Democratic Sentinel, Volume 14, Number 27, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 25 July 1890 — Page 6

“POLITICAL HELLS.”

-A SCATHING ARRAIGNMENT OF THE DOMINANT PARTY. Tli# Cold-Blooded Policy Pursued by the Republicans Against the South—Extract born a Speech by Hon. Janies K. Jones, •f Arkansas, la the U. S. Senate. To illustrate to what leDgth the Bepublicau party has gone in the accomplishment of a partisan purpose, and particularly to snow by a witness of their own how they have been willing to sacrifice anything and everything to the preservation and maintenance of their “economic law,” I beg leave to call attention for one moment to a statement 4)y a high Republican authority. Alexander Johnston was professor of jurisprudence in Princeton College, New Jersey. was a political historian of distinction, and a Republican in foil accord with his party, and familiar with its counsels, its purposes and its history. In speaking of reconstruction in the South he uses the following remarkable languge: We have noticed also the pertehtous reappearance of the soced ng States after their reconstruction by the President as an vmperium in imperio. It would have been an impossibility for Southorn representatives under that regime, however honest their intentions, to divest themselves suddenly ol the prejudices and traditions or a life-time training and come baok' in full sympathy with the economic laws which were thenceforth to attach to their own section as Well as the rest of the country. They must then have returned as a compact phalanx of irreconcilables sure of tneir giound at homo and a positive danger to the rest of the country. All this was ended by reconstruction. This process, to speak simply and perhaps brutally, gave the Southern whites enough to attend to at home until a new generation should grow up with more sympathy for the new and less for the old. Tne energies which might have endangered the national peace were drawn off to a permanent local struggle for good government wnd security of property. Whatever may be alleged on humanitarian grounds against a policy which for a time converted some of the States into political hells, it must be confessed that the polloy was a suocess and that it secured the greatest good of the .greatest number. Air. President, here we have frankly stated a most brutal truth. Here is nn avowal of means resorted to and ends to be accomplished, which fairlv make one shiver by their heartless, cold-blooded ■bruiality. There is a diabolism running -through these sentences, in the description of the purposes of the Republican I party in the enactment of the reconstruction measures, that would have put Macchiavtdli to shame. Here is an avowal that • the purposes of these measures was, notwithstanding the hypocritical pretense that they were “for the lifo and property,” and that “peace and good order should be enforcod,” really to make the Southern States “political hells;” to -give the Southern people at home a permanent local struggle for good government and security of property, which was giving them enough to attend to at home to prevent their interfering with “economic laws” which were thereafter to attach t<® their own section as well as the rest of the country. One can scarcely conceive that in n «o-called Christian land, where the teachings of the meek and lowly Nazaxene are the standard of morality, a deliberate purpose could be formed to ’surround a large number of people with -conditions dangerous to not only their prosperity and happiness, but dangerous to the lives of women and children, for the purpose of thereby giving the “Southern whites enough to do,” and all for the purpose of preventing any interference with certain “economic laws.” But such is the fact. TUtis has been going on whenever you ‘have felt that your economic laws were ■ be ng a little too closely looked into. Whenever you have felt that you were -about to be called sharply to account for your political sins and misdoings, you Jhave made haste to divert the attention of the public from your elves, your methods and your misdeeds by undertaking to ■snake more “political hells” in the Southern States. Your force bills and -civil-rights nets were in pursuit of this wicked purpose. You have enacted law after law which the Supreme Court has -declared unconstitutional and which the able lawyers in helping to enact them must have known would not stand the ecrutiny of the courts, yet they passed, and the purpose must have been simply ■ to make trouble for the South, for political purposes. Were you fever in greater straits or was there over greater need for > such political juggling than now? The old methods are still in use. They •will not be so frankly nvowed, because -an enlightened and humane public would ! -condemn to the pillory of public scorn and contempt any man who would dare now avow such atrocious sentiments; but the same old spirit, hid ng itself in a hypocritical cloak of deep regard for the rights of man will now, if a paitisan end can be accomplished by it, subject every Southern home to danger, from the torch and the dagger.

