Democratic Sentinel, Volume 16, Number 28, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 29 July 1892 — CLEVELAND AND STEVENSON. [ARTICLE+ILLUSTRATION]

CLEVELAND AND STEVENSON.

For President, GROVER CLEVELAND, OF NEW TORE. For Vice President, ADLAI E. STEVENSON, OF rLLIN’OIS.

“Once more unto the White House?” Says Grover; “Well, I’ll go; I think we’ll thaw that iceberg out Before the fall winds blow.” From James G. Blaine to John W. Foster! Think of it! The Quaystone of the Republican arch is missing this year. Mr. Carnegie has thrown the first ■brick at the Republican ticket. The back step of the Cleveland band-wagon is already loaded down. The American workingman will not be “worked” to any great extent this year. Clarkson will not steal the subscription list of any of the Prohibition papers this year. The force bill hangs about the neck of the Republican Presidential candidate like a millstone. If Mr. Harrison does not forgive Mr. Quay after that SIO,OOO bluff he must have had a cold, hard heart. J. WniTELAw Reid is the style in vrhic«js it now appears. Like J. Sloat Fassett, Mr. Reid was known through the earlier period of his existence as “Jakie.” In both of these cases the J stands right out for Jonah. If the Democrats, in 1892, carry the thirty States they carried in 1890, they will secure 357 electoral votes, the Republicans will get 73, and the Farmers’ Alliance 14. The issues are the same in 1892 that they were in 1890. r As Mr. Harrison’s new Secretary of State has not yet threatened to wallop any miserable, skulking foreign power, it begins to look as if the doors of the administration’s temple of Janus might be shut and the interior turned into a receptacle for pub. docs. - ■ ■ The cheerful assurance of the Republican leaders in a Republican victory next fall is based, so far as it has a basis, on the supposition that in 1890 the people were fools, and that they have been educated beauty of the McKinley bill by paying high taxes on the necessaries of life. St. Louis Republic: What right had Plutocrat Carnegie to arm men with Winchesters and engage in private war against American citizens? Is this the nineteenth century, or are we getting back to the days of robber barons with their armed retainers? Have we destroyed the feudalism of aristocrats merely to substitute for it commercial feudalism? Detroit Free Press: The vigor with which Republican spell-binders are delving into the records of profane history to find out what they can about Adlai E. Stevenson is highly amusing. The deeper they go the more clearly is shown the wisdom of Democracy in nominating him as a clean, upright, straightforward man. The whole thing is a device for apologizing for Whitelaw Reid, but each new development of the searchers puts another scotch under Mr. Reid’s wheel. Des Moines Leader: Every interference with trade is a check on the wheels of progress. He who tunnels a mountain, bridges a river, or in any way removes any impediment to the freest intercourse between people is a public benefactor. And he who in any way puts up a barrier to commerce is a public enemy. The people are beginning to see this, and when they do see it in its fullness they will bury the opponents of a tariff for revenue only so deep there will never be a resurrection. \ " Chicago Times: Republican organs in lowa should be careful how they stir up the ire of the People’s party candidate for President. It is unBho knows so upaign methlould tell all s from which nds for his there might camp. Or if ’unds flowing 1884 from the the Repub-

lican party in the Fifth Avenue Hotel, high-tariff organs might conclude that silence would have served them better. The Rocky Mountain News (Democratic) refuses to support Cleveland. It will throw its influence to the People’s party. When it is remembered that Colorado is a Republican strong hold,, it will be seen that victory for the People’s party as against Republicanism in that State wUI inure to the benefit of Democracy. There is ond tariff journal, at least, which knows what duties are imposed for and is not afraid to accept the logic of a tariff like the McKinley act. The Pittsburg Chroni-cle-Telegraph says that England has to import a large quantity of breadstuffs and that “any duty it may impose on those imports must necessarily go into the price it must pay for them.” But according to the Republican platform the imposition of the duty ought to bring down the price to the British consumer; and according to McKinley it should make no difference to him, because the exporter pays the duty. Carnegie and the other robber barons would look with dismay upon the prospect of Democratic success. As was well said by Chairman Wilson in his opening speech to the Chicago convention: “Whoever may be your chosen leader in this campaign, no cablegram will flash across the sea from the castle of absentee tariff lords to congratulate him.” Such congratulations come only to the nominees of Republican conventions. But while Carnegie and other tariff lords congratulated Harrison and Reid in June, the honest workingmen whom they have deceived and outraged may contribute not a little to the betterment of their own conditions by voting for Cleveland and Stevenson in November.

Mr. Cleveland has written a let?ter disapproving of the use of his wife’s name by the Frances Cleveland Influence Club of New York. He claims that the name is too sacred in the home circle, and means so much to him as wife and mother, that it should be spared in the organization and operation of clubs designed to exert political influence. The sentiment does him great credit, and will be echoed in the heart of every true woman in the land. Besides, while Grover is fully aware of the importance of woman’s co-opera-tion, he knows that the battle of next November is to be fought on other grounds than those of mere sentiment. The tariff’s the thing, and Mr. Carnegie has aroused all the feeling necessary for Democratic success. Memphis Appeal - Avalanche: The Chicago Inter Ocean continues to assert that one-lialf the legal voters are not allowed to cast a vote, or if they are permitted to cast a vote, it is not counted. Why the Inter Ocean stultifies itself by circulating such a self-evident and clumsy lie we do not understand. If it will refer to the returns for 1888 and 1890 it will see that Harrison got in the Southern States, excluding Texas, nearly 1,000,000 votes, while the Democratic candidates for Congress two years afterward, when the force bill threatened the South, secured only about 1,100,000. Yet there are two whites to one negro in the South, and the great majority of the whites are Democrats. Will the Inter Ocean explain how, in view of these facts, half of the legal yoters are not allowed to cast a vpte, or the vote is not counted, when the count in the Southern States, excepting Texas, gives Harrison almost as many votes as the Democratic candidates for Congress received in 1890?

There is great unanimity of silence among the Republican exchanges on the subject of the Carnegie murders. When an organ does refer to the matter it is always in an effort to prove that there was no politics in the war at Homestead; that the slaughter at Fort Frick was only the result of a “family quarrel,” in which the public has no interest. Such reasoning is on a line with Mr. Blaine’s famous contention that “trusts are largely private affairs.” Unfortunately for the Republican party, the ordinary run of humanity is not at home in the specious logic of the high-tariff economists. The people understand facts. Mr. Carnegie is the bright and shining apostle of protection. He contributed liberally to the Republican campaign fund, and he has been awarded large contracts by the Government. He has written articles for the magazines on the beauties of protection. Nevertheless he deliberately fortifies his works, reduces wages and hires an army of men to subjugate and shoot down his workmen. There may be no logical connection between Mr. Carnegie> theories and the Homestead war, but there is not time between now and November for the Republican organs to convince the voters of the fact. Mr. Harrison is described as extremely nervous over what he calls Mr. Carnegie’s obstinacy, and well he may be. In the Fort Frick murders he sees his own defeat and the downfall of protection.