Democratic Sentinel, Volume 14, Number 15, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 2 May 1890 — Page 6

TEARING THE TARIFF.

JAMES HI WALKER'S VIEWS ON THE M’KINLKY BILE. The Well-Known Chicago Dry-Gooils Merchant Arraigns the Ohio Protection Tinker—Ho Says Kansas Is Opening Her Eyes to New Convictions. [From the Chicago Herald.] Janes H. Walker, the head of the big Chicago dry-goods house bearing his name, is the writer of the following interesting letter on the tariff. It was written in reply to Oapt. B. Rockwell, of Junction City, Kan., and its opening sentences tell in stronger language than words sometimes express themselves the story of how light is dawning upon Kansas and the West. Mr. Walker’s letter, or rather arraignment of the McKinley bill, is as follows: I am sorry to hear that the citizons of Kansas aro experiencing so little prosperity In their bnsinens affairs. Your conviction that the tariff is largely responsible fer their straitened condition is undoubtedly ccrrec';. The tariff is the question of the hour and is atsuiniug au Importance little suspected by the majority of the citizens of this country. It is scarcely within the scope of a letter to discuss the “pros and cons’’ of this subject. The venerablo sophistries of protectionists have been current so long that they are reputable through age, aud to the thoughtless have the ■pearance of truth. With touching credulity .je fanner has accepte l the highest possible tax as his greatest benefactor, and as the cause of our national prosperity. The jjrcsent tariff, originated for war purp<sts, was .loyally accepted by the people. Is > long as wheat remained above a dollar it was not severely felt, but with whoat at 78 cents in Ch iccgo it lias become a burden too intolerable to be norne, and the general conditions of the country aro crying aloud for relief. The farmer, knowing that the most bountiful crops which ever smiled upon this country are producing him no net profit, is casting alxiut for some alleviation. He fools that what he buys costs him too much, and, believing that his local merchants exact too largo a profit, is irganizing ••farmers’ alliances’’ in various parts of the country, hoping thereby to purchaso his supplies at a smaller percentage of profit than is required by the morchauls. This, however, will not, meet tho difficulty. The merchants’profits are none too large. The trouble is that, on account of being so heavily taxed, the goods originally cost the merchant too much. The farmer lias loug been led to believe that ihe present exirbitant tariff is for the benefit of American labor, in order to enable it to get high wages, and thereby create a good home market for the prodacts of the farm. A little investigation will prove to you that ihe operatives in tho mills of the protected industries get far lower wages than tho employes of the unprotected industries, and the highest scales of wages aud salary In this country aro in those trades, professions and occupa ions which are not protected in any manner whatover. The mercantile clerks of this country get the highest salaries iu tho world. The carpentorg, bricklayers, blacksmiths, locksmiths, and all the mechanics engaged in tile local industries which exist in our towns and villsges get far higher wages than operatives in the mills, and much higher than similar workers In any part of tho world. Our farmers are not protected in any sense of the t *rm. and yet the tarm laborer is hotter paid in this country than in any other Thes > facts stem to prove that high wages depend upon conditions rather than on a protective policy. Tho benefits of protec ion apply to very sow people In this country—probably not over 5 (o lb per cent, of the whole population. The o her 90, to 95 per cent, pay enormous taxes for the enrichment of that 5 to 10 per cent, and get nothing in return. Does your community know that tho tariff tax on dry goods, such as dress goo Is, farmor's satin, casbmoros, henritttas and shawls, will average 75 per cent, at the port of entry aud nearly 100 per cent, by the tirno they reach the •consumer? Does your community know that ilieroisa hill now being considered by Congress which is •called a revised tariff bill? Tho country at largo imagines that revision of ihe tariff means a reduction of the tariff. Tbs facts are that as far as dry goods ore concerne.i it means a still furthor increase of ihe tariff of from sto 12’« per cent. Does your community knvw that organized manufacturers are iu Wa hington at pro eni, urging the passage of this enormous additional tariff on top of a tariff incredibly large already? Does your community know that tho passage of this bill means that many dry goods when they reach tho consumer w ilt cost exactly double what they ought to cost, or double what thoy would cost if this tariff did not exist? Cotton warp dress goods pay a duty at tho port of entry of 70 per coni. Add the profits of the importer and retailer to the duty, say 25 p r • cent, more, and when they reach the c msimior the tax is equal to 87 per coni. The bill now in Congress pr poses to make this tax 102 percent, in place or 87 per cent., or 15 per cent. more. All wool ca-hmores now pay an average duty of 80 per cent. Add the importer’s and retailing profits, and when they reach the consumer the tax is 100 percent. The bill nt>w before Congress proposes to increase this duty about 10 per cent, more, making the tax 110 per cent. Fancy flannels for lawn tennis suits, wairts, aid shirts now pay a duty of 75 per cent. Wiih the importer’s and retailer’s profits added, 100 per cent. Congress proposes to increase the duty by 33 per cent., making the tariff on those goods i. 33 per cent. Silk-warp Henriettas now pay 50 per cent. It is now proposed to increase the duy to 00 per cent.

