Democratic Sentinel, Volume 16, Number 15, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 29 April 1892 — Page 5

GEOVER, THEN GRAY.

HOOSIER DEMOCRATS DECLARE THEIR CHOICE. ■ Lively Convention-at Indianapolis—Cleveland Is Indorsed and Matthews Selected for the Governorship—The Ex-Governor 'Faros Well—Favor Honest Money. The Ticket. Governor Claude Matthews I Jeu tenant Governor Mobtimeb Nyk Secretary ot State.. .Captain W. R. Myebs Treasurer Albkbt Gali. AuditorJ. 0. Hkndehson Attorney General Greek Smith Supt. of InstructionHibvby D. White The above is the head of the'ticket—a ticket as long as a comet’s tail—that was placed in nomination by the representatives' of the Democracy of the Hoosier State in convention assembled. It was one'of the most orderly, well-be-haved, business-like and enthusiastic State conventions that ever met in Indianapolis, and the ticket nominated is confessedly one of the strongest that the Democrats of Indiana have ever submitted for the suffrages of the people.. Every county in the State was represented by a full delegation and 3,000

enthusiastic Democrats from throughout the State crowded the galleries and aisles. The convention was held in Tomlinson Hall, a magnificently decorated structure, in which the stars and stripes played a prominent part in the elaborate adornments. 3 On the stage were

CLAUDE MATTHEWS

seated 150 of the prominent Democratic leaders of the State, and overhanging the Chairman’s desk were half a dozen mammoth American flags, bearing the portraits of Cleveland, Gray and Hendricks. Among the Democratic leaders seated on the stage were: Senators Turpie and Voorhees, William English, Vice Presidential candidate on the Hancock ticket; Chairman Taggart, of the State Central Committee; 8. P. Sheerin, Secretary of the National Democratic Committee; Congressmen Jason Brown, George W. Cooper and W. D. Bynum, a dozen ex-Congressmen and all the State Delegates to the National Convention. Senator Turpie Presided. The convention was called to order by Chairman Taggart. Ex-Senator Smith invoked divine blessing. There were loud cheers when the Committee on Permanent Organization reported United States Senator Turpie as chairman of the convention and Senator Voorhees, Hugh Dougherty, Charles L. Jewett and Samuel E. Morse as dele-gates-at-large to the Naticnal Convention. Senator Turpie made a forcible speech in support of Democratic principles and attacked the billion-dollar Congress and the administration of Mr. Harrison. Among other things he said: This convention means much more than the selection of the different candidates for the State offices to be filled next November. ItiscomEised of the constituent elements of the emocracy of Indiana, assembled to take measures for the advancement of their cause and for the public welfare. It means absolute freedom and equality of elections in the several States. It means the defeat and overthrow of all force bills and Federal returning boards. It means the perpetual establishment of elections by the people and for the people as *he chief art and part of political liberty. And we may note now, since the deieat ot that nefarious measure, what a cessation there has been of mere sectional strife and racial hatred The “Southern outrage,” formerly manufactured daily, has ceased to be a commodity on the market. Quiet and tranquillity have followed the defeat of sectional fanaticism. Peace—domestic peace—has Bowed in on us like a river and has visited all our borders with its most gracious benediction. This convention means reduction of the rates of taxation, the readjustment of those rates so 1 hat i the public burdens shall not be placed merely upon man’s daily necessities, but in some degree upon their wealth and ability to bear and pay them. The proposition that all land and labor of the country must be specially taxed for the benefit of a comparatively small portion of the community—what are called the protected industries—this small portion being in corrupt alliance with certain portical agencies of the Republican party, and being vested wih the taxing power of the Government to enricn themselves by a forced levy and daily pillage of all the men and women engaged in oth< r trades and vocation —this proposition is one from which reason and justice alike recoil. T his is a policy which the voters if the United. States nave, as long ago as November, 1890, by a firm and immutable decree, determined to erase and expunge from national legislation. Our presence here also implies the Immediate reduction of public expenditures; it signifies the political death and burial ot all the supporters and advocates of that mammoth extravaganza, the billion appropriation bill, and especially it indicates the early political obsequies ot that very demure and reticent billionist who has his lodgings at present in the White House, who signed and approved that bill, without whose name and signature this enormous draft upon the moneys of the people could neither have been made, paid nor presented.

