Democratic Sentinel, Volume 14, Number 26, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 18 July 1890 — Page 6

THE LODGE INFAMY.

REPUBLICANS PROPOSE A REVOLUTIONARY MEASURE. A Rol<l Step In the Direction of Centralization—The End of Popular Government and a Proclamation of lin peri alia m —lt la Hostile to the Liberties of the People—A Departure from the Old and Tried Ways of the 'Republic—Violation ■of the Constitution and a Partisan In-trigue-Able Argument in the House Against the Scheme by Judge Chipman of Michigan. It is doubtful whether the present discussion <s a practical one. We have a bill under coneideration, it is true, but we may at the last xninuto have a substitute thrust upon us more hostile to free institutions in all its provisions than it is. The majority have reserved the fight to do that. They cling to the policy of making every measure an ambush, every report of the Committee on Buies a surprise. Ido not know, no man save one close 16 the throne knows, what is in store for us, what new mine may be sprung upon the liberties of the people. iSir, the bill before us, the subject of that bill, certainly ought to be discussed in tire spirit of the purest patriotism. It ought not to be approached in a partisan spirit. The institutions of our country are jot fetiches from which to threathon or cajole selfish rewards for ourselves and bad fortu je for our political opponents. There are certain grounds •of political action which ought to be common to all the people. The element of popular rights, like the elements of the Christian religion, should bear the same meaning to all men. Wuere these rights are concerned there should be but one. It Is as clear as sunlight that no party is true to liberty which seeks to intrench itself in power by vetoing the machinery through which the will of the people is expressed. No party actuated by honest motives will even attempt to do that. No man who has either the pride of intellect or tha virtue of patriotism will dare go into history as the inventor or the aider of so great an infamy. No one on the floor here to-day will gainsay this. Yet a great change is proposed in our institutions. I will not call it revolutionary, because that word applied to an honest c&ute has no terror for Americans. Fanatics and knaves alike use it a sibboleth of their faith or a halo to their villainy. But, sir, It is a groat change, a departure from the old ways and the tried ways of the republic. It is a bold stej) toward consolidation ;it is consolidation, centralization In its most positive form. It is the end of popular government. It is the final, authoritative utterance -of the doctrine that people are unfit to govern themselves In the old-fashioned way through their local officers; that the township and county authorities, the executive and Legislature s of States shall bo curbed and bitted and ridden by the irresponsible appointees of the most despotic and lnesponsible officors of the government. It is a proclamation of imperialism. Why, Bir, if these returning boards and supervisors derived their power from some source near the people and in which they have -confidence, we might tolerate them because the power to mako would be the power to unmake. But, sir, how will you reach the judges? Who can check a judicial officer whom the law authorizes to be a politician and whose r arty demands that he shall be a partisan. Sir, there are but two despotisms in this country to-day, the speakership of the House and the federal judiciary—the first omnipotent because the incumbent is expected ex-officio to be the leader of a party, and the last because of the power which may lay its hand on every man’s person and property, and because of the respect which flatters the incumbent and Bhutsfrom his ■ ear the just criticism of his conduct. I repeat,, sir, how will we control tho judges? What guaranty Is there In this bill that they will be honest and unpartisan In the exercise of their appointive power? A constant temptation is set be.’ore them. Visions of political advancement will haunt their waling and sleeping hours. The great political prizes of tho country will seem constantly within their reach. Judges have heretofore, without the aid of this great power, aspired even to tho Presidency of the Republic, 'they are men like unto other mon. You propose to put a great temptation before them. Sir, the functions conferred upon thorn by the bill are not judicial functions. They are essentially political, essentially partisan. They will drag the judiciary down instead of exalting them. The inclinations of judges in great public crises will be subjects of solicitude and they will be expected to stand with their party when "emergencies arise.” It Is •certain that these duties are not judicial. They •do not come within any purpose for which courts are instituted or for which we are under the Constitution permitted to institute them. I protest that the spirit of the Constitution is violated when functions of the oxecutive nature are imposed on the judges. It is a confusion of two distinct departments of the Government, a distinct departure from the theory of the division of powers. But there is another violation of the Constitution in the bill. The measure it proposes is not meant to anply universally or to be the absolute rule in the conduct of elections. You do not say.that in every election district in the United States this machinery shall be set in ■motion. The voices cf fifty or a hundred men, according to the locality, are required to extend tho blessings of pure elections to the constituencies. Why is this? What secret of partisan inirigue is hidden under this provision? Why Shall Congress abdicate its power to establish a rule to govern all elections and delegate it to a handful of men here and there through the country? What manner of men are they who may oxercise this power of overturning the ■ election laws ip some of the States, -while the laws' of other States remain in force? What monstrous spectacle Is this which will keep in force at the same time two different sets of ■election laws, one for Massßachusetts, another for South CaToliria? what manner of men are they who may do this great work? Of what umoral standard shall they be, of what intelligence, of what patriotism? Will they come from the slums of cities? Will they be the mean paupers of ambitious leaders? Will they ■seek pure elections or partisan advantage? Will they be the champions of free representations or the instruments of a party which requires this machinery to retain domination of

