiana they are positively panic-stricken. It will be remembered that Millionaire McDonald,

the electric light njan of Fort Wayne, Ind., headed a big Blaine crowd from the Hposier State, who made a gallant fight lor the Plumed Knight at Minneapolis, contending to the very end,,that Harrison could never carry his own State. They went home disgusted, and seem bent on making good theii doleful propheoy. McDonald and his friend, ex-Congressman J. B. White, have led a revolt, and the most frantic efforts of the President’s friends have failed to check its course. Harry G. Hanna, a prominent lawyer and influential Blaine Republican, has resigned his membership of the State Central Committee, because he cannot conscientiously support Harrison. Chairman Gaudy, chairman of that committee, went post haste to the seat of treason to patch up peace, but his presence only added fuel to the flames, and a majority of the Allen County Republican Committee, including its chairman, resigned. The feeling against Harrison is so strong at Fort Wayne that tfee business and professional element say they will ostracize any cne accepting the county chairmanship thus made vacant. White, who served In the Fiftieth Congress as a Republican, will stump the State for Cleveland, and the German vote, which before supported Harrison, is largely against him. The disappointed Blaine men openly declare that they will get even with Harrison for his gag-law methods at Minneapolis by electing the Bepublican State ticket and beating the National ticket. Here is another ugly nail for the President’s political coffin. He cannot afford to lose Indiana, yet It seems impossible for him to carry it. Dudley is not to-manipulate the blocks this yehr, the secret ballot checks tho course of corruption. Harrison has made enemies, the Blaineites are after him, and Hoosierdom is in the hands of his foes. —Detroit Free Press.

Splitting the Northwest. The majority against the Republicans in Minnesota in 1890 was 56,00 u. Allowing the most extravagant claims of Republicanism, that majority is not less than 25,000 or 30,(00 to-day. What folly it would be for such a majority, by dividing Its force, to let the Republican minority capture and count the electoral vote of the State! The anti-Repub!ican majority consists of Democrats and People’s party men. Upon some points they are not agreed. But they are agreed in their hostility to McKinleylsm —the one overshadowing issue of the campaign—and they are of one mind in their conviction that the supreme duty at present is to oust the Republican party and all that it stande for from power in the nation. This they can accomplish by fusion upon a mixed electoral ticket. They can elect such a ticket, while neithei side can elect a ticket of Its own. Fusion is manifestly the dictate of policy and patriotism, and there is little doubt that a fusion will be made. A closely similar state of-things exists in Kansas, Nebraska and the two Dakotas, and in all these States successful fusion is now deemed probable.—New York World. r The charge that Mr. Stevenson was a member of the Sons of Libertyifiuring the war is an exploded cartridge. II was originally fired during the Congressional campaigns in the ’7os..wheu Mr. Stevenson carried the strong Republican district of which McLean County was the center. Tjie people, Who may best be supposed to kttoW the truth, repudiated it then, and their verdict will stand.—Bt. Louis Republic. Thf. banners and transparencies o! Cleveland and Stevenson are flying all over New York, and there can be no mistake about the popular feeling in regard to the ticket The bosses will be sick and sore fdr a little while, perhaps, bui as time advances will realize more and more clearly the foolishness of fighting against the inevitable.

