Democratic Sentinel, Volume 14, Number 28, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 1 August 1890 — CRISP UTTERANCES. [ARTICLE]

CRISP UTTERANCES.

Extracts from a Letter Addressed by Hon C F Crisp, M C., Of Georgia, to His Alliance Constituency, in Response to a Request For His Views on Their Demands Our present tariff law imposes an average duty o t tax of 47 per cent, on imported dutiable articles, and by thus putting a burden on foreign manufactured goods, enables our home manufactures to charge home consumers nearly or quite that mueh in advance of wliat they ought to pay for the home-made, articles tbey buy. Our people pay $220,000,000 tax or duty on foreign goods which goes mto the Treasury, and they pay at least SBOO,000,000 enhanced price on homemade goods, which gees into the pockets of the American manufacturers. Let me illustrate this: Suppose there was no tariff law, and a hat could be brought from Liverpool and sold here for SI,OO, the American manufacturer of hats v ould have to sell a like hat at ■ he same price, o • go out of the business A tariff law which imposed a duty or tax of 47 percent, on imported hats, would force the American purchaser of the same foreign hat to pay $1 47 for it, and would enable the American tr amfacturer to charge $1 47 for the same Ame»ican hat. This makes clear the tax that is put upon the buyers of hats, and it also makes clear at whose expense, and how, the American manufacturer is protected. The tariff law thus in-, creases the price of everythirg the farmer has to buy, and while the increase on any|one article may not be very great, in the aggregate it amou ts io more than a thousand million dollars. This vast sum is unjustly taken from th - farmei s and other consumers m the United States and given to a privilege! class—the manufacturers. If our laws acc tided “ qual rights io all, and special privileges to none,” a large part of these miL lions instead of going into the Treasury to be extravagantly expended, or into the pockets of the protected manufacturers to add to the enormous fortunes now possessed by many of that class, wo’d remaiu in the pockets of the people where they rightly belong.§ favor the passage of such laws as will prevent speculation and combines, that seek to interfere with prices of prime necessities and productions.

I am opposed to our present national banking laws, for the reason that they graut special privileges to bwiks organized thereunder and discriminate against the farmer. Ido in t believe that any private corporation should be given the right ro regulate to any extent the amount of legal tender money that should be in circulation. I doaiot beli ive that it is just or right that private corporations should be permitted to contra it or expand at will the currency of the country. I favor, a**d have in the Fortyninth Oongiess and at this session, spoken and voted in favor of the freo coinage of silver. 1 favor, too, the issue of such an additional amount of Treasury notes as will give us money sufficient to answer the demands of trade and commerce. I believe that the agricultural and laboring classes are now suffering more from the contraction of the currency than from any ether cause. We have not enough money in the country. The consequence is that the purchasing power of money is unauly enhanced, prices of what the farmer has to Ball are too low and the burden of his debt is too great.— Let me illustrate this. Suppose a bank held yom note for 8120; if there was enough money in the country for the wants of trade, cotton would bring say 12 cants a pound, and two bales of cotton would pay the debt; if the currency was greatly contra ted, as it has been and now is, you could only get say 8 cents a pound for your cotton, and it would take three bales to pay the same debt The amount of the debt in dollars

has not changed at all; and yet legislation contracting the currency has increased your burden to the extent of oue bale of cotton, and at the same time increased the value ot the note, lieM by the bank, the same amount, The contraction of the currency has inflicted upon the masses of the people untold injur , and a proper increase of the circulating medium would afford us more immediate relief than almost any other law that could be passed. This brings me to the last question propounded, that relating to the subtreasury bill. So far nn asure seeks to afford relief and assistance to those engaged in the productions of the articles mentioned therein, it has my hearty sympathy. But it does not occur to me that tlie object sought would be ; c jomp'ished by its passage nor d. es it app* ar that the bill conforms to that principle which you and I and all other geo Democrats so ardently advocate, “Equal rights to all and special privileges to none.” The bill would require the expenditure of millions of money for the erection of* ware houses, this money must be raisod by taxation, and all our p ople would be required to pav their proportionate part thereof. Thousands of United States officers wo’d have to be appointed to manage control and superintend these ware houses, and these officers would have to be appointed by the President, tne United States courts or the heads of departments of the United States. The Constitution of the United States, which is the supreme law of th * land, denies to Congress the power of passing any law which would give to the people of any State or community the right of themselves electing such managers. The President, the heads of departments, and nearly all the judges of the United courts belong to the Republican party, so that we nrght, if the law was passed, confidently expect such managers to be lepublica s, and judging by the appointments made in the South for the past 10 months, we might also expect them to be such Republicans as are not entit ed to the confidence and esteem of the people and whose chief desire and purpose would be to stir up strife between the races, thus disturbing reace and harmony, which is-so essei tial to our prosperity. 1 fear, too, that other grievances would res dt from the passage of that bill. Those iarm ers, whose necessities did not demand an advance of money, of course would not incur the expense insurance and interest incident to a deposit of their cotton in the ware houses, when they this, and at the same time get the ad, antage of an advance in price by simplv keeping their eotton under shelter et home. This class would necessarily have to bear the increased taxation necessary to raise the money to execute the law, and would receive no benefit therefrom.