this House ? I know that appeals to the Constitution are irksome to some gentlemen on this floor. They believe in “meeting emergencies" when they arise, and the restraints of the Constitution fret their nohle spirits; but, sir; that instrument, tried as it has been by _ the storm of battle, assailed by the lust of money and the lust of power, still stands in the path, the bulwark •of the people against oppression. It prohibits ysu to do this thing. By its terms the election flaws of all the States are the normal standard, mot to be departed from except on the gravest .necessity. Its spirit and interest demand that when you act you shall establish a general rule (applicable uniformly to all the country, a rule dvolved, not from party exigencies or local hatreds, but trom the best interests of all the people. You oannot say—and if you constitutionally can you ought not to say—that one law shall prevail in one district and another in the next, that a State shall have two different rules of election pro•cadhre present within its border, one Federal anti the other local, or within the same Congressional districts, and that different States may have different regulations. This sporadic kind of legislation renders partiality to sections *m<i places easy. It makes the oppression Of otl»r sections and places easy. It savors too mflph of taking care of the salvation of the sausts and providing for the damnation of the political opponent. The Constitution prescribes, akj&veall, that whatever is done shall be done bynßongress, and not by companies of fifties and companies of hundreds; that here and there only by your voices shall a uniform rule be proclaimed, which shall prevail in every precinct of 1 every country and every district in every State of the Union. You must apply your law everywhere alike. The rural constituencies of the. North must bear under it with Demoera’ ic cities •of the North and the people of the South. That is the only law you have power to make. You cannot delegate your power. Nor can you aid this bill by saying that the rule is universal, that the fifties and the hundreds may apply to put it in operation everywhere. The fifties and the hundrt ds are unknown powers to the Constitution. The legislative power of this country is not hidden in the vest pockets of a few •dissatisfied citizens or of political tools. It is your pocor, the power at the peoplo speaking -through Congress in the same tones everywhere. and imposing rules which no section is favcred to escape and with whioh no section can be crushed to political death. Bir, your law is unconstitutional, and no man in this House