Woolen shawls now pay 80 per cent. It is now proposed to increase the duty to 90 or 100 per cent. Is it just for any dais of American citizens to receive a bounty of 10'J per cent for doing business when 9.1 per cant of our citizens receive no bounty at all? Does not this savor of discrimination in favor of a few against the many, and does it not look very much like class legislation in favor of a privileged minority? Our agriculturists sell what they produce in too markets of the world, and the prices which the foreign! r is willing to give for what we export makes the market prices for what is consumed at home. i Tin following are among the very largo lisof articles which are heavily taxed by the tariff and which are not produced in this, country, never have been produced, and possibly never will be produced, because climatic and other conditions prevent: Linen goods of all classes (except common crash) pay 31 per cent., and when they reach the consumer the tax is 45 per cent. The present bill before Congress proposes to increase this tax 5 per cent. more. Linen handkerchiefs, which are not and never have been produced in this country, pay 35 per cent, at the port of entry, or 44 per cent, when sold to the consumer. Wool veilings, which are not produced in this country, pay a tax of 5J percent., and in the consumer's hands this tax is increased to 05 per cent, by the intermediate profits as previously stated. Embroideries, which are not produced in this country to any appreciable extent, pay 40 per c mt. Add the importer's and the r etailer’s proSts, the tax reaches the enormous amount of So per cent. Tho same figures apply to cotton velvets and many other articles of general use among the masses. See the disadvantages of our farmers compared with those of foreign countries. Certain styles of common dress goods, which are impel tol largely into, this country, cost in EngJaud And France 13 cents per yard. The same gooda, with duty added, cost iu this country 25 cents per yard. The farmer in England and France gets for his wheat $1 a bushel. Our farmers west of the Missouri River obtain for' their wheat about 50 cents a bushel. In other words, our farmers pay almost twice as much for what they buy as the foreigner, and they only receive 5C per cent, as much for what they sell. Can it be possible that our Representatives and Senators in Congress are aware of these facts ? And if they are, will they dare to still further increase taxes to the extent proposed ? Previous to the meeting of the last Republican convention in June, 1883, the Cuicago Tribune, in a very powerful editorial a tide, as Hod the question: “Who will speak tor the iarmer?” The convention met. It oko for the politician and for the manufacturer, and for everybody but the fanner, and that great, patient, industrioas, loyal, docile class of our country w as left Enropresmted. In the November following, with pathetic docility the farmer voted according to his