K«s«Tr*. “I tell ye,_” remarked Mr, Obed storro 4o Mr! Jertniags Ghumi one : tnorning, as they were sitting In the blacksmith’s shop waiting tor their horses to be shod, “I tell ye, my brother’s wife over t’ Teukstaown, where I Was last week, fs a master band t’ fetch up hoys. I never see anything like it sense X was born, never!” “Why, haow large Is y’r brother’s fam’lyf* asked Ms. Gteeh. “You speak’s if she’d hed a terrible piece o’ work. “So she hes, so she ties," repeated Mr. Storrs, decidedly. “Size aint everythin’, by any means, when you come t’ talkin’ of a fam’ly. She alnt hed but jest two boys t’ fetch up; but my land! they was enough! I never see sech actin’ young uns as them two boys wheu they wore in their fust teens, never!” “What did they do, in special?” inquired Mr. Green, with a gratifying curiosity. “Well,” replied Mr, Storrs, “Elias—he was th’ oldest boy—used t r tell whoppers. 1 never heard sech whoppers in all my days as that boy would think up. It drove his ma most crazy t’ hear him go on. But she kep’ at him, talkin’an’preachin’an’ scoldin’, an’ showin’ him haow wrong it was. An’ she alius said, 'I expect t’ hev folks say some day, what a truthful boy I’ve got; that’s what I’m lookin’ for’ard to, Elias, when you’re grown up. That’s why I’m takin’ sech pains with ye.’ “An’ then there was Henry, the youngest boy. lie was th’ laziest piece t’ ever I see. He couldn’t bear, appearantly, t’ set himself t’ anythin’, no matter what. He was jest cal’latin’ t’ lay off an’ do nothin’, seems’s if, all his days, that boy was! But his ma kep’ her eye on him ev’ry minute, an’ set him movin’ jest as often as she c'd find anythin’ for him t’ do. , , ~ “An’ she used to tell him, same as she did Elias, haow she expected him t’ grow up purtic’larly th’ other way fr’m what his inclinations would ha' led him, jest on accaount of havin’ t’ strive an’ struggle against ’em th’ hull durin’ time. An’ she’d say, ‘Henry, by th’ time You’ve got y’r full growth I’m expectin’ t’ be complimented on havin’ one o’ th’ most industrious boys anywheres ’raound.’” “Well, liaow’ve they turned aout?” asked Mr. Green, after a pause. “I heden’t seen ’em fer tlvo years back, till I went over t’ Peaktown las’ month, ” said 1 Mr. Storrs, slowly “Elias is naow goin’ oh,twenny-two, an,’ Henry,,is sharp' twenty. An’ their mother's got both her d’sires. I tell ye, she’s a master hand t’ fetch up boys! « “There’s Elias hes th’ name o’ bein’ th’ smartest, most go-ahead young feller in Pcakstaown. An’ Henry, he’s jest as truthful as anythin’ c’d be wished. Seem’s if he was t’partic’lar an’, mincin.’. in his talk, fer fear o’ givin’ somebody a misieadin’ notion o’ what he means t’ say!” “But I thought Elias was th’ one that told the whoppers, an’ Henry was the lazy one!" said Mr.-Green, in some bewilderment. “Well, what of it?”'answered Mr. Storrs, rather impatiently. “She's got both her d’slres, aint she, all th’ same? Results is apt t’ git kind o’ confused an’, mixed like, In this world. Folks mustn’t expect t’ hev ev'fythin’ cut an’ dyied jest as they’d planned. She's got her iruth-tellin’ son an’ her industrious son, an’ I reckon she ddn’t feel t’ find no fault. I tell ye she’s a master hand t’ fetch up boys, my brother’s wife is!”

Thu Modern Tooth. Fresh from his recent revelations as to the inevitable results of higher education on the woman of the future, Sir Jumes Crichton Browne, who presided yesterday over a meeting of the British Dental Association, has felt it his painful duty to call attention to the lamentable condition of the tooth of the present. The picture he draws Is truly desolating, and it is all the more so in that It is founded, on the relentless basis of actual investigation. Out of 1,861 children under 12, recently examined, the proportion of those blest with normal or perfect teeth, in need of neither extracting nor filling, was only one in eighteen. Even more alarming are the dental statistics of Leeds, where 1)0 per cent, of the teeth of the population are bad. Furthermore. Sir James stated that no fewer than 10,000,000 of artificial teeth are used in England annually. Of the three causes to which Sir James Crichton Browne attributed the present parlous condition of the human tooth—soft food, high pressure and vitiated atmosphere—the first, at least, is by no me. ns an inevitable condition of latter-day life. On the other hand, the nervous tension of modern existence and the growth of large towns are factors which cannot be eliminated from the great dental problem, and are bound to exert an incieasingly destructive influence on the type of the coming man. We are rapidly tending toward an .era of total baldness, and this, it seems, is to he further aggravated by toothlessness. There is an ancient Greek legend of the daughters of Phorcys, who had only one eye and one tooth among them. This, we take it. must have been a prophetic view of the results of culture and civilization on the woman of the future.— London Globe. TreKcheroua Soil. Snipe-shooting on an Irish bog .is an excellent test of a gunner’s skill and enthusiasm. In “Forty-five Years of Sport,” Mr. Oorballis says that he was out shooting with LordGormanstWn, who weighed two hundTed and 111 1 tty Pounds, and his agent, weighing two hundred and ten, when they came to a bog swarming with snipe. The walking was dangerous, for at every step the surface of the moss for fifty yards around rose and fell like a wave of the sea. " •; Suddenly Lord Gormanstown put his feet on a tuft of grass, and down he went up to his armpits. The agent shook with laughter, which so disturbed the bog he stood on that it gave way, and let him in up .to his trmpits A man was sent to the nearest house, a mile away, for a rope, and the two heavy men, after remaining in the bog for three-quarters of an hour, were hauled out An experienced’ lk>g-shooter, if He finds himself going down, throws