The Unrepresented Vote.

\ 'fFrom the Detroit Free Press.] 'A. few of the Republican organs are to justify the Lodge bill indirectly b,’ reproducing certain figures which have long been on duty nnrl are supposed to represent the effects of “suppressing” the Southern vote. As a matter of fact, tba figures show nothing of the kind. "What they do show, and all that they show, is that in South Carolina, Mississippi and Georg'a the Congressional vote by districts is very much smaller than it is in Kansas# New Jersey and Michigan, and, inferentially, that a good many of the voters in the Southern States named do not or did not in 1886 go to the polls. That the vote was “supress- • ed" or the voters intimidated the figures neither show nor in any degree tend to •how; for there would be precisely the same array of figures if the voters voluntarily abstained from voting as if they were kept away with shotguns, according • to the Republican theory r There is, however, a "suppressed” Congressional vote in the country, as the figures abundantly prove; that is to say, a vote which, though cast, is absolutely unrepresented in Congress. But because it is a Democratic vote it receives no attention from the friends of the Lodge bill. There are fourteen States in the Union in which the Democracy is wholly unrepresented in Congress, although the Democratic rote in those States amounts to

more than half a million. ' Here are the figures: UNHHPBKSENTKD DEMOCBATIC VOTE. Colorado 37,725 Kansas ; ..106,129 Maine 60,977 Minnesota ~ 166,010 Montana 18,264 Nebraska 81,638 New Hampshire 45,271 Nevada : 5,682 North Dakota 12,006 Oregon 25,412 lib ode Island -. 17,051 South Dakota 21,229 Vermont 19,331 Washington 24,992 Total. 534,937 It is trne that there are several Republican voters who are also unrepresented, bnt not so many as there are of the Democratic persuasion. Here are the figures, according to the claims of the Republican organs themselves: UNREPRESENTED REPUBLICAN VOTE. Alabama 2h 55,547 Arkansas .77 60,804 Delaware 12,9:15 Florida 26,534 Georgia 33,476 Mississippi 2-3.600 Bouth Carolina 9,704 Texas 92,707 West Virginia 73,716 Total 397,053 Here, then, is a net loss to the Democracy of the nation of representation for 187,884 voters, that being the difference against the Democracy in a comparison 0? voters unrepresented in the two parties. When, therefore, the organs talk of “suppression” it is well to remember that under our present system of representation by districts the Democracy is swindled out of Representatives enough to give it a majority in the present House, even though every Republican voter in the country were represented according to the most extravagant claim of the g. o. p.

RESTRICTED TRADE.

JAMES G. BLAINE SOUNDS A NOTE OF WARNING. He Sees an Opportunity to Open the Markets of Forty Millions of People to Our Farm Produets-A Remarkable Fetter to Senator Frye. Bar Harbor, Me., Ju’y 11, 1890. Dear Mr. Frye: I have just received intelligence from the highest commercial authority in Havana that American Hour under the new duties imposed by Spain cannot reach the Cuban market unaer a cast of $11.48 per barrel—counting the snipping price in New York at $4.80 per barrel. Spain holds the market for herself and is able to send European flour at a price which totally excludes the Amer.can flour from the markets of Cuba and Porto Rico. Other articles of American growth are likewise taxed by Spain to the point of prohibition. This onesided commerce will seriously injure the shipping routes which are still in American hands largely if not exclusively. It would certaiuly be a verv extraordinary policy ou the part of our Government just at this time to open our market without char, e of duty to the enormous crops of sugar raised in the two Spanish islands. Cuba and Porto Rico furnish the United States with nearly or quite one-half of the sugar which we consurde, and we are far larger consumerj than any other nation in the world. To give a free market to this immense product of the Spanish plantations at the moment Spam is excluding the products of American farms from her market, would be a policy as unprecedented as it would be unwise.