old beliefs for a “protective” policy which is little short of robbery. Not many weeks ago a Congressional committee was appointed to take testimony concerning the workings of the present tariff. The accounts of ihit investigation seem to indicate that nobody was Invited to testify except the manufacturers. The merchants were not represented. The farmers were not represented. The great unprotected class who pay nearly all the taxes were unrepresented, and the beneficiaries of this.enormon* system of taxation represented thorn selves. The is seen in the present bill which la before' Congress. And what a sigbt it is SJelf-fnterest in the halls of the Capitol testifying in :lt« ofrn bohalf. 'The collectors of the taxes clam’•rods formore. The payers of the taxes apparently indifferent or ignorant of what Is going on. The present tariff having continued In operation nearly twenty-seven years, It is high time that our infant tudustriea should have placed themselves in. a position where they will require less rather tfiad more tariff, as they are no-w demanding, * Patents, which arc the reward of genius-and invehtlon,’ usually run out in seven years. The tariff has lasted twenty-seven years. No manufacturer is entitled to a bountyof 53, 60, 70, 8J or 100 j>er cent, for doing business. The manifest injustice of this discrimination in favor of any class of people is only too evident. The tariff should be reduced largely as so on as possible, and if tho people desire a policy of protection, it should lie of a moderate character, and not a guarantee of enormous profits to anybody who choosos to embark In the manufacturing enterprises. Surely the mas 3of the people are entitled to some consideration, and equal justice iu these matters should be meted out to all. A reduction of tariff would of course create a depreciation of values In certain directions ; bu f l ow much have farm lands depreciated withi tho last five years, owing to the depreciate value of crops? The amount is equal, probably, to moro than the entire valuo of all the manufacturing plants in this country. Yet that shrinkage nas been boruo uncomplainingly, and without any great disaster. The effect upon tho money market of the excessive taxes collected by the’ Government, under the tariff, ha i become a very serious matter. The Treasury is full to overflowing and has a very largo surplus. Meanwhile, money throughout tho councry is uncomfortably close, and business enterprises are retarded and jejpardized through a lack of available funds. In order to get this Treasury suri lus into circulation again in tho ordinary channels of trade, unusual aud unnatural methods are adopted, and in the exercise of thoso inothods the Secretary of the Treasury is invested with a discretionary power which is without parallel iu the history of finance. Some secretaries may exercise that power judiciously. Some day we may have a speculating secretary, whose interests will Ho in the direction of a very tizht money market and a consequent deprecia. ion of values. Such a possibdity should not oxist, and would not under a judicious tariff. Since writing the above I have received a sketch of tho proposed tariff bill now being considered by Congiess, and flud tho iucroased duties so much greater than anybody anticipated that I herewith append a comparative list of some principal items, being unwilling to do auy injustice to tho insatiate greed ot tho tariff “reviser.” Specific rates are computed ad valorem, for comparison: McKiuley bill Present proposed duty duty percent, percent. Cotton warn dress goods, costing less than 15c sq.yd.. 60 ©75 81 © 98 (goods costing 8d for 36-in.) from 15 to 2)c sq. yd 00 ©75 90 ©lO5 (goods costing 8d for 36-in.) from 20c upward 53 @B2 01 © 98 Farmer satins bolow 15c sq.yd 61 @OB 80 @9O (this class includes 3 of our grades) from 15 to 2Jcsq.yd. 01 008 95 ©IOO (this class includes 3 of our grades from above 20c sq. yard 71 @75 85 @ 90 Ceylon suitings (saucy flannels), valu ) bjtween U)c and 80c a pound 75 126 Woolen goods costing 0s a yard, 59-in 57 l i@7o 07 @B4 Reiver shawls 00 ©95 78 ©llß E glish spring shawls 50 03 l e s au snawls 48 58 Cashmere gloves 05 85 English cashmere hoso 02,’-'.@oß 77 1-j® 87 French all-w( ol goods costing 1 franc per meter 70 89 French all-wool goods costing 1 franc, 30-in. wide 85 110 French cashmeres 05 @87’.;84 @ll3 James H. Walkeb.

The Bounty Business.