A return of the administration of the government to the ancient line of wise and strict economy and the highest Integrity in public expenditures ■will give us the more abundant funds for the purpose of meeting the just and necessary demands upon the National Treasury. And this assembly, therefore, means that the pensions due to the soldiers and sailors in the service of the United States, their personal representatives during the war for the Union, shall be punctually and promptly paid, as provided by law. The army pensions shall be generously sustained and approved. The tariff pensions, the tariff bounties, subsidies and monopolies must all go upon the list of rejected claims must be totally abolished and finally repealed. The most complete personification, the veritable flesh and blood embodiment of the fallacies, falsehoods and follies of Republicanism is found in the present occupant of the presidential chair. At the commencement of the present session of congress the President s nt a message to the people, through their representatives nt that time assembled. The period when the message was sent was one of much depression. There were thousands of laborers, miners, mechanics, waiting and waiting in vain for the increase in wages promised by the McKinley bill There were other thousands waiting for work, for employment at any wages, promised after the pas sage of the same measure The great agricultural products-cotton, corn, wheat—were depressed in prices and sustained nothing like the values which they had before the adoption of what is called the protective policy. But in this message so delivered not a word was said about the increase of wages; no suggestion was made with reference to additional chances for work and employment. There was a dead silence as to the depression in the price of farm products. There were very voluminous utterances concerning Behring Sea end Balmaceda. There were some very misty predictions and mysterious prophecies about the benefit* to be conferred upon this portion of mankind following from that very attenuated and shadowy hull of reciprocity. One would think from reading the President's message and making a fair and full interpretation of it—and of course I would make no other —that the people es the United States actually had no other means of redress, of escape, from the restrictions and exactions of McKinleyism than be the special grace and favor of some ambassador of the treaty-making foreign powers; the minister from Brazil, the Spanish cortes, the Captain General of Cuba, the Governor of Porto ftico—these can change, alter and amend the tariff rates in the McKinley bill, but it is claimed that ths people of the United States have no such power. It will be shown in November next by many Infallible proofs that the voters of this country have that power in their own hands. They will make and find a morp excellent way than any that has been dreamed of in the riddles or bubbles of diplomacy. Yes. the President sent to the people a message last December, and in November next the people trill send a message to the President. It Will be the same message that was sent to another ruler in another age: •You have been weighed-you have been weighed in the balance and you are found want{ng.* The Platform Adopted. The Committee on Resolutions reported the following platform, which wae read amid cheers and adopted by acclamation: We, tbe Democracy of Indiana, in delegate convention assembled, reaffirm our devotdo i to tbe lime-honored principles of our historic party. We believe that the powers delegated by the peopls shpuld be strictly construed; that the autonomy of the States and the rights of local self-government and home rule should be zealously guarded; that no money should be taken from tbe people under any pretext for other than public purposes : that the strictest economy should be exercised In all governmental expenditures, whether local. State. 1 or notional; that legislation should be confined to the legi (mate objects of government; that public offio. is a solemn public trust. we are uncompromisingly opposed to tbe enlargement and oon<entration of Federal powers; to tbe usurpation by the Central Government of the functions of the States* to bounties mid subeidiae.ip every form; to every species of class legislation and Government

•partnership with private ■enterprise to the whole theory and practioe of paternalism. A e believe that m a free country toe curtailment of absolute rights of the individual should onty be wuch as is .essential to the peace and :good order of the community, and we regard all legislation 'looking to the infringement of liberty of person or conscience not absolutely necessary to the maintenance us public order as vicious in principle and demoralizing tn practice. We arraign the administra ion of Benjamin Harrison for its subserviency te the interest of themoney .power which created it and its Indifference to the ■welfare ot the people; for its brazen violation of its solemn pledges to the country to elevate and purify the public service ; for its shameless prostitution of the public patronage to the vilest partisan purposes, as illustrated by the-sale o: a Cabinet office to John Wanamaker; by the employment of the Pension Bureau as a party machine, ana by the promotion of William A. Woods to a higher poet iu the Federal judiciary as a reward for hie services iu saving the “blocks of five" conspirators from the penitentiary; Tor its contemptuous repudiation of its promises to the veteran soldiers of the Union; for its wicked attempt to fasten upon tbs country the odious and un-Ameriean fores bill, intended, to deprive the people ot the right to regulate their own elections; for its weak and demagogical foreign lollcy, which has exhibited the American government te the world as a bully toward the feeble and a truckler to the powerful. We favor such a radical and comprehensive measure of tariff reform .as shall relieve the necessities Of the people and crude material of our manufactures from federal taxation. We condemn the so-called reciprocity policy as a transparent attempt te impose upon American people the shadow of 'commercial freedom for its'iubstanoe, in order 1 o perpetuate the existing system of licensed spojfatioa for the benefit of trusts and monopolies, which are the chief support of the Republican party. We believe that there should be kept in constant circulation a full and sufficient volume of money, consisting of gold, silver and legal tender paper currency, at par with each other. Weiavor the el’eotion of United States Senators directlyby the people, and oommend Senator Turpie for his efforts in Congress to secure this great reform. We indorse the course of our distinguished Senators, Daniel W. Voorhees and David Turpie, and we favor the re-election of Turpie to the position he has filled with such ability. We.most heartily applaud the action of our two last legislatures in passing the school-book laws, thereby giving the people of Indiana a complete series of school text-books equal to those formerly used at one-half the trust prices. We pledge ourselves to resist every attempt of the school-book combineto regain their control of Indiana and by that means bring about the frequent and expensive'Changes in books of which the people justly complained in former years. We approve the Australian election system introduced in Indiana by the Democratic party. It has stood the test of experience, and we aie in favor of maintaining it intact Ti ls convention hereby renews the expression of appreciation of the patriotism of the soldiers of Indiana in the war for the preservation of the Union and we favor just and liberal pensions for all disabled soldi-rs, their widows and dependents, but we demand that the work of the pension offices hall bedone industriously, Impartially and honestly. We denounce the administration of that office by the present commissioner. Green B. Raum, as incompetent, corrupt, disgraceful, and dishonest, and we demand his immediate removal from office. We heartily indorse the new tax law as a wise and beneficent act by which the increased revenues necessary for the support of the State Government are raised entirely from the corporations of the State that had heretofore unjustly escaped their fair proportion of taxation. We commend the Legislature fffr refusing to adopt Gov. Hovey’s recommendation to increase the State levy from 12 cents to 2> cents on SIOO, and for meeting the necessary expenses of the State’s benevolent institutions by a levy of 0 cents on the 8100. We denounce the in'amous conspiracy of the Republican county commissioners, township trustees, and other officials of Indiana who for the purpose of creating unfair prejudice against the new law tax have wantonly and needlessly increased the local taxes in the lorty-six counties controlled by them more than $1,210,000, a sum greater than the total increase of State taxes in the entire State. Vi e call on the taxpayers of those counties to rebuke at the polls those local officials who have put this needless and oppressive burden upon them. The Democratic party stands by its record as the triend of the masses as against the classes, and calls the attention of the laboring men of Indiana to the fact that it has given to them the eight-hour law, the law to prevent blacklisting, the law prohibiting truck stores, the law lor the protection of miners, and laws which make it impossible for Pinkerton detectives to arrest and slay laboring men in Indiana because ot their efforts toward self-protection. For thirty-five years the Republican party has legislated for the rich and powerful and in the interests of corporate wealth. The Democratic party pledges itself to remedy the evils growing out of such class legislation, and in future contests stand by the great producing masses, whose toil and self-sacrifices are the foundation ot all national wealth. We commend the organization of the industrial classes for self-protect ion against trusts, combines, and monopolies, and call attention of tbe farmers and laborers to the fact that every evil complained of by them is the result of Republican legislation.' ' Resolved, That this convention indorse’ the wise ancL patriotic administration of Grover Cleveland; that tbe Presidential campaign of 1191 should be conducted on the issue of tariff retorm as defined by the Presidential message of 1887; that, upon this issue, Mr. i leveland is the logical canoidate of the Democratic party. Resolved, That the Democratic party of Indiana expresses its unalterable confidence and attachment to its gallant leader, Isaac P. Grav; that it holds him to be worthy of any honor In the government of the American people, and that his name be presented to the convention by tbe delegation this day appointed, and in the event that the national convention deems the nomination of Mr. Cleveland inexpedient, the delegat on is instructed to use every honorable effort to secure the nomination of Gov. Isaac P. Gray for the Presidency . Named for the Supreme Court.