Our trade with the American republics ns well ns with the West India Islands has been for many years in a most unsatisfactory condition. The aggregate balance of trade with all Latin America is heavily against us. A single illustration will suffice. Since we repealed the duty on coffee in 1872, we have imported the products of Brazil to the extent of $821,806,000 and have sold to her only $150,135,000 of our own products. The difference —$004,071,000 —we have paidin gold or Us equivalent, and Brazil has expended the vast sum in the markets of Europe. You can readily see how different tne result would have been if in return for the free admission of Brazilian coffee in our markets, we had exacted the free admission of certain products of the United States in tbe Brazilian m trket. To repeat this error with sugar (to an amount three times as large as with coffee) will close all opportunity to establish reciprocity of trade with Latin America.

The charge against the protective policy which has injured it most is that its benefits go wholly to the manufacturer and capitalist, and not at all to tUe farmer. You and I well know that this is not true, bul still it is the most plausible, and therefore the most hurtful argument made by the free-trader. Here is an opjiortunity where the farmer may be benefited—primarily, undeniably benefited. Here is an opportunity for a Republican Congress to open the markets of 40,000,000 of people to the products of American farmers. Shall we se'ize the opportunity or shall we throw it away? I do not doubt that in many respects the tariff bill pending in the Senate is a just measure, and that most of its provisions are in accordance with the wise policy of firotection. But there is not a section or ine in the entire bill that will open a market for another bushel of wheat or another barrel of pork. If sugar is not placed on the free list, without exacting trade concessions in return, we shall close the door for a profitable reciprocity against ourselves. I think you will find some valuable hints on this subject in tbe President’s brief message of June 19, with as much practical wisdom as was ever stated in so short a space. Our foreign mnrket lor breadstnffs grows narrower. Great Britain is exerting every nerve to secure her bread supplies from India, and the rapid expansion of the wheat area in Russia gives us a powerful competitor in the markets of Europe. It becomes us therefore to use every opportunity for the extension of onr market on both of the American continents. With nearly $100,000,600 worth of sugar 6eekiDg our market every year, we shall prove ourselves most unskilled legislators if we do not secure a large field for the sale and consumption of our breadstufls and provisions. The late conference of American Republics proved the existence of a common desire for closer relations. Onr Congress should take up the work where the International Conference left it. Our field of commercial development and progress

lies south of ns. Very sincerely yours, Jamkh G. Blaine. Hon. W. P. Frye, U. 8. Senate.

HOW WE ARE TAXED.

If this country is to strike at the commerce of the world such a blow as is now threatened, says the New York World in a recent editorial, it is not snrprising if the commercial nations endeavor to bring us to terms by a warfare upon our most vulnerable interests. There is no doubt as to what will be the point of attack. The majority of I peopie of this country are vitally interi ested in foreign commerce. The farmers would starve were it not for their European market. Of onr $730,000,000 of exports in 1889 $503,000,000 were agricultural products. About 21 per cent, of onr wheat goes abroad, leu years ago more than 40 per cent, of the crop was exported. Two-thrdsof onr cotton supplies foreign mills. Provisions, corn, floor, animals and other farm outputs make up the balance of the merchandise in which our largest foreign trade is done. The concerted action of the European powers will be against the farmer. Discriminating and even prohibitory taxes against American products are already thieatened. That it is possible for Europe to stimulate the production of rival states was shown during the war by the grekt increase in the cotton-grow-ing industry of Esypt, and it has been demonstrated still more recently by the important advance made in Hungary, Rnssia, and the Argentine Republic in wheat growing. As an exporter of wheat the United States is on the decline, and it is not holding its own in the foreign corn trade. With the exception of 1877, our exports of wheat in 1889 were smaller than in any year since 1873. In view of this it will be readily seen that if Europe Bhall discriminate agunst our farmers in retaliation for our tariff, the result must be dire distress. This, and not the proposed duty on eggs, is the feature of the McKinley bill which demands the attention of our farmers. There is no question but that the McKinley tariff would make every civilized family in the United States pay a good deal more for carpets, and that the great ranchmen, who choose to herd great droves of half-wild sheep on government lands rather than raise decent animals on their own land, would get more for their wool. That is just what the McKinley inorease of the wool tariff is for. But how will it help the ordinary American sheep farmer? The average price of carpet wools imported in 1889 was 11 cents per pound. The duty, therefore, under the McKinley bill would be about 3$ cents, which, with 2 cents added for transport, etc., would make the wool cost say 16i cents on the average, laid down in Philadelpnia, where it is manufactured. This practically means an equivalent of from 11 to 13 cents at the railroad stations nearest the few American producers of carpet wool. No farmer grows any wool which would be in the slightest protected by his being assured any such price, even if the tariff did it. And no American farmer proposes to raise any such wool at all, tnough a few ranchmen may. The excuse these latter have for asking a higher duty i» their claim that the better grades of carpet , wools are sometimes used as substitutes for the coarser grades of clothing wools, and hence hurt the market for the latter. This claim—alwayß absurd to any one who knows anything about the carpet and wool trade—has at last been given a quietus by the great protectionist expert and dealer, George Willi im Bond, of Boston, the oldest and for a long time past the leading expert in the American wool trade, who, in his annual wool circular dated February, 1889, notes what every farmer knows, if he will stop to think—“that coarse wools here have held their prices better than line wools of late years."