A bounty on sugar, silk or anything else is a rascally imposition on the people. All the industries in this country, of course, would like to receive bounties, aid taou-nads of them need bounties, but tuat is no reason why the Governmeut should pay them. Least of all is it a reason why Congress should \ote bounces to two public industries and not vote them to 2,0u0 others just ns feeble. If i the Government is to go into the bounty j business at all it should at least deal out bounties impartially to all the interests that need them. But if the Government is bent on assisting a few industries at the exponse of all the rest, it must be admitted that the method of assisting them by bounties is far preferable to assig ing them by a protective tariff. When a bounty of $5,000 a year is paid to an jnddstry, the country is plundered of only $5,000. But when a tariff is laid oil imports in order that that same industry may raise its prices $5,000. the prices of imports are raised also, and the people are plundered of perhaps $5,000,000 that the protected industry may realize $5,000. riy the bounty system, therefore, the people not on'y lose less, but are able to tell exactly how much thoy lose. Therp is nothing so ruinous to a country as a taxation by stealth. These bounties will also do good by educating the people. Comparisons will everywhere be instituted between bounties and the tariff, and when it is seen that the tariff is even more iniquitous than bounties, and that both confer gratuities upon favored classes, the conclusion drawn must be a salutary one. In this vievv, we say, let the bounties be piled on.— Chicago Herald.

The Trusts Are Safe.

In the dispatches from Washington announcing the passage in the Senate of the anti-trust bill, it is stated that tho measure stands no show of being acted on by the House at the present session. This was doubtless well understood by the Republican Senators, or else they would have found some excuse for killing it. There is not the slightest doubt that ic is a buncombe measure. The Republican politicians do not intend to prevent or punish trusts. If they did they would not discard the most palpable and potent remedv— the withdrawal of the tariff protection under which five-sixths of the trusts organize and prosper. The object of a protective duty is to enable the home producer to charge more for his product than he would be able to do vjrifchout it. If the duty fails in this, Erotection fails to protect. The commotion in a protected industry to secure entire control of the home market—in other words, to stop all competition and make the monopoly complete and effective—is the logic of protection harried to its full length. And this is why the Republican Congress will do nothing to forbid tracts.— Lansing . Journal.

Plain Facts Repeated.

Germany has shat out our pork. France has shut out our pork, and now

Canada has pnt a heavy protective doty on lard. These are all retaliatory measures. The people of these countries want onr products and we want theirs. We close our markets against them and they retaliate. The manufacturers. in whose interests this vicious and corrupt policy in this country is pursued, grow rich and the farmers grow poor. How many thousands and tens of thousands of times most these plain facts *be repeated to our farmers before they all understand them? —Grand Rapids Democrat.