Jeptha D. New, of Jennings, and William R. Johqson, of Dearborn, were placed in nomination for Supreme <>udge of the Second District. Before the roll-call/was half over Judge New had been nominated. Judge Johnson withdrew, and New’s nomination was made unanimous. For Supreme Judge of the Third District, Judge C. F. McNutt, of Vigo, and James McCabe, of Warren, were placed before the convention. The contest was very close, but near the end of the call McCabe began to forge ahead, and at the close was nominated by a vote of 7‘29 Jto 5734. On motion of McNutt, the defeated candidate, the nomination of McCabe was made unanimous. For Supreme Judge of the Fifth District Timothy E. Howard, of St. Joseph, was nominated on the first ballot. Appellate Court Nominations. George L. Reihhardt of Spencer County was nominated for Judge of the Appellate Court for the First District, Frank E. Gavin of Decatur County nominated for Judge of the Appellate Court for the Second District, and Theodore P. Davis of Hamilton County was nominated for Appellate Judge of the Third District. For Appellate Judge of the Fourth District O. J. Loty of Delaware was nominated on the second ballot, and for the Fifth District G. E. Ross of Cass County on the third ballot. Turned His Face to the Walt. At this juncture one of the most amusing incidents of the day occurred. Large-sized portraits of Gray, Cleveland, and Hendricks had been suspended in a row above the stage during the proceedings. Suddenly the portrait of Gray begun to swing", probably impelled by slight draughts of air, and finally tinned with the face to the wall, resting in that position. Instantly there was a wild yell of applause from the Cleveland men, who regarded this as an omen of the retirement of Isaac Pusey Gray from the Presidential arena. Frantic attempts were made by the Gray men on the stage to restore the picture to its original position, but it persisted repeatedly in swinging back with the face to the wall, and each unsuccessful attempt to readjust it was only the signal for jeers of hilarity from the Clevelend men and cries of “They turned his picture to the wall!” The Gray men finally desisted and the exGovernor’s portrait remained for an hour with his face to the wall, until some thoughtful genius inserted guy cords to keep it steady. While these wild attempts were being made to preserve the Gray portrait in a dignified position, another draught of air caught Cleveland’s portrait and it, too, began to swing to one side. Immediately there were deafening cheers of delight from the Gray men, but their enthusiasm was short-lived. The portrait only swung half way round, and when it stopped, facing the ladies’ gallery, and the fair admirers of the exPresident applauded his unconscious deference to their sex, the Cleveland men caught it up and the late mishap was made the occasion for another <nthusiastio Cleveland demonstration. Content for Gov.->rnor« The greatest contest of the day began

when the nomination of a candidate foi Governor was in order. John G. lin of Evansville, Mason J. Niblaek ot Vincennes, and Mortimer Nye of Laporte were each placed in nomination with the usual manifestations of enthusiasm, but the wildest demonstration of the day took place when Claude Matthews of Clinton was presented as “the farmer candidate.” His followers leaped to their feet en masse when his name was presented, and, tossing their hats and handkerchiefs in the air, gave cheer after cheer for their candidate, until the galleries caught the infection, and for three minutes it looked as though Mr. Matthews must be nominated by acclamation. When the roll-call began Mr. Matthews forged ahead from the very beginning. The conclusion of the ballot showed Mathews within a few votes of the nomination, the result being: Matthews, 618; Shanklin, 360; Niblack, 173; and Nye, 160. Immediately St. Joseph Count? changed her 26 votes to Matthews, and when Tippecanoe followed by giving her 21 votes his nomination was assured, snd as the band struck up “Auld Lang Syne” cheer after cheer was given fol