As to the effect of high tariffs on 'wool prices, the figures leave no doubt. High titriffs (we have had them since 18(57) mean low prices for tha better grades of our wools, lor all the grades that a farmer, as distinguished from a ranchman, cares to raise. Mr. Bond’s circular, just referred to, is a most conclusive document. Explaining, as he does, how the taking off all tariffs on most wools in 1857 at once caused somewhat of a raise in the price of foreign wools, and a much greater increase in the price of domestic wools, he closes: “An experience of high duty lor over twenty-five years has failed to.increase the value of wool, home-grown. So different is the cbaiacter and quality of wool grown in different countries, and even in different parts of the same country, that if the woo s were free the probable result would only be to equalize values the world over, and it would be found that other countries would want our wool as much as we should want tbeirsv” This is corroborated by the following facts: The price of wool in this country has been but little (and often no) higher than it has been abroad, grade for grade. Hardly a year has passed that buyers from the woolen mills of Scotland, England, Germany and Canada have not invaded our market, buying here because they could buy cheaper than anywhere else in the world. Here are our exportations for the past few years:

Total Total exYear. pounds, port value. 1883 04.474 $22,114 1884 ...., 10,393 3,073 1885 88.000 16,739 1880 2.139,080 476,274 1887 257,940 78,002 1883... 22,104 5,272 1889 141,570 23,065 Where was this wool snipped to? Who bousht it? Here is the report of the Bureau of Statistics: Canada, 2,388,069 pounds; England, 114,657 pounds; Scotland, 29,334 pounds; Germany, 42,258 pounds; Mexico, 76,602 pounds. The farmers of the United States have never once inquired the price Of wool abroad. They have shipped their wool to Liverpool and Glasgow, for sale there at foreign market prices, in competition with the English and Scotch sheep farmers whom they undersold—after paying freight.

About a Stand-off.

If there is anything on this orb of sin more fidgety than a man with two cigars and no match, it is a boy with unbroken legs in the house on a rainy day.—The Ram’s Horn. | (

LETTERS FROM THE CORNERS.

Neck ob Nothin’ Hall, > Kilkenny Corners, 1689. (

a «B. EDITUR: The A l laßt we bed heerd AMfrum Wiliam HenJiWiH'- 01 Billy, es we fill *j| called him to tell him frum his paw, he wus a living at town called Hog Waller, on Turkey so when left Goose Neck bot our' tickets pgplpgpfur thare. Wiliam Henery

# J wus on pins to git back to the Corners. “Golly, ole woman,” ses he, “wont folks look when I go into church with my new boots an’ specks on?” “I shud think thay wood,” ses I, “bdl you must recomember thet the people to the .Corners, haint noFeejee Islanders, an’ Id advise you to ware yure store close, with the boots an’ specks.” An so when we got off the keers at Hog Waller he want willin to stay more then over nite at Billy’s, but 3 were detarmined we’d stay thare the same es w r e hed to the otherses, so we tuck a keer—we node all about bobtail boss keers by then—an to Turkey avenew, an hunted up the number oi the house an nocked on to the dore. A strange gal kim an opened it about 2 inches or mebby 3, but not over thet, an ses she, “What do you want?”