A NATIONAL SCANDAL

SCATHING ARRAIGNMENT OF QUAY AND QCAYISSE Serious Charges Against the Chairman of the National Republican Committee—An Open Letter from Henry C. Eea to Ben Harrison. Henry C. Lea, the book publisher, respected as one of the most upright, intelligent and earnest citizens of Philadelphia, has written the following open letter to President Harrison: “To the President : “Sin—No graver scandal has darkened our political history than the charges brought against Soator Quay by the New York World in its issues of Feb. 10 and March 3. It would be useless hero to recapitulate them further than to say that, with full details of names and places and dates, the World asserts him to be a man whose political career lias been a succession of flagrantly dishonest acts, including the temporary abstraction from tho Stale Treasury of $200,000 in one instance and of $400,000 in anothor. “No such accusations, involving iniquity so varied and so continuous, aud supported by such an array of minute detail, have ever before, I believe, been brought against a politician so conspicuous. If they are true, Senator Quay ought to be in tho penitentiary. If they aro false, ho is a cruelly libeled man ; his accuser is a journal of the highest financial standing, and no jury of his couutrymon would refuse him exemplary damages that woul 1 put him beyond all future reach of want. Vindication and profit both await bim as an inc(ntive to prove his innocence, but although two months have elapsed since tho gravest of the charges were made j'liblio, neither solicitude for bis character nor desire of gain has prompted him to bioak silence. It is his own fault if Die public should regard him a 3 acquiescing iu llio truth of the charges. A NATIONAL SCANDAL. “It is true that tho crimes alleged against Senator Quay a o contacted only with his career as a Pennsylvania but your cloro connection with him has nml >red the scandal national. You were duly ' aned In advance irom a friendly source of the dangers of such an alliauce, yet by accepting his man. Mr. Wauamaker, as ft member ( f your Cabinet you assumed responsibility for both of thorn. In pursuance of this alliance, you havo onlarged Mr. Quay’s impoitauce by virtually giving hrm control of the Federal pa ronage in Pann-iyl-vania. thus rendering him the dictator ol the Hepublican party iu the Slate. He boasted of your subserviency to Urn when, iu explain-’ng his triumph over Representative Dalzell in the struggle for the Pittsburg postoffice, he publicly said that ‘tho President, though very auxous to grati.'e Mr. Dalzell, for whom he has a high esteem, could not, under all the circumstances, well avoid ecmplying with my wishes.’ EvmMr. Quay’s remarkabl) silence under the accusations of the World does not seem to have lessened his influence over you. Ho signalized his return from Florida a week or two since by capturing the Pittsburg Surveyorßhip of Customs against candidates urged respectively by Secretary BKinr and Representative Dalzell, Indeod, bis power would seem to be as great in Washingts n as in this State, for tho party organs now' tell us that ho has been endeavoring to buy off a superfluous candidate for the Governorship with an Assistant Secretaryship of War. In thus entering into a political partnership with Mr. Quay you must share tho losses as wall as the gains of tho venture. It is not Peuusjlvauia alone, ncr even the Hepublican party only, that has a right to protest; every citizen of the land must feel humiliation at the smirch thus inflietod on the Chief Magistracy of the nation. /N ACCOUNTING DEMANDED. "As a Republican by conviction, ardently dosiring the success of the party so long as it deserves success, let me request you, Mr. President, to take a calm survey of tho situation and render to yourself an account of your stewardship. 9 hurt en mouths ago you entered upon the duties of the highest office which tho world has to lies tow ; your party was supreme in ;he control of both nouses of Congress and of tea executive; everything promised a prosperous and useful administration, in which you, by simply adhering to the pledges under which you were elected, might earn another term from the confidence and pr.iticude of ihe people. The only cloud upon Ihe political horizon was your acceptance ot a Postmftstor General at Mr. Quay’s dictation, ostensibly as a reward for certain services performed during the canvass. That cloiid, then no larger than a man’s hand, has spread till it covers the firmament. Look back now and reflect upon your work. You have sedulously devoted yourself to the distribution of ‘ patronage;' you have turned out near y 43,000 Democratic officeholders, and in this ignoble business you have filled vacancies thus made by giving ‘ recognition ’ to the ivors t elements iu the party. You have thus degraded it to the lowest level, till ;t no longer deserves or enjoys the public confidence, and its interest, as well as chat of the nation, -demauds its purification by defeat. You havo earned for it the denunciation of the Hebrew prophet: “ ‘ Tho heads thoreof judge for reward, and the priests thereof teach for hire, and ths prophets thereof divine for money, yet will they lean upon the Lord and say. is not the Lord among us? Therefore shall Zion for your sake be plowed as a field aud Jerusalem shall becomo heaps.’ A WABNTNG PBOM TtlE PEOPLE. “But it noods no prophet to foretell the result. The elections of last November were a warning that tne poople would not tolerate your methods. You have refused to heed the lesson, and th 3 elections of next November will emphasize it. Tho narrow Republican major! ,y in the lower house will bo swept away, and your path for the latter half of vour administration will be a path of thorns. You have rewarded the ma.-nifleent majority of 80,000 given to you by Pennsylvania by riveting upon her tlio chains •of Quayism. You need not wonder that disaffection is spreading rapidly throughout her borders in a manner that may render even her allegiance doubtful. The outlook for 1892 is even darker. Were the Presidential election to take place to-morrow th. re could scarce be doubt of Democratic success. Let- me counsel you, Mr. President, as a friend, to reflect that this has been your work in one short year of misused power.