GHOVER CLEVELAND.

the successful candidate. On the motion of the friends of Shanklin, Nye and Niblaek the nomination of Mr. Mathews was made unanimous. Prolonged applause greeted the appearance of Mr. Matthews, who made a brief speech, concluding: I will have the pleasure before the campaign is over of meeting you, fellow-Democrats, ir. each county of the State, so I will no longer take up your time. I will only thank you for the honor you have conferred upon me to-day—-for it is a divine privilege to be a Democrat. It is a glorious privilege to be the standard-bearer of Democracy, and while your standard is in my keeping it shall mot be trailed in the dust. Then were loud cries for Shanklin, and that gentleman finally .responded in a felicitous little speech. “I had prepared," said he, “a wholly different speech from the one which you are about to hear. I had pictured myself the possessor of the nomination of the party to which I have always belonged—the great object and ambition of my life. But I am here now as a Democrat, and although this convention has presented the cup of disappointment to my lips and I turn from its tasting with a little tinge of sadness, perhaps, yet that disappointment is notone which will rankle in my heart." Messrs. Niblack aud Nye also made brief speeches, and pledged their cordial support to the nominee of the party in the coming campaign. Mr. Matthews Is a Farmer. Claude Matthews, the nominee, was born Dec. 14, 1845, at Bethel, Bath County, Ky. He graduated at Center College, Danville, Ky., in June, 1867. He married Jan. 1, 1868, Martha R. Whitcomb, only child of the late James Whitcomb, who was Governor of Indiana in 1843 and 1846. Mr. Matthews moved to Vermillion County in 1869 and located on a farm three miles west of Clinton, where he has resided ever since, engaging in farming and stock breeding. In 1876 he was elected to the Legislature. In 1890 he was elected Secretary of State by a plurality of nearly 20,000. He has always been a Democrat and never engaged in any other business than that of farming. He is a member of the Farmers’ Mutual Benefit Association and is expected to receive great support from the agricultural organizations. Other Nominations. For Lieutenant Governor the following candidates were proposed: Mason J. Niblack, Mortimer Nye, Samuel W. Axtell,, John G. Shanklin, and I. B. McDonald. Marion County nominated Shanklin, and the nomination was immediately withdrawn by Shanklin’s own county. When Knox County was reached Mason J. Niblack’s name was withdrawn, but not upon his authority, it was alleged. Other counties continued to vote for him. The first ballot resulted in no choice, but on the second ballot Mortimer Nye, of La Porte, was nominated. The following candidates were then nominated by acclamation, and the convention adjourned: Secretary of State, William B. Myers; Auditor of State, John Oscar Henderson; Treasurer of State, Albert Gall; Attorney General, Alonzo Greensmith; Reporter Supreme Court, Sidney R. Moon; Superintendent of Public Instruction, Hervey D. Voreis: State Statistician, William A. Peelle.

Scissored Smiles.

Preacher—Every man must some day settle hisaccount with his Maker. Tailor—l wish you could impress young Sapmind with that idea. He hasn’t settled with me in about a year and a half.—Boston Courier. “Ever notice how naturally military men drift into speculation?” “Oh, yes. Take our old friend, Col. Lateral, for instance.” Journal. Mrs. Snaggs was bewailing the fact that she had no library. “Look at me, my dear,” said Snaggs, swelling up with pride, “am not I a whole library, including dictionary and encyclopedia?” “Yes,” answered his wife, looking at him discontentedly; “bound in calf.” —Detroit Free Press. How happy is the humble man Who has a cheap umbrella. That ne'er excites the envy of Some sneaking, thievish fellow. She—“ You know, Doctor, that my husband is very much opposed to my going away. Do you think (anxiously) I wiU be ill enough to go to Europe?” The Doctor (doubtfully)—“That's pretty hard to tell.” She—“ You Know I want to make certain of it. Perhaps you had better call a few more times.” Fntyr Young Woman—“ Mabel is writing for a magazine.” Second Young Woman (jealous)—“Well, H she incloses the subscription price I have no doubt she will get it.”— Washington Star. The Youth—“l love you fondly.* The Boston Girl—“ Let me feel you: pulse. You do not object to mv making a scientific analysis, do you?'

A Bit of Repartee.

The manager of the dime museum was feeling pretty rocky when he met the snake-charmer at dinner. “How are your snakes to-day?” h» inquired, by way of salutation. “All in their cages,” she responded, pleasantly. “How are yours?” And the manager went out to the flowing hydrant in the back yard and stuck bis head under it.—Detroit Free Press.