dM* try to make it constitutional hg applying it to every part of the countryI observe, sir, that the author of this bill shrinks from altering the registration law of the States by establishing a national law in ita stead. I wonder at this forbearance. You endeavor to strike out with the dash of a pen the entire election machinery of the States. * Why not take the next step of constitutional invasion and establish an added qualification to the right to vote? Why hesitate? You overturn the State election boards, you give power to appointees of irresponsible judicial officers to override the decisions of inspectors elected by tne people. Why did you not complete the work by abolishing the State system of registration? You can never he sate until you do that. I know that this bill provides for espionage in the registration boards of the States, but why preserve even the form of respecting the standardlof qualification set up by the States? You will find that you cannot subjugate the Democratic cities of the North. They will continue to be Democratic, and the first fruit of the enforcement of this law will be greater majorities against you. I notice, sir, that in this bill you have a special eye on those cities. I notice, too, that you provide for domiciliary visits, that the homes of the citizen may be invaded by the men who are empowered to overturn the people’s laws. I notice, too, that there is a peculiar venom in the bill against the naturalized citizens, that they are treated as suspects, and may he dogged by spies aud harassed when they try to exercise their right to vote. You have all the machinery to annoy the citizen, to terrify, cajole, to corrupt him, You have at the public expense political minutemen to keep watch and ward of your partisan fortunes, an army of spies and informers under political leadership encamped at the hearthstones of the people, but, sir, you cannot, even by this engineering, subjugate this people. The tide has turned against your party, and even this audacious bill cannot stay it. This bill means centralization of all power in the Federal Government, because it strips the people of their old security that they shall have fair representatives In this House. Is centralization good for any citizen? Will it bless the black man while it curses the white man ? Can you do anything by this kind of legislation save to relight the fires of- race prejudice? Those fires are burning low, and only yesterday seemed to be dying out, but you propo e again to thrust the race question Into political prominence and to make the negro the pawn on the board of your party necessities. Is this well for him? Will it raise hfrn in either the social or political scale to keep him constantly the bone of contention between party strifes? What, too, let me ask, is to be gained by your proposed treatment of naturalized citizens? Under the law they are part of us, bone of our hone and flesh of our flesh, as much members of the national family &b we are. Why treat them as objects of suspicion ? Have they not been brave in war, law abiding in peace? Have qot their brain and brawn been as beneficent to the country as yours? Why shall- spies and eavesdroppers hang at their heels ? Why shall the unclean projeny of your bill fatten on them and watch them as if they are dangerous to the public welfare? If there Is need of Congressional interference to purify elections you begin at the wrong place. The great power of corruption to-day is money, the immense sums which control conventions and so poison the elective franchise at its fountain head, money concontributed for the mysterious purposes known as “campaign expenses.” an* rewarded by the great ana small offices of the Government. That is the imminent evil, that is the power which debauches, which reaches to high places and which is certain to reach your returning boards and to fill this House with its minions. Why not pronounce it a felony to contribute immense sums to aefray “campaign expenses?” Why not tell the trqth and declare the man who uses his purse to elevate himself to office or to t a(u a partisan advantage an enemy of the people and a traitor to free institutions? Here, sir, is a fertile Held for the viger of vl>tue and the zeal of reform. The plutocrat Is the foe of popular rights, the champion of centralization. His interests are not the interests of the people. His ways are not their ways. He demands new ways, the ways of federal life appointees, dominating the old ways of elected election officers, the ways of one-man power, armed to overthrow popular rights, the ways of monopoly, of class legislation, of money despotism. If you are patriots, if you burn with zeal to bless your country, strike at him. Make his chief poli ical virtue, the expenditure of money to influence elections, the greatest of civic crimes. Kir, we do not need this proposed law. The people know ve do not need it. Every honest town officer, every inspector of an election precinct in the country, knows that we do not need it. Our States are all prosperous, content sits at every hearthstone. There is no demand from the people for your fifties and hundreds, your life-long supeivisors, your hosts of spies aud informers, your political judges, your despotic returning boards. The ways of our fathers have been the ways of prosperity and freedom to as, We will not bow down to your strange gods. We will cling to the true faii hos local control of our ballots and of our rights.

HOW WE ARE TAXED.

[From the Chicago Herald.] The Buffalo Courier says that some time ago Senator James K. Jones asked C. R. P. Breckinridge, of the House Ways and Means Committee, to prepare for W. L. Terry, of Little Rock, a statement of the amount of tariff duties on a bill of goods bought by a representative farmer. In reply Mr. Breckinridge furnished an exhibit based on actual transactions between R. M. Knox, a merchant of Pine Bluff, Ark., and 1). W. Branch, a farmer who bought the goods. Mr. Breckinridge explains that “this is calculated upon the basis of copy from the books of Mr. Knox and upon the rate of taxes actually paid upon competing articles at the ports as provided by law." The bill as it appears in Mr. Knox’s books is subjoined: 1887. Articles. Cost. Tariff. Jan. 26—To cassimere suit clothesSlLOO SI.OO 2 pair brogans, $1.65 3.30 75 Feb. s—l bell collar 1.50 75 2 pair plow lines 70 16 1 pair boy’s brogans 1.25 29 17—1 box axle grease 10 2 21— 1 Avery plow 3.50 1.09 • 2 buck boards, EOc; 9 pounds nails at 6c,550.. 1.03 29 1 bushel salt, 75c; 1 pair misses’ shoes, $1.25.... 2.00 62 March B—l pair shoes, $1.75; 1 pair of hinges, 25c i 2.00 50 1 yard water-proof 75 30 26—1 pair brogans. 1.60 37 2 yprds calico, 10c 20 9 1 water bucket, 25c; 1 spool thread, 5c 30 9 April 9—ll pounds nails, 6c 66 14 22 hats, 65c; 1 yard lawn, 50c.... ».... 1.80 51 20 yards stripe, 12‘-ic 2.50 1.06 14 yards calico, 10c 1.40 60. 3 yards jeans, 50c 1.50 70 jt> dozen thread .40 13 12 yards ticking, 25c 3.00 1.25 1 set cups and saucers.. 75 29 May 3—l knife 75 25 June B—2 pair men’s shoes 4.00 47 1 pair suspenders 75 20 24—10 yards bleached domes-