TIME FOR REPENTANCE, “If this retrospection should bring with It repentance and amendment, you still have before you three years which may be fruitful for good. Bear in mind that ‘faithful are the wounds of a friend, hut the kisses of an eaeiny are deceitful/ Discard the advisers who are luring you to your downfall. Recognize that the truest political expedimey lies iu lhe application of conscience to public affairs, end that you can serve your party best by sttmuia'ing the nobler aspirations of the nation, rather than by pandering to the baser appetites of spoilsmen. Cease to expect to gather figs from thistles, or to touch pitch without defilement. Apply'to your public duties the high standard of morality to which you adhere in your private li:e. Remember that evil can give birth only to evil, and that you. as Chief Magistrate of sixty-five millions of freemen, have on your soul a charge for which you inust reckon to posterity and God. 1 am, Mr. President, your obedient servant, “HENRT CHARLES LEA. “Philadelphia, April 8,18 JO."

Not Half So Sure.

The average Republican farmer is not half so sure that a protective tariff is the very best thing on earth for him as he was a few years ago. But when the longwinded protective oral ors, who are paid by the manufacturers to tell their tale of wue, commence on him ngain, we wonder if he will have sense enough to follow his own convictions and vote for bis own interests, or whether he will odd another weight to the load that is already crushing ’v.itn.— -Ypailanti Commercial.

THE NATION’S CAPITAL

WASHINGTON VIEWED FROM A MORAL STANDPOINT. A City Where There Is No Gambling: or Sabbath - Breaking Electing Senators by the People—Sam Randall’s Religious Belief—Congressman H iley’s Little Romance. [SPECIAL CORRESPONDENCE.] Washington, April 28, 1890. There is, after all, to be some agitation of the subject of the election of United States Senators by direct vote of the people dnring this session of Congress. Senator Mitchell, of Oregon, has developed into a champion of a move in this direction, and on last Monday addressed the Senate in a lengthy argument in favor of a constitutional amendment providing for the selt ctou of members of the upper branch of Congress by a majority vote of the people of each State. » « * * An incident in the Congressional life of the late Samuel J. Randall is lelated by a Washington reporter, touching upon the distinguished Representative's religious opinions and how he silenced a theological discussion in his committee-room. It is said of him that he worked out his leligious theories in the same philosophical manner that he brought to bear upon every subject in which lie .was interested and brought the same power of reason ng into play. That conviction once established could never be uprooted. One day about two years ago his committeeroom whs filled with Congressmen. Mr. Randall was busy at his correspondence, paying no attention apparently to what was being said apart from his own work. The conversation around him finally took a philosophical turn and launched off into a discussion of the Bible and Christianity, the tone of the discussion being decidedly skeptical. Indeed, there seemed to be a strong atheistical sentiment present. The conversation continued without appearing to interest the .Pennsylvanian, when, attracted perhaps by a ralher broad and liberal assertion by one of those present, he got up, pushed his letters aside, stood at the corner of tho table, with that set look of determination and positiveness on his face so often remarked on the floor of the House,and said: “Gentlemen, Christianity is truth. Tho man who doubts distrusts his own intelligence. ” This was said in his most solemn and impressive tone, and at once silenced the discussion. A moment later he left the room. « * Jfc * The Chinese enumeration bill was knocked into a cocked-bat in the Senate, and will be heard of no more this session. Senator Evarts, of New York, is given the credit for iis defeat. In his speech aga nst it the New York Senator denounced it as a barbaric measure, unAmerican and despotic in form, and not ctlculated iu any vise to reflect credit upon the nation adopting it. The bill provided for furnishing every Chinese resident with a certificate of such ieeidrnce at the time of the taking of the census, and the exclusion in the future of e'ery Chinamen not provided with wr.tten authority toremaio. Senator Wilson, of lowa, ottered an amoudmeut allowing Chinese laborers to pass through the United States bound lor points outside, wh ch was adopted. This, in effect, destroyed the original purposes of the entire Chinese exclusion act. In view of this, Senator Stewart, one of the most radic il of the antiChinese bill supporters, moved to table the enumeritiug bill, and it was so done by an almost unanimous vote. * * * Mrs. J. Ellen Foster, the noD-p*rtisan temperance worker, was given an elesram dinner last week, at which were present the most noted personages of public life, including Pres dent Harrison and wife, Secretary and Mrs. Blaine, and tho British Minister. The honor was tendeied Mrs. Foster on the eve of her departure Lor Europe. * * The conference committee having in charge the bill organizing Oklahoma under a territorial form of government has settled the differences of the two houses and ieported a measure ca culnted to give eut ire satisfaction to ali psrties concerned, unless, perhaps, it be the men who desire the Federal places and who live in the territory. It will 1 e remembered that, some weeks ago,when the Senate was acting upon the Oklahoma bill, Senator In.all's tacked on an amendment limiting office-holders to actual residents. The reason given for this was that the Kansas Senator had been to the President and : sked for a Judgeship for one of his constituents and had been refused. The refusal, it is alleged, was accompanied by the statement that the men to fill the various offices in the new territory had already been picked out. Jugalls said nothin'?, but the fruits of his thinking were visible in the bill in the provision compelling tbe appointing power to emtine appointments to residents. Since that time, however, tbe wrath of the Kansas cyclonic Senator has been appeased, tbe obnoxious feature in the hilt has i een stricken out, and one of the new judges will come from Kansas.