THEY WANT FREE WOOL

TEXTILE WORKERS PETITION TO THAT EFFECT. The McKinley Tariff Shown to Be Positively Harmful—Protection in England— The People and the Sugar Trust—Oat Meal and the Tariff. Want the Duty Removed. The following is a portion of the petition In favor of free wool, aud lower duties on woolens, sent to the Committee on Ways and Means by the Kensington Reform Club of Philadelphia. The olub is composed of workmen in the large woolen factories of that city: “Although labor is most directly interested in the arrangment of tariff schedules It has been customary for those who favor high protective duties to turn a deaf ear to its appeals, despite their protestations of solicitude for the welfare of the toilers, while the clamors of those who find a special interest in high duties, having the time and means to besiege the doors of Congress, have not been unheeded. The fat that is being fried out of the workingmen enables them to render special service to the partisan machine, and thus they can make their weight felt far better than the fleeced workingmen. “Now, however, that there is once more an opportunity for labor to be heard upon an equal footing with the capitalists, we, the Kensington Reform Club, an organization composed of workingmen in every branch ot the textile industries, send greeting to the friends of fair play and honest government, with a prayer for the immediate passage of the free-wool bill now under consideration in the House, which, while it may not fully meet our desires, is yet a measure offering great relief to the whole people. “The labor in the woolen mills has never been in so depressed a condition as in the past year. The carpet industry was never so demoralized. Wages have been reduced both in a direct way aud by the various subterfuges called adjustments, readjustments and tin ‘s, and yet the cost of living has been perceptibly increased until the condition of labor is well nigh unbearable. Employment has grown more unsteady, many mills working but partial time, some closed entirely, while in others the waiting for warp and filling amounts to a loss of from one-quarter to one-half time. “This is no idle talk, but the result of investigation, as it is one of the missions of our organization to intelligently watch the effect of legislation upon labor; and we here add that there has never been an increase of tariff rates that was not almost immediately followed by reductions of wages. This ie surely contrary to what was promised as a result of the tariff law passed by the last Congress, and it is therefore not surprising to find workingmen realizing that the.V have been fooled once too often. “If, as has been asserted in Congress recently, the maiiufaeturers do not need or want a high tariff, and that it ie solely for the benefits of labor, which never gets any of them, then there is not the slightest impediment to a mutual agreement for its abolition. But since the gentlemen who make this assertion etill oppose a reduction, the workmen, who do not want it either, are certainly justified in praying that these kindly souls may stop their benevolent endeavors to raise wages by laws, which they cannot do, and set about raising them in the mills, which they can do, and if they will only divide with their workmen that which they usually give to the partymachine it will make a perceptible difference in the workers’ pay-rolls. “We here reiterate the fact that the greater cause for the inability of American manufacturers to compete with their foreign rivals is because ot the unjustifiable tax on the raw materials, and not the difference in wages; and that this tax amounts to from three to five times more than the entire wage account in the product. It is needless for gentlemen to imagine that they can forever fool the workingmen by their expressions of solicitude for wages, while yet willing and even anxious to bear the enormous burden of this unnecessary taMlff on the raw materials. “To the workingman ot ordinary intelligence this looks like trying to find excuses for the further reduction of wages; for so long as they can be made to believe that their wages are princely As compared with the wages of the workmen on the other side of the water, the more ignorant of them may be induced to submit to reductions without knowing that they are rapidly- nearing the level of the so-called ‘pauper labor’ of Europe. Intelligent workmen, however, are praying deeply just now that their protectionist friends may cease their hard labors to raise the wind by tariff laws so as to take time to give their professions a practical turn by raising wages in fact. But if we may judge men by their actions we are justified in asserting that if these professional friends of labor thought that a tariff would raise wages they would drop it quickly. “In a recent number of the Manufacturer, the organ of the protectionist manufacturers, its editor, in a labored article, tried to show that the English manufacturers were selling their goods here as cheaply as they did before the present law went into effect, and that this made it evident that the foreign manufacturers were paying the tax for the privilege of selling in our markets. In another article of the same number, the fact is stated that botany tops have declined in price in the London market 16 cents per pound, and this is given as a partial reason for their ability to sell at the old rates, but when we consider that this decline ir wool prices is equivalent to a saving of 32 cents and upward on every pound of manufactured cloth, we may find it to be the whole reason. Here is a pretty mixture of fact and fancy; but then if the tariff advocates’ facts were given without a mixture of fancies their cause would suffer badly. “On a par with this is their averment that the materials of manufacture are not deteriorating. They dare not put their workingmen on the stand to testify to this under oath, for then there would be a full corroboration of the statements made to your honorable Committee of Ways and Means by the committee of the Wool Consumers’ Association that the McKinley law has largely promoted the adulteration of woolen manufactures. It is only necessary to state one fact to expose the falsity of their claim. If all the wool in the country, domestic and imported, outside ot that used in carpets, were made into pure woolen goods, we would not have over 80,000,000 pounds of clothe», dress goods, hate, blankets, underwear, etc., for our 62,000,000 people, or a little over 1$ pounds for each individual. “Who dares to say that this is sufficient to keep us from becoming a nation of shakers at the slightest blast of cold, and who dares to say that 80,000,000 pounds will cover all the goods that are sold to the American public as all-wool manufactures in a year? One must be silly indeed to believe this. But we must not forget that they hat •) learned to manufacture wool by putting old castoff clothing through a chemical process which eats out all but the wool in them, and this residue is recarded and used to mix with other wool, but as the life is out of it it is no better than cotton, and thus between the cold and diseases transmitted through the old clothes there