tic, 114 c 1.25 54 July 25—2 suits clothes, §7.50,59... 16.50 5.79 2 yards oil cloth, 40c 80 12 10 yards gimham, 10c.... 1.00 35 1 currycomb and brush.. 16 5 Aug, 19—35 yards bagging, 9c 3.15 1.05 1 bundle ties, #1.50; 12 pounds nails, sc, 60c. .• Sept. &—l4 pounds nails, 5c 70 21 1 box A grease, 10 pounds * soda, 10c 20 6 16—35 yards bagging, 80.... 2 80 95 1 bundle-ties 1.50 39 10 yards Osnaburgs, 11c.. 1.10 34 Oct. 24—1 suit jean clothes .. 7.50 2.67 2 wool hats. $ Land $150.. 2.50 1.02 l W£* wool hat.. 75 32 10 yards worsted, 200 .... 2.00 87 13 yards worsted, 17c 2.20 95 1 set plates..... 65 24 1 set goblets..... 65 21 1 set knives and forks ... 2.75 91 2 dishes, 40c and 600 1.00 36 35 yards bagging, 8c 2,80 99 1 bundle ties 3.13 95 The Key West and other domestic manufacturers of cigars from Havana tobacco are very much awake to the ruiu of their business which would be worked by the McKinley tariff. The duty on their imported material it is proposed to increase from 35 cents to @2 per pound, which will amount Jto an increase of $30.60 on the quantity required for makings thousand cigars, or 4 cents on each cigar. Meantime, the customs duty on the imported cigars is to be increased only #6O par thousand, or 3 cents each. The in-

crease of duty will be therefore one-third more on the domestic, manufacture than on the imported. Bo much for the “home industry” under Mr. McKinley. The customer’s part will he to P»y 15 cents for a 10-cent cigar. In the fiscal year 1883 we sold Great Britian $380,0(X),0J0 worth of our - products, mostly agricultural. It is the object of the Englisn protectionists to destroy this export trade, or as much of it as possible. Should they succeed our farmers would be mainly confined to the home market for the sale of tneir surplus and would have to reduce their production accordingly. For we could not find a market at home to take the place cf the British market. Supposing that we stopped buying of Great Britain, a 3 well as selling to her, we should reduce our imports by only $178,000,0X1, while onr loss of patronage would amount to sßßo,ooo,o<Jb. Our net loss, therefore, according to the Louisville Courier-Journal, would exceed $200,000,000. This is the consummation toward which British protectionists are laboring. In view of the foregoing facts there does not seem to be a great deal of intelligence back of the encouragement which American protectionists occasionally give to their British brethren. Eoth are laboring 1o “check imports* into their respective countries, and the oonsequence of the BUCC3SB of bo h would be the destruction of commerce between the two nations. But as Great Britain is a better customer to us than' we are to her, the advantage of such a result would seem to be largely on her side—at least, if we admit the protectionist contention that the true policy of a country is to sell as much B,B _P oßa 'bl e abroad and buy altogether at home. The British protectionists are numerically so weak that it may be a long time before they will be able to secure the adoption of retaliatory duties against this country. But the idea is growling abroad, and has already taken shape in Mexico and France within the past few months. Other countries are discussing the propriety of a similar course upon the passage of the new tariff bill. It may as well be understood, at once that we can not pursue onr policy of “checking imports" without provoking retaliation and injuring our export trade.

The merchant tailors of the United States are up in arms ngaiust the Republican party on account of a clause In tho McKinley tariff bill which admits into United States ports free of duty SSOO worth of clothing. In St. Louis there is au organization of merchant tailors known as the Drapers and Tailors’ Exchange, of which B. F. Myers, of the MyersLubre Tailoring Company, is President. Mr. Myers was seen by a Republic reporter and asked for some information on the subject of the grievances against the Republican party among the members of the tailors' oxebange. He said that the merchant tailors all over the country had memorialized Congress not to pass that section of the McKinley bill, but that they had passed it in the House, notwithstanding the protest of the tailors. The law will be highly detrimental to the interests of merchant tailoring in tho United States, and in the tailors’ petition to Congress not to pass it attention is called to the fact that it virtually admits duty freo SSOO of value of wearing apparel by each person arriving within the United States, and further, that each such individual importation by adult male passengers would represent at least fifteen suits of foreign made clothes, representing a value in the United States of at least SI,OOO ; and further, that 25,000 adult male residents of the United States depart for and return from Europe annually; and further, that the average tourist’s trip abroad is once every third year, and that i ho $1 000 worth of clothing will supply such tourist with ample clothing during the Bald period of three years ; and further, that themmoy value limit in the McKinley bill would indues those residents of the United States visiting Europe who do not now purchase foreign-made clothing to do so.