* V The usual scramble to get out of Washington during the hot months goes merrily on. Both f-ides of Massachusetts avenue for five blocks is almost depopulated. Of fashionable life there is note trace left. This locality is in the finest pait of the city, and consists of handsome stoue flats rented by the season, after the same manner that cottages and hotel quarters are secured during the summer months at seaside resorts. One of these tints, located on Dupont Circle, rents as high as SBOO per month, and eagerly seized at that. It was occupied last winter by a weulthy merchant of Philadelphia, who, with his wife and two daughters, gave several magnificent receptions just after the holidays. * * The next important question to come up for discussion in Congress is the land grant forfeiture bill. This is a measure providing for the forfeiture to the Government of all the lands heretofore granted to railroad companies and which have been unearned !by the said corporations. It involves the ownership of several million acres of very valuable lands in Western and Southwestern States, The railronds of course are fighting the bill for all there is iu it, and as there are a good many men in Congress anxious to show the country t,hat they are not in I sympathy with corporations, a pretty • tight May be expected. Perhaps the oft-

repeated statement that the Senate is controlled by the bondholding interests of the country will receive practical illustration when this measure comes on for consideration. It will be a pretty good indication of the truth or falsity of the charges. * Perhaps in time Washington will become not only tbe pride of the libertyloviDg American but the boast and living example of tbe strictest Methodistic principles. There is not a public gambling resort in the city, unless some cellar or dingy back room in which are huddled a few darkies playing “craps” for pennies can be called a gambling resort. Indeed, even these are "pulled” by the police with becoming regularity. Every saloon is promptly closed at 12 o’clock. On Sunday business of all kinds is entirely susE ended, and for a saloonkeeper to open is shop, only to air it out. is sure death—to his license. The city on Bab-, hath morning resembles a New England village. Pennsylvania avenue is deserted until church time, when men, women, and children, with prayer-books in hand, are seen hurrying to the various places of worship. Everything is as qniet and subduod as a fnneral. There is no other city in the world that can compare with NVashington in its quiet nights and peaceful Sabbaths. ♦ * * Tne Dolph smelling committtee, appointed to investigate the secret-session leakage, made a report recommending severe measures to compel reporters to divulge the source of their information as to the happenings of executive sessions. Tho Senate refused to entertain the recommendation and the committee was discharged. Several 6f the newspaper boys who appeared before the committee early in the session, and who refused to testitv, wore discharged at the same time and walked up to the financial clerk’s office and drew $154 salary. The committee desired to punish them for contempt, so could not discharge them. Some of the leportors wbo drew witness fees for one day are kicking themselves for not doing likewise. >l* >{» ik Theie is quite a pretty little romance connected with the marriage of Congressman John M. Wtlev, of New York, and