“Is Mis Sccoper to hum?” arsked Wm. Henery. “How’d I no ?” ses she, a slammin the dore. What to do we didn’t no; so we stud on the steps an waited. “I shell tell Billy’s wife how her servant treeted us,” ses Sally, “and hev her discharged. Jest then a perleecemin cum along. “Wliatyer a doin a hanging aroun them stops ?” ses he. “We’re o waitin fur sumbudy to cum an let us in,” ses Wiliam Henery. “Why don’t you ring?” ses the perleecemin. “What’ll I ring?” ses Wm. Henery. “The bell, o corse;” an the perleece kim up an rung it fur us. The same gal kim to the dore. “Is my sun or his wife to hum?” ses I. “Howd I no?” she snapped. “ His name is Wiliam Henery Scooper,” ses I, camly, “an he ust tc live in to this house, an I spose he does vit.” “Well, yon spose long, then, fur he moved yistidy,” ses the gal, and she shet the dore agin. “O what will we do?” ses the widder a ringin her bans. “I’ll find out wbare thay moved to,” ses the perleece. “Es you will, I’ll give you a doller,” ses Wm. Henerv, fur his new boots wus a beginin to hurt. So the perleece called the gal back an arsked her did she no whare thay hed moved to, but she sed n©-. An then be tuck us t©' a drug store an got a director an looked till he found Wm. H. Scooper, No. 17 Basswood street. “Thare you air,” s'es he, an lie went along with ms.. Itr wus considerable ot a ways, an William Hevery limped awful fore we got thare. Thay wus awful surprised t©’ see us. “Youve eot us up side down,” ses Billy, “but were glad to see you en-ny wavs.”

The fust nite welied to all sleep on to the parltr flore, fur thay want a> bedi up, an we et a cole sujjper to.. * But next day we straitened things around, an by nite et looked es thosumbuddiy lived thare. The widder hed tried to be awful solumn ever sence the party at Thomases. “My hart is-bruck,” ses she; “I teal thet lam a goin in to a incline.” An she recht an holped her sell to-a peace o’ back bone..

HESTER ANN SCOOPER.

Scales that Will Weigh a Hair.

The finest thing in the way of delicately adjusted scales of which I Suave heard, recently has just been turned out by a Philadelphia firm for the mint at New Orleans, aud they are certainly marvels of mechanical invention and expert workmanship. There are two pair- The larger has a capacity of 10,000 ounces troy, or about 785 pounds avoirdupois, and when loaded to its full capacity will indicate the variation of one-thousandth of an inch. The other is intended for lighter work. All its bearings are of agate. This instrument is believed to be the most delicate in the world. It will give the precise weight of a human hair apd is susceptible to the slightest atmospheric change. A signature written on a card with an ordinary pencil will make a perceptible difference in the weight of the card.

An important advance in surgery;— the successful substitution of catgut, ivory and bone for defects in bones, muscles and nerve sinews—was illustrated by Professor Gluck at the surgical congress at Berlin. The inserted material sucks up the juices of the body, establishing the junction of the separated ends without any shortening of the part. Professor Gluck presented cases in which mobility had been restored to defective fingers—a hitherto impossible feat—by insertions of from two to four inches of catgut; a case in which the removal of a tumor from the thigh had left a defective bone, which was remedied by the insertion of ivory, shortening being prevented; and a case in which a large piece of nerve in the groin had been replaced with catgut, with no serious impairment of functions. Compulsory eduoation destroys the ambition to seek for knowledge 1

PITH AND POINT.