f himself flat on his side.or back, an I at the same.,time throws hi* gun ti fills -attendant, art utishoif “gossoon,” who rarely fails to catch it The sensation of being bogged li very unpleasant, but if a jnoiq. throWj himself on his side or hack, there it strength enough in the peat to sup port his body. One Irish snipe-shooter, Mr. Fos. ter, of was so cdol that h« had been ‘ known, when,bogged and going down, to kill a bird with his right! barrel, another with hiss ileft, and throw his gun for a friend ty catch. • ' ‘ - S J' ' \ : The Rmiod Why. > I have often heard the question asked why eight-day clocks are common, and why clocks Intended to run about a week without winding are not made to run seven days exactly. There is an excellent reason for this. The only way to keep a clock going steadily that does not require winding every day is to select one day in the week to wind it, and hence an eight-day clock is wound up every seventh day with considerable regularity, the experience proving that it is impossible to remember to do it exactly on the eighth day. As a result, the spring is seldom allowed to run down, and the point where It is the weakest is protected. Exactly the same principle can he found in a watch, the spring, of which is constructed to run about thirty hours. The man who winds up his watch about the same time every ovenlng seldom has any difficulty with it, while the man who winds up his watch when he feels like it and frequently lots it run down at night is liable to disconcert the most valuable timekeeper he can purchase. Many office men, in order to insure regularity, wind up their watches the first thing after opening their desk In the morning, and on the whole this seems a much more common-sense arrangement than the old-fnshlonod and more orthodox plan of winding up at night.—St. Louis Globe-Demo-crat.

Good roads require something more than the labor of farmers measured out in the spring payment of a petty poll tap. In fact, furmors might devrttfe half- their time to “working on the rdad” and country highways would then show but little improvement over their present condition. It. is not nioro wor£ that is needed, hut better plans!; the methods of construction must be scientific. This means that there must he a new profession of highway engineering. It may constitute a branch of civil engineering, hut It will extend into a field which the civil engineer has not the time to enter. Schools and collegos should make provision for tills now profession. The course of study will include first the importance of good roads. The student must know that their uses are commercial, social, political and military, and to what extent each of these elements of our national existence and prosperity depends upon the common means of Intercommunication. This involves a history of highways, extending from the time of the Homans and Egyptians, since it Is well known that their supremacy, in the world of their day wus largely duo to magnificent roadways. There are many points of distinction between a. road and a) street which the student must master. Coming specifically to the road, attention must be given to its expense or economy. Thdri will follow the questions of shape qr cross-sec-tion, surface or finish, (llrectiou or alignment, and grade or inclination! There is much to learn on the subjects of location, workmanship, maintenance nnd legislation. The mere enumeration of those points is sufficient to show that good roads depend upon technical skill quite as much as railroads and bridges. They can never be had by the aimless plowing and scraping which the pathmaster throughout the country orders every spring, not even though the work extended through the year. It must bo that, every farmer realizes the money value of good roads. “In the western wheat legion,” reads a statement in the tenth census report, “according to the estimates received, it costs the ordinary farmer more to carry a bushel of wheat a mile than it does the ordinary railroad to carry a ton, consequently when we get west of Lake Michigan it rarely pays to grow wheat more than twenty miles from rail or water transportation." Having been convinced of the enormous odds against him in his competition with the rest of the world, the farmer is helpless in the effort to equalize the conditions, so far as reaching a market is concerned. He must turn his roads over to some one who knows what they lack and can supply it. The highway engineer is a necessity of the future.

Mb. Gladstone's home rule programme has been published, and Is probably even more objectionable to the uncompromising Unionist than it was expected to be. Instead of providing for the removal of Irish peers from the House of Lords and Irish members from the House of Commons, it proposes that Ireland shall be represented for a time in both houses as at present* and thus make it doubly difficult for the Ulster men to oppose the new order of things when &'shall have been instituted. The scheme also provides for the employment of the police and military to enfore the payment of all taxes that may be imposed by the Irish Parliament, and accordingly warns the people of Ulster that, if need be, coercion will be used to reduce them to submission. How this programme will please the British electors remains, of course, to be seen; but tho ipfovisions which we have referred to will be stoutly assailed by tho Unionists, and be made the basis of vigorous appeals to the country not to allow Mr. Gladstone te be restored to power. A young Chicago merchant while in San Francisco had his pocket picked of S2O. He pounced on the thieves, demanded his money back, and got it. Then he insisted on $lO extra to pay him for his trouble, and got that also. The incident will afford esteemed Eastern contemporaries another chance to say something about “Chicago greed.” We always admire a dentist for ons thing at least. He isn't afraid to say a thing right to your teeth.