“Europoan merchant tailors have already begun to send agents to this country to employ American cutters," said Mr. Myers. “There Is no tariff on the raw material there, and consequently they can make a suit of clothes and sell It, for 82 ) that cannot be made and sold for less than S4O here. They propose to come to this country and get cutters, and then employ men to travel hack and forth across the Atlantic bringing the goods they make up into our ports. The first, offeet of the law would be felt most keenly by the merchant tailors in the Eash m cities but it would not le long before it would sweep clear across the country. If there was no duty on the materials out of which clothing is made we could compete with the foreign tailors, but when the import duty ie left on raw materials and is taken off the madeup goods, as the Republican party proposes in tbe McKinley bill, it would not take long to ruin the merchant-tailoring business in this country and set our journeymen tailors out in the street to look for other employment.” Another gentleman who does business with the merchant tailors throughout tbe country said to the Republic representative: “I have talked with a great many tailors on the question of the stab at their business made by the Republican party through the McKinley bill, and I find that every one among them who was ' a Republican heretofore has made up his mind to vote the Democratic ticket in the future. They have had their pockets' pinched by the political party that makes laws for the benefit of the rich nabobs who can afford to go to Europe to buy their clothing. The passage of that clause of the McKinley tariff bill will cost the Republican party a good many thousand votes at the coming election, you can bet on that.”

Plows in Buenos Ayres.

The makers of protected agricultural implements in this country advertise in Buenos Ayres for $9 the same plows that they sell to the American farmer for sl4. This fact is calculated to cause a suspicious farmer to lose faith in the blessings of a war tariff.— Wheeling Register. __

Composite Photography.

Composite photography is a device which first came into notice three or four years ago. A sitter is posed before a camera, which is adjusted to giv6 a large picture of the sitter’s face. The position of the eyes and lips is marked on the ground glass, and then the plate is exposed perhaps for onetenth of the usual time. Another sitter then replaces the first, and the eyes and lips being made to correspond with the marks on the ground glass, another brief exposure of the same plate is made. The process is repeated with eight other persons, and the plate is then developed. The result is a pictured which common characteristics of all the sitters are strongly marked, while individual peculiarities are only faintly shown. There are some exceptions to this rule, however, as a blonde person with a very smooth skin will counteract the effect of many darker and more wrinkled faces. Hence the composite portrait of a group of persons of different ages appears younger than the average of all of the sitters’ ages. The first face taken is also found to be more strongly impressed than the others, if the exposures are equal. The method may be of value in establishing definite national or local types. It is, at any rate, an interesting subject of study. Applied to portraits of the same person drawn by different artists, it is probable that composite photography may give a more correct representation of the original than is afforded by any one of the pictures. In this way several new portraits of Washington and other celebrated persons have been obtained. When applied to autographs, it is claimed that this method serves to establish perfectly characteristic signatures. It may thus be of great service in the detection of forgeries.