Jokks about plumbers should always be well leaded. The land of the flea and the home ot the slave—Cuba. A bar a avis: “Your fare, sir,” said the conductor. "I have the reputation of being so,” said the umpire. “James, I am cleaning house, so be a good fellow and beat the carpet as usual.” “No, I think 11l shake it this year.” “Papa," said a talkative lifcels rirl. “am I made of dust?” “No, my child, if yon were you would dry up once in a while.” Mr. Staid —And is Miss Gigglegiggle well educated? Mrs. McFad— Educated? I should say so. Why, the ribbons on her graduating dress cost over fifty dollars. Little boy—Uncle, wworkn r k you tell us a story ? Genial Uncle—Certainly my boy. What kind of a story? “Oh, any kind only so it’s true. Tell us about Jack and the Beanstalk.” Mrs. F angle— What is Mrs. Gadabout’s reputation as a charitable woman based upon? Mr. Fangle (from behind the newspaper)—Upon her willingness to. attend to other people’s- business without charge. “Want any help?” he asked ©f the grocer. “Well, I dunno. f How many tomatoes can you put .into a quart measure?” “I can put five, but can make four do.” “I guess I dbn’t need yon. Three is our limit here.” Teacher —Did Columbus know that he had discovered a new continent? Class—No, he thought it was India. Teacher—Correct. Why did he think he had found India? Bright boy—l s’pose it was ’cause the inhabitants was Indians. A slight advantage: First little chicken—You need not be so stuck upj You are nothing but an incubator chick, anyhow. Second little chicken —l’ve got more freedom than you have. My mother never knows when I am out. A. —So that is your wife. Splendid woman; you ought to be proud. B.— Solum; only she is a bit thoughtless. For instance, I sent her the other day with a heap of money to buy me a dozen shirts, and what do you think she brought home instead?—a new bonnet!

THE DE3ERTER I saw no wrong in kissing him, He seemed so true, so tender ; I saw no harm in woodland walks W ith him for a defender. Ah, me! I did not think it then That for that very reason He’d quite reruse to marry me. And boast of all his treason. All right 1 I proved an alibi The day they s i-y I kissed him; And now lie’s lost his fortune 1 am very glad I missed him. -Tom Hall, in Muitsay’s Weekly. She— Yes, Harry, I confess, you have awakened in mv heart the tender throbbings of a first and only love. Her young brother—Hello, caught ver! Gimme a quarter, or I’ll tell. She— Tommy, go away, that’s a good boy, and I’ll give you ten cents to morrow. Tommy—Oh, no, you don’t. That’s what you said when 1 caught Tom Turner kissing you last week, and you h&veirt paid me yet.

Handy Man to Have Around.

Thackeray answered the accusation that Dumas did not write all his own works by asking: “Does not the chief cook have aides under him? Did not Rubens’ pupils paint on his canvases?” Then—it is in one of the most delightful passages of the always delightful “Roundabout Papers”—he declares that he himself would like a competent, respectable and rapid clerk, to whom he might say: “Mr. Jones, if you please, the archbishop must die this morning in about five pages. Turn to article ‘Dropsy’ (or what you will) in Encyclopaedia. Take care there are no medical blunders in his death. Group his daughters, physicians and chaplains round him. In Wales’ ‘London,’ letter B, third shelf, you will find an account of Lambeth and some prints of the place. Color it with local coloring. The daughter will come down and speak to her lover in his wherry at Lambetli stairs.” “Jones (an intelligent young;- man) examines the medical, historical, topographical books necessary; his. chief points out to him in Jeremy Taylor Col. London, mdclv.) a few remarks such as befit a dear old archbishop departing this life. When, I come-back to dress for dinner the archbishop is dead on my table in five pages; medicine, topography, theology, all right, and Jones has gone horn®,to> his family some hours.” This was Thackeray’s whimsical suggestion; but if he liarll ventured to adopt it himself, I fear we- should have been able to distinguish the *prentice hand from the fine, round sweep of the master.

Unobservant Man.

“The majority of people are not very observant in small matters,” said a certain philosophical ticket agent the other day. “ El®w many of your own friends do. you think you could accurately describe if you should attempt it ? Not many, I will warrant you. Why, there was a man here the other day to purchase a ticket for his partner. When he came to fill out his description, he could not remember whether his partner wore side whiskers or a beard. He was brilliant, however, compared with another man who was here the other day. He actually did not know the color of his wife’s eyes, and had to telephone up to his house before he could get her ticket filled out.”