Miss t ooper. of Indianapolis, which took place the other duy. Miss Cooper was visiting in Washington when Mr. Wiley first met her, being introduced in a hotel parlor by tho late Thomas A. Hendricks. He fell desperately in love with her, and, it is claimed by intimate friends, proposed for her hand the next dav. She laughed at him and told him be would forget all about it in a little while. One year from that time he proposed ngain, and again met with refusal. Three or fouryears rolled around regularly, and as regularly would he ask her t& marry him. His final success is testified by the recent wedding. One of the Congressman’s Iriends asked him if the above story is ttue, and he laughingly replied: “Well, I have kept prettv close Lack of her for some time, and I confess for a time I was afraid she’d get awav.” * * it By unanimous vote last week, Congress accepted the handsome statue of General Grant, presented by the Grand Army of the llepublic, and it will be placed in a conspicuous place in Statuary Hull. Tbe statue was paid for by voluntary contributions, in small sums, from veterans and tbeir families. 3

Not Sugar, but Meat.

It “was settling day” at a. general store in a Louisiana hamlet. Between sixty and seventy negroes were on hand to see how iheir accounts stood, and the proprietor and his clerk were very Busy with the books. As the name of each was called he came forward, and the conversation ran about thus: “Well, Henry, you have had 100 pounds of meat, 300 pounds of meal, 60 pounds of Hour, 20 pounds of sugar, a pair of shoes, a pound of tea, and a hat. Deduct from this your cotton and I owe you ten dollars.” “Yes, sah.” They had got to the tenth: man before any one kicked, and then it was an intelligent-looking black who-had a memorandum book in hiis fyand, and who said: “I hain’t dun had no sugar of yon, Mars’ Thompson.” “You haven’t?” “No, sah. What’s the date of it?” “The 17th of last month.” “We all was dun gone away from home from de 15th to de ‘2oth, an’ dat charge haiu’t right.” “ What! Do you dispute my books ? a “I has got to, sah,” “Then I’ll ! Hold on, William; lam wrong. Yes, I have made a mistake. It isn’t sugar, but meat. That makes—let’s see—that makes forty pounds of meat instead of twentypounds of sugar, and you owe me so.” He had scratched out the false charge and falsilied the amount of meat to offset. it, cheating the man out of $4, but William turned to his companions and proudly waved the book on high and said: “Haven’t I dun stuck to it dat eddeeasliun puts money in yo’ pockets ?” New York Sun.

We need to consider the old elements and the new in every question. Thei-e is danger of that 100 cautious spirit which resists all change because "the past has been good enough.” The past has held many errors which modern thought is bringing to light, and, as higher aims and better methods are coming t 6 the front, they rightly claim our assistance and influence. - / ; Compliments which we think are dt served we accept only as debts, with indifference; but those which conscience informs us we do not merit we receive with the same gratitude that we do favors given away. A flatterer is said to be a beast who biteth smiling. But it is hard to know them from friends, they are so obsequious and full of protestation ; for a wolf resembles a dog, so doth a flatterer a friend. Many a man is ready to raise an objection who couldn’t raise a cent.

James C. Moody.