MILWAUKEE’S WELCOMF

THE CREAM CITY GREETS THE KNIGHTS OF PYTHIAS. Addresses by Mayor Peck and Gov. Hoard Listened To by 2,000 Visaing Knights— Exercises Attendant on the Conclave in Wisconsin’s Metropolis. Milwaukee (Wis.) dispatch: The great Pythian army and their friends has been welcomed to Milwaukee and Wisconsin in right royal style. The members of the Supreme lodge marched from the Plankinton house in a body to tho Exposition building, being escorted by the local committee and Gen. Carnahau and staff of the uniform .rank. Upon reaching the building Supreme Master-at-arms Robert xSeweil escorted tho supremo representatives to the seats . prepared for them on the stage. Some 2,000 knights had gathered in the mammoth auditorium to listen to the addresses of welcome and the responses. Mayor Peck, who welcomed the knights on behalf of the Cream city, was the first to speak, and he was frequently interrupted by applause. He made a characteristic address, and he brought down the house when he closed by assuring the knights that all they had to do was. in the languages of the poet, to touch the button and whatever they might want would come ftp at once. Gov. Hoard followed in a brief but appropriate welcoming address, in which ho referred to the splendid work being done by the Order of the Knights of Pythias. On behalf of the Knights of Wisconsin Grand Chancellor P. B. Hoskins of Fond du Lac spoke feelingly and eloquently. In reply to all these hearty welcomes to tho most hospitable State and city in the union Past Supreme Chancellor John P. Linton of Johnstown, Pa., responded most appropriately fn an extemporaneous but well-timed address. At the conclusion of these ceremonies, which did not occupy an hour’s time, the supreme lodge was escorted to the AVest Side Turner hall, where Supreme Vice Chancellor Shaw opened the first session. AH of the officers and representatives except Supreme Chancellor Ward were present. The reports of the various supreme officers were offered and accepted when the supreme body adjourned over night. Tho Rrand pdrade, participated in by thousands upon thousands of brave knights, moved promptly at 4 o’clock In the afternoon, Gen. Carnahan commanding. The streets all along tho line of march were filled with people who watched the magnificent armv of red plumes and helmets as they marched by.

CRACKER TRUSTS AT WAR.

The Western Combination Will Fight Eastern Manufacturers. New York dispatch: The American, Biscuit Manufacturing company has secured from the White estate the big livo-storv building on the northeast corner of West and Bethune streets. It is known as White’s malt house and stands on a lot 196 by 160 feet. The American company will at once begin to put in ovens, and it is expected that inside of three months the factory will be opened, employing from 400 to 500 hands. This is the opening of the fight between tho two big cracker companies. The New York Biscuit company, which the American, or Western, combination of manufacturers propose to fight here in the East, was incorporated in Illinois with a capital of $5,000,000. A number of the big Eastern cracker companies were united under this head and prominent among them are E. J. Larrabee & Co., and Vandeveer & Holmes. The company at once secured a tract of ground at Tenth avenue aud Sixteenth street. There a big factory will be built. L. D. Dozier oi the Dozier Cracker company of St. Louis and D. F. Breranor of the Bremner Baking company of Chicago have been stopping for several days at tbe Gilsey house. They are leading men in the American company, and both declare that their company will fight the Eastern concern on its own grounds.

BLAINE CRITICISES REED.

The Secretary of State on the Quorum Question. Washington dispatch: The criticism of Speaker Reed by “a leading Republican” in the current number of the North American Review is by common consent credited to Secretary Blaine. When she announcement was made that such an article was to appear it was thought that either Senator Edmunds or Senator Ingalls might be the anthor, as both have shaken their heads doubtingly over somo of Mr. Reed’s positions. But the internal evidence, is all against either of them, and the gossip among Senators is that “the ex-M. C.,” to whom the article is attributed, cannot be one of their number because they are not “Exes.” Besides some of them think that the sentiments in the article are similar to the views Mr. Blaine has uttered in private talk. It is pointed out that only an exSpeaker could show the familiarity with the House procedure that is shown by the writer. Mr. Blaine when Speaker held that a quorum could not be counted. His favorite expression was: “You may lead a horse to water, but you can’t make him drink.” Mr. Reed at one period of Ills parliamentary career took the same ground and opposed an amendment to the rules proposed by Randolph Tucker to enable the Speaker to declare a quorum, but he afterwards changed his views. Telegrapeic Brevities. A cyci.one passed over Catlin, 111., doing groat damage to growing crops. A barge grain elevator at Sheldahl, lowa, belonging to Ben A. Lockwood of Dos Moines, was struck by lightning and burned. The National House committee on commerce has ordered a favorable report on the bill giving theatrical troupes reduced rates in parties of sevea or moro. # |

STRUCK BY A CYCLONE.

FARGO, NORTH DAKOTA, LAID WASTE BY THE WIND. Havoc Wrought by a Fierce Storm—Several Lives Lost—Many Buildings Laid In Ruins. St Paul dispatch: A reporCMs current here that the town of Fargo, N. D., was completely swept away by a cyclone this morning, and that Moorhead, which lies in Minnesota, across the Red river from Fargo, was also slightly damaged. Of eourse, if the report is true, there must have been great loss of life at Fargo, and all indications tend to confirm the reports. A railroad man who arrived from that vicinity this morning says a terrific windstorm prevailed there this morning, and that several trains were blown from the tracks. All wires to Fargo are down, and the Western Union officials report that about two miles of telegraph wires near Fargo have blown down. West of Fargo they sav worse conditions exist, aud that miles and miles of wires aud poles are down.