is at least one infant Industry well protected —that of the doctors. “With reference to the difference between American and foreign wages we are prepared to show that in many branches our rates are even below the English rates, and the same is true even of actual earnings. The rate paid for woolen weaving in the Huddersfield (England) district varies from 1 cent for eight picks to 1 cent for six picks, according to the rate of work, with extra pay for extra heddles, extra colors, and extra beams, while ours is from 1 cent for nine picks to 1 cent for five picks, with no extras. Thus for sixty pick work the English rate is 7J cents to 10 cents per yard, extras to bo added, while our rate is from 6 cents to 12 cents per yard and no extras. “if the American weaver earns more money in a week, it is simply because ho works faster and turns off more product. “Now we declare, without fear of contradiction, that there is not now a woolen manufacturer in Philadelphia who does not privately long for free wool, and those who openly advocate taxed wool are actuated by partisan rancor, and we a’.e still more emphatic in the declaration, that is not in Philadelphia ope woolen worker In a hundred who would not openly ask for free wool if he were free from the sinister influences of the bosses. As we prefer our own prosperity and bread and butter to party success, we ask for free wool without reference to its effects Upon party. “The stubborn perversity and dishonesty of the protectionists Is nowhere better shown than in their steady refusal to correct the glaring inconsistencies and mischievous discriminations of the tariff laws even after their attention had been called to them repeatedly. One is the discrimination against American manufactures involved In the adjustment of duties between the r.iw materials and the finished products, and the other the placing of a heavier tux upon the poor man’s necessities than upon the rich man’s luxuries. We called their attention to these points as far back as the spring of 1886, and the protectionist National Association of Woolen Manufacturers pointed out substant’ally the same errors in their letter to the Secretary of the Treasury in the fall of 1885, and hence they could not consistently overlook it, and yet in the make-up of the McKinley act this infernal piece of injustice was not only retained but made worse than ever. “This shows that in a vicious and determined purpose to serve a few masters they lost sight entirely of their duty to do justice to the people. In fact it appeared to be a pleasure to them to shift the burdens of taxation off the shoulders of the<ich to those of the poor—to make labor the pack-mule of the rich. The unanimous cry of the protectionist manufacturers now is that the McKinley law be let alone because It is doing the manufacturers n great deal of good. Yet In the face of this there is yet to be recorded one important instance of a raise of wages, while instances of the paring down of wages are numerous.”

Protection in England.

Edward Atkinson writes as follows on the history of protection in Englund: A very common but utterly erroneous Idea prevails in this country that Great Britain only gave up the system technically called protection when by means of this system she had attained conditions of great prosperity and a substantially commanding position in manufactures and commerce. The very reverse is true. The protective system was given up by Great Britain under the pressure of pauperism and bankruptcy in which It culminated In the years immediately preceding 1842, when Sir Robert Peel presented and carried his first great measure for the reform of the British tariff. The origin of customs in England was In the time of Edward I.; thenceforward duties were added and multiplied, each rate being devoted to n specific purpose, until in 1784 os many as fifteen separate duties were levied upon the same article. In 1787 William Pitt carried through an act for consolidation without reducing the number of articles taxed; this measure left 1,200 articles subject to duty, and in order to bring the act into force 3,000 resolutions were required in the House of Commons. In 1797, however, the laws relating to customs filled six large folio volumes unprovided with an index. The great subsequent wars rendered nugatory all of Pitt’s efforts to relieve commerce; between 1797 and 1815 600 additional acts were passed, and in fifty-three years of the reign of George 111. the total number of acts relating to duties on imports was 1,300. At length taxes became so numerous that nothing was left untaxed; even premiums offered for the suggestion of fresh subjects for taxation failed to stimulate invention. In 1824, under the lead of Huskisson, several of the crude materials necessary to British industry had been put into the free list, of which the most important was wool. This change had worked great benefit to both wool-grower and manufacturer; the price of domestic wool advanced, while the manufacturer was enabled to ) educe the cost of goods through the opportunity given him by freedom from taxation on Imported wool to buy, sort, and mix his wool In the most effective manner.

The first decisive step in tariff reform was brought about in 1840 by the appointment of a Parliamentary committee at the instance of Mr. Joseph Hume. The condition of the country was then desperate. The most concise account of the case is given in Noble’s "Fiscal Legislation of Great Britain," but all authorities —Liberal and Tory—are substantially at an agreement upon that point. It is written that “every interest in the country was alike depressed; in the manufacturing districts mills and workshops were closed and property daily depreciated in value; in the seaports shipping was laid up useless in harbor; agricultural laborers were eking out a miserable existence upon starvation wages and parochial relief; the revenue was insufficient to meet the national expenditure; the country was brought to the verge of national and universal bankruptcy. "The protective system, which was supported with a view to rendering the country independent of foreign sources of supply, and thus, it was hoped, fostering the growth of a home trade, had most effectually destroyed that trade by reducing the entire population to beggary, destitution and want. The masses of the population were unable to procure food, and had consequently nothing to spend upon British manufactures. ” A large part of the burden of taxation rested either upon necessary articles of food or else upon articles which were necessary component materials in British industry. At that very time, when the protective system culminated in the desperate conditions of Great Britain in 1840, it will be observed that it was at the end of a period of profound peace which had lasted over twehty-flve years, in which the personal wealth of the upper classes of Great Britain had become immense. When presenting his first measure of the tariff reform, Sir Robert Peel remarked, after stating the deficit and the financial difficulties to be met: “ You will bear in mind that this is no casual and occasional difficulty. You will bear in mind that there are indications among all the upper classes of society of increased comfort and enjoyment; of increased prosperity and Wealth; and that, concurrently with these indications, there exists a mighty evil which has been growing up for the