The merchant, the doctor, the mechanic, the day laborer, the wool raiser, the saw mill owner, the turpentine producer, and all others, of every occupation who do not have for deposit the articles mentioned in the bill, would b« required to pay their proporti Dcate part of the taxes necessary t j sustain the system, and ye L oould obtain no p ivileges thereunder. Shall we who have so long, so earnestly and so justly insisted upon the repeal of all laws which tax some, sot the exclusive benefit of others, now abandon that principle? Unfortunately many of our best farmers and best men are in debt, and that without fault on their part. If it could be made clearly to appear that the proposed law would benefit them or assist them in the heroic struggle they are now making for relief from their embarrassments, that would be very much in their favor. But careful examination of the provisions of the bill, and much tho’t devoted to its probable effect, have satisfied me that no substantial good to any class, could come from

it. I fear it might uusettle values; I fear it would iuvite injurious speculation in farm products. I fear it would result in great loss to those whose necessities prompted them lo deposit their crops, and I fear it would make certaiu, and easy, the formation of combina* tions and trusts to control, at the will of the speculator, the prioes of the prime necessitiis of life.— Sympathizing fudy and unreservedly with the object and purpose of your organization, 1 think lean suggest a better plau than that proposed m the sub-treasury bill a plan more iikelv to relieve the people, a plan not open to objection, and one whit h we are more likely to be able to carry out than any other which promises relief.— TLe farmers need relief; they need speedy relief; and I submit that it is the part of wisdom in choosing a measure or measi res to afford it, to press such as w- reasonably hope to pass, and such as experience has demonstrated will accomplish our purpose, rather than to insist upon one which is novel, which involves the expenditure of vast sums of money, which many of our best and roost worthy farmers oppose, which many people believe would prove a curse rather than a blessing, and which I venture to say it would be almos f , if not quite impossible to pass. Recognizing fully the pressing necessity for relief the remedy I would suggestis: Increase largely the currency oi the country, so that the burdens of those ir debt will be lightened. Provide for the free coinage of si’ver. Reduce greatly the tariff so that the mill ons that are annually unjustly exacted from the peoplt may rema n with them. Repeal ail laws of every kind and character which grant to any person or*lass of persons special privileges and advantages over others, anr. insist upon an economical administration of the affairs o* the Government.

Boys' waists, 25 cts. Boys’ hats 5 cts., corsets, 25 cts. Children’s shoes, 15 cts. Chicago Bargain Store. The Washington correspondent of the Indianapolis Sentinel orserves: ‘‘Two years ago Mr. Cannon, of Illinois, took Mr. Bynum to task for inserting a few remarks, making his answer., to Cannon’s questions more direct and intelligent. Cannon declared that he had never done such a thing and that matters should go into the Record just as they were uttered. Bynum has quietly ‘laid for’ Cannon nver since. To-day his opportunity came to get even On Tuesday Houk and Cannon got into a tvordy warfare in which Houk showed up .Cannon’s stay-at-home record dunng tin war greatly to Cannon’s disgust. When the Record appeared on yesterday morn-' ing all that partot the proceedings had been eliminated. Bynum sent to the Government Printing Office, got the original manuscript marko ed out by Cannon and had it in sertid in the Record to day, which aroused the ire of Caunon t ' a white hea f , but he had to submit.”

The only place in Rensselaer to buy the “ orld’s Best,” Cones’ Boss pants and overalls. Chicago Bargain Htere. There is a good deal of talk noy days about the strength of paper. We •re told that a Bank of England note eoperly twisted into a rope will suein 822 pounds. We shall next hear that our millionaires have had fire-eft* eaps ladders made of this material. We, of course, refer to the fires of this world. There is butone thing more to be done, and then we rich people can fieop the sleep of innocence at night <moaturbed by alarms, and that Is to make money which will be burglar-pTM* ea WdR aa fireproof.