SWSOEN AT THff FAIR. S|NT(tal HltMrlf Mil Agrlcuttirrmi Display *P the SoMriinnrtati Kingdom. The Swedish World’s Fair building will be lecatedi on a most eligible site opposite the Fisheries Department, on a triangular plat comprising 17,tOO square feet. The building itself will cover 12,000-square feet, and be triangular in form to fit the space alotted. It will consist of a main floor and gallery, have a south front of 164 feet, and architecurally »be patterned after the Swedish Cathedral style. Rising above the center of the front elevation will be a characteristic tower 200 feet In height. The structure will be of wood, made entirely in Sweden, and be shipped from Stockholm to Chicago in sections. The dwellings, fur-*

nituro and costumes of the Swedish people 800 yeurs ago and down the centuries since then will be shown in proper succession. In order to secure space for this comprehensive exhibition the Swedish Commissioners surrendered spaces alotted to them in the Manufacturing, Mining and Liberal Arts Buildings. Sweden will make no exhibit in the Fisheries Department, but hor neighbor, Norway, will make up for the omission. Sweden, will, however, make line agricultural and dairy exhibits, paying special attention to the latter. The King of Slum’* Wlvea. “Tho Chinese do all the menial labor in Slam. They also keop all the pawnshops and gambling houses, and teach the Siamese how to gamble, * said Lieut L. N. Rasmussen at the Grand l'aclUo yesterday. He Is a young Danish officer, who went to Slum i\lx yours ago at tho solicitation of the king, to ufegist in drilling the royal troops in European fashion. “The king has not a very large army—only 3,000 or 4,000 men—although the name of every male subject is on either the army or naval roll. But they are never called into service, as tho king cannot stund the expense of feeding a large army. Moreover, It Is not needed, as there are few outbreaks or disturbances. “The king’s army is larger than his family, but the latter is of pretty fair size. Nobody dares to give the exact llgures, but at last accounts he had 100 wives and 105 children. The present king Is a man about 38 years old, I think;, and he is popular. He is the highest power, owns the whole country, and does about as he pleases, but he is well liked. His eldest son is the crown prince. Just now that youth is a member of the Buddhist priesthood. All the prlnees and nobles have to go through the priesthood before they are fhlly fledged.” “How does tho king got all his wives?” “They are presents to him from the nobles. ..They offer him their daughters. Of course, no one would dare to offer him one that was not fairly good-looking, and ho seldom refuses to accept them. Should he refuse, the parents might as well move out of Siam, as tho refusal would simply mean that the parents were in royal disfavor.” « “How do the other people get their wives over there?” “Oh, buy them. Many of the nobles have numerous wives. If a girl strikes their fancy they negotiate for hor purchase, but not generally until they have paid her proper suit. Some of them buy their wives from the ranks of the actresses In the Siamese theaters. Prices vary from-SI,OOO to SBO. It costs more to marry Into a rich family. Sometimes young couples elope, Just as they do In other countries. But the groom has to settle just the same. There Is a rate fixed for elopements—4oo tleals, or about s24o.”—San Franciso Chronicle. Ancestor* of tho Horie. Some interesting facts' about the geological ancestors of the horse have recently been made known by Professor Marsh. Various forms of horselike animals that lived in America in those remote times known to the geologists* as the eocene, miocene, and pliocene epochs, and which may have occurred millions of years ago, have been unearthed, and science has* not shrunk from the task of reconstructing these animals from their fragmentary remains. The curiously interesting statement is made by Professor Marsh, that “the oldest ancestor of the horse —as yet undiscovered—undoubtedly had live toes on each foot, and probably was not larger than a rabbit, perhaps much smaller.” He even ventures to predict in which of the geological strata the animal will probably be found, and suggests that it be named “Ilippops.” In modern times a horse Is occasionally seen which possesses extra toes, thus showing the existence of a slight tendency, under‘certain cirditions, to revert to the peculiarities of its remote ancestors. This tendency is one of the proofs which science has to offer that the noble and beautiful animal, whose services add so much to the powers and the enjoyments of man, has really been developed from those queer beasts of ancient times to which the geologists have given Buch names as cohippus, crohippus, protohippus, miohippus, and pliohippus. Very Interesting. It is interesting to learn that we live a distance of only twenty trillion miles from the nearest of the so-called •fixed” stars. Some people lose their temper whqv another states what they did nol know before, forgetting that if learn anything we must learn from those who know what we do not know.' If we get mad, we close the ' 4oor; If we listen, we learn.

SWEDEN'SBUILDING.