' last seven years,, and which you are I now called upon to meet.” This evil was the increasing poverty and destitu- ; tion of the great mass of the working ' people. The remedy was sought in a i redistribution of the burden of taxaI tioh. The tariff then covered 1,200 : separate subjects of taxation, of which seventeen yielded 94 per cent, of the revenue; the rest were petty obstruci tions to commerce, imposed for the : purpose of “protection with incidental revenue.” That purpose was not, however, avowed in these exact terms at that time, as it has lately been in this country by the advocates of McKinleyism. In the first measure Sir Robert Peel wholly abated or reduced the duty upon a consistent pion on 750 articles, and also caused an income tax of 7d. on the pound to be put upon classified Incomes, which is a fraction less than 3 per cent., all incomes below £l5O being exempt. Prom this income tax he anticipated a revenue of in the first year. It yielded £5,100,600, conclusively proving that under the previous system, while the poor had been rapidly reduced to pauperism, the rich had become richer. Like causes produce like effects. Under the pretext of protection to the miners of this country, and especially Pennsylvania, a duty has long been maintained upon the import of foreign iron ores; it is now 75 cents a ton, which is precisely equal to the labor cost of producing a ton of iron ore In Pennsylvania—according to the sworn statements of the ironmasters of Pennsylvania, by whom its iron mines are worked. The result of this system in the last census year—a year of the greatest activity ever known—was that 4,410 iron miners and workmen secured an income of $259 each, amounting in all to $1,141,239. There are ironmasters in tho State of Pennsylvania whose single incomes in a single year have exceeded the whole sum earned by the protected iron miners. The effect of the first measure of tariff reform in Great Britain —that of 1842 — was not immediately perceptible, the evil effect of the previous conditions being very deep-seated; but before 1845 the beneficial Influence upon every branch of industry, agriculture, manufactures, and commerce alike, had become so manifest that little opposition was met to Peel’s second great act of tariff reform of 184 >, by which 430 articles, consisting of the crude and partly manufactured materials which entered into the processes of domestic industry, were put on the free list, the duties on tho lessening number of dutiable imports being at the same time reduced and adjusted to thQse new conditions. In li?4« the Irish famine forced the abatement of all taxes upon food, by orders in Council, subsequently followed by the repeal of the corn laws. In 1847 Sir Robert Peel left office, but the immense benefits to every branch of British industry rendered It a comparatively easy matter to bring the tariff substantially to its present condition In 1853, coupled with a repeal of the navigation laws under the lead of Mr. Gladstone. Since that date the people of the United States have been forbidden by their own acts to'compete with Great Britain in tho construction and use of ocean steamships, while the commercial flag of Great Britain dominates every sea under tlie beneficent influence of freedom from all restrictions and by virtue of the protection which is given by exemption from taxation on all the materials used in the construction and in the subsistence of the vessels.

The People and the Sugar Trust.

WITH A TARIFF ON REFINED SUGAR. The Sugar Trust is “protected:" (a) By duty of J cent per pound on refined sugar, (b) By natural advantage or protection of J- of a cent per pound. Present price of raw sugar, 96 degrees centrifugal, 3| cents per pound. Present price of refined sugar, granulated, 48 cents per pound. Difference between above prices, cents per pound. Cost of refining, not over g cent per pound. Net profit on refined sugar, g cent per pound. Net profit per barrel, $2,031. Not profit on 12,609,000 barrels, or minimum yearly production, $25,593,000. Actual value of Sugar Trust properties, about $35,000,000. Rate of profit on actual valuation, 73.08 per cent. Sugar Trust capitalization: 7 per cent, preferred stock, $37,500,000; common stock, $37,500,000; 6 per cent, bonds, $10,000,000. After paying 7 per cent, on preferred stock and 6 per cent, interest on bonds, the above rate of profit would yield 59.65 per cent, on the common stock. WITHOUT A TARIFF ON REFINED SUGAIk The natural advantage or protection to sugar trust is | cent per pound. Price of raw sugar, 96 degrees centrifugal, 31 cents per pound. Price of refined sugar, granulated A, 4 cents per pound. Difference between above prices, j cent per pound. Cost of refining, not over g cent per pound. Net profit on refined sugar, | cent per pound. Net profit per barrel, 81| cents. Net profit on 12,600,000 barrels, or minimum yearly production, $10,237,500 per year. After paying 7 per cent, on preferred stock and 6 per cent, on bonds, the above rate of profit would yield 18.7 per cent on the common stock. Proposed rate of saving to the people by means of free sugar, $15,356,000 per annum. Present rate of extortion from the people by means of the tariff, 8 cent per pound or $15,356,000 per annum. In the compilation of these figures we have treated the trust very liberally. Is it not time that the wholesale extortion now practiced by the trust be stopped? Let us have free sugar in reality and not merely in name.—New York Daily Commercial Bulletin.

Oat Meal.