The last reports received by the signal service from Fargo were at 7 p. m. Sunday, and they show a low barometer, temperature of 80 degrees, and a wind volocity of six miles per hour, good condition for a storm. From Mapleton in the west, Buttvilie in the south, Muskoda in the east, and Villernon in the north, the country has been swept by a terrible tornado. Fargo was the center of the storm. The stifling, ominous calm of midnight gave warning of the approach of the storm, and the city was awake and as well prepared as possible for the worst. The storm came just alter 2 o’clock and lasted for thirty-five minutes, during which time nearly every large building in the city was unroofed or otherwise damaged. The heavens seemed one mass of flame, and the thunder was appalling. The wind came first in heavy gusts, every one of which seemed to carry off a roof, finally settling into a steady sweep that grew fiercer as the time went by. In tbe Intervals between the thunder bursts could be beard on every side tbe crash of falling buildings, flying roofs and the smashing of glass In windows. Great chimneys were torn from, brick buildings and burled in every direction. There was not a building in Fargo but lost glass, from the heaviest plate down. Women and children shrieked as they ran about in the darkness, and men stood helplessly about with blanched faces, unable to move hand or foot to protect their property. For thirty minutes t ic stoma raged, then slowly passed’ off toward the northwest. Half an hour later daylight dawned and soon the entire scene of devastation was brought to view. As if in mockery, the only tall building left standing was that devoted to the signal service, where a wind gauge showed the velocity of the storm to hs-ve been eighty-two miles. The scene about the city was terrible. The streets were choked up with debris of all kinds. The wife of Captain J. W. McCarthy and her seven children were caught and crushed in a cellar. When the storm approached Mrs. McCarthy gathered the children and took them into the cellar for safety. A moment later the house was lifted up and dashed down upon the devoted band. The seven children were crushed out of all semblance of humanity. For three hours the mother was pinned down with broken limbs and crushed body, but help came too late to save her. These alone were the deaths, though there were several injured. Milwaukee (Wis.) dispatch: Advices received at the Chicago, Milwaukee & St, Paul offices from their agent at Fargo are to the effect that the town is pretty well wiped out. Several people were killed aud a number injured. A Northern Pacific train was blown from the track

A St. Paul (Minn.) dispatch says: The Western Union office in this city has been unable to get Fargo or Moorhead, Minn., which is located across the Red river from there. Their wires are down for some distance in all directions from Fargo, and nothing definite can be learned from them at the present time. It is probable that a special train will start soon for the scene of the disaster, but it could not reach there before midnight at the earliest. The condition of the wires would also greatly delay the speedy receipt of definite news. General Passenger Agent C. S. Fee, of the Northern Pacific, has the following telegram from Jamestown, N. D.: “About 2 a. m. a severe storm struck the Dakota division. No. 1 was blown from the track at the Fargo shops. The roof was blown of! the depot at Mapleton. One of the elevators at Dalrymple moved off its foundation, The elevator at Edmunds on the Jamestown & Northern was struck by lightning and burned. Cars were blown out on the main track at Buttsville on the Fargo & Southwestern branch. “No. 1 has not been abandoned west of Fargo. No. 7 and No. 4 are being held by No. 1. Have sent tyocKing outfit to Fargo. Will take six lvgurs to make track passable there. -Stain lin* is clear'aside from this. Will gibe you particulars later, as wires are all down.’*’ Mr. Fee says that if any one on the. train had been killed or injured It would certainly have been mentioned.

From Far and Near.

Davio Nelson, a wealthy stock buyer of Bellevue, Mich., committed suicide while temporarily insaue. The first annual convention of the Young Men’s Hebrew association of the United States is In session at Cincinnati. Ohio. I Police Officer Clahke of New York w£3 oyercora* by smoke whjje rescuing Mrs. Tobias from the building 41 Riviagton street. Both will recover. The Kentucky Chautauqua assembly Is holding a session at Lexington., Among the speakers are the Rev. F. WvT Gensaulus of CijJnfijro and the Hon. & 9. Horr of Michigan. i