Act I.—Scene: Congress, act of 1890. (Duties raised.) McKinley -increases the duty on oat meal from a cent to one cent per pound in the interest of the manufacturers of Ohio. Act ll.—Scene: Columbus, Ohio, January, 1891. (Trust formed.) Underthe heading: “All the Oat Meal Mills Consolidated,” the New York Tribune describes what occurred as follows: “Incorporation papers were filed at Columbus to-day for the Consolidated Oat Meal Company, with a capital of $3,500,000. All the oat-meal mills are thus brought under one management, with headquarters at Akron, Ohio." ActgH.l.—Scene: Factory. (Wages reduced.) Soon after the formation of the trust the men and women employed in the Akron Mills, the largest in the trust, were forced to accept a large reduction in wages. Some have been compelled to submit to these reductions since the opening of the first act. Act IV.—Scene: Offices of the Trust. (Prices raised. ) Oat meal that sold for $4.90 per barrel when the McKinley bill passed at this time sells as high as $7.40 per barrel. Act V.—Beene: Ravenna, Ohio, Aprlj 1,1892. (Factories closed.) The Quaker [ Mills, with a daily capacity of 400 bar- , rels, has been closed by the trust tor an I indefinite period, and 100 men thrown out ; a? . uapioyc wit.

SHE IS DEAD GAME.

Fannie Miller, the Deputy Sheriff at Muskogee, Indian Territory. Fannie Miller, Deputy United States Marshal at Muskogee, Indian Territory, is one of the bravest women in the West. She was born twenty years ago near St. Joseph, Mo., of respectable parents named Johnson. When 4 years old she moved to Sherman, Texas, and at the age of 18, in company with an experienced officer, went to Mexico to aid in ferreting out the perpetrators of a series of crimes along the border. After two years of al’.venture she married and moved to Talahana, I. T. This little woman is nervy and has remarkable powers of endurance. She rides with Deputy B. C. Cantrell, a cousin, having accompanied him on

DEPUTY FANNIE MILLER.

many expeditions of danger and fatigue. She and her cousin trailed Fagan and Ed Kinsley, noted cattle thieves, flva days In the mountains of the Cherokee Nation, last fall. Mrs. Miller was riding alone when, to her surprise, she came face to face with Fagan, whom she placed under arrest liefore he could realize that she was an officer and in earnest. Kinsley’s hiding place was soon found, and in securing his arrest several shots were exchanged. Mrs. Miller also arrested the Warren brothers, noted whisky peddlers. This remarkable woman seems delighted with her perilous work, and being well educated, is anything but bold and brazen. Deputy Cantrell has been on the Marshal’s force for eight He says Fannie Miller’s services are almost indispensable.

No Sense of Humor.

Now and then one encounters a man who cannot comprehend a joke; but as a rule the sense of humor is stronger in men than it is in woman. This seems strange when we consider her quickness In other directions. I remember once hinting to a lady that the fair sex were a little obtuse in tilts way. Of course she scouted the idea, and scornfully said that if ever they showed obtuseness it would be simply because the so-called joke was very thin—only the ghost of a joke in fact. But-as I pointed out, this ought only to make it the more easily seen through, Imagine my feelings when she asked me “how?” Another time a friend was relating how once, while traveling, he hud as companions a couple of Englishmen. The elder of the two was telling the other how one day at a hotel he hud noticed a Scotchman eating roast mutton. “And,” said the Englishman, impressively, "would you believe It, ho took mustard to his mutton.” "Mustard to ills mutton!” gasped his horrorstruck companion; “and did he die?” My friand, who told this with great gravity, here paused for a moment, and his wife, who hud been eagerly listening, and who, woman-like, wanted to hear the end, broke in with, “And did he die?” On another occasion the story was told of a man who, being badgered by a lawyer who insisted upon plain “yes” or “no” in answer to hisquestlons, finally turned upon his persecutor and asked him if he w’ould in turn answer yes or no to one question. Receiving an affirmative reply, he said, “Well, will you kindly say whether you are as big a fool us you look?” Now, I think this Isn’t bad, and we all had a good laugh, which, needless to say, was renewed when a lady who had evidently been pondering over the question, said with a triumphant, I’ve-discovered-it sort of air, “Why, if it had been me I would have said no!”

AV here the Banana Grown. Our young friends who are fond of bananas, and most of them we feel sure are, would like to be in South America. There, as Harper’s Young People tells us, the banana is not thought of as a luxury. In fact, it takes the place pf bread and meat and vegetables among a large part of the people. Every garden has its banana patch, just as we have our indispensable rows of potatoes. On the Isthmus of Panama the cars spin past hills covered from base to summit with the beautiful broad-leaved plants, their great clusters of fruit hanging from the stems just under the leaves. The banana plant looks something like an immense calla lily. Its stem is made up of the- bases of the leaves, so sheathed or folded around each other and hardened as to sustain the weight of the mass of foliage above. It will in some localities attain a height of twenty feet. When two years old it bears fruit and then dies, but a number of young shoots spring up from the base of the old stem, so that it continually renews Itself, and the farmer, who is usually an Indian or negro, has no trouble except to keep the weeds and the old withered trunks cleared away from the growing plant. Even the trunk is of use as it contains a fiber almost as soft as silk, which can be woven into the most exquisite muslins. Indeed, some of the danty India muslins are made of this very fiber.

Highly Prized Statue.

A curious and hitherto scarcely known st&tiie’of the great Napoleon has been acquired by the French Government. It is by Rude, and is a plaster model representing the Emperor lying, at full length, dead, the head crowned with a laurel wreath and half enveloped, tn the shroud which covers the body. The bronze tasting of this important work is set up in the grounds of a family dwelling near Dijon, descendants of one of Napoleon’s officers, who himself ordered it of the great sculptor. Rude was in the habit of destroying his models after they had been executed in their final shape, hence this exceptionally preserved model is regarded with a special interest.