Democratic Sentinel, Volume 14, Number 8, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 14 March 1890 — Page 6

THE LITTLE PEOPLE. BY JOHN GBEKNLE AE WHITTIER. s2c~Zs. > DKEARY place would -JjhrjESerf I \ be thi» earth f&SWTwar Ik\ Were there no little </ j “ l people in it: UftrTfiSw / A l The song of life would I / Lj lose its mirth II Were there no chilff/jjj (Jj fm \J dreu to begin it. Aj/l / U | No babe within our 9y //f-, 1 /£-*! ll arms to leap, l' /kilt 1 rJ / No little feet to*fcs7 Y|ti»J, IV ' y wards slumber |L)SR Y\ 1/ ‘ tending; Vi '• > ki_’l No little knee in pray- \ J „ ~ er to bend, t -•3.1 V ■/‘W. • '.is -t^s. - Our lips the sweet "" V words lending. i:~ - The sterner souls would be more stern, Unfeeling natures more inhuman, And no man to stoic coldness turn, And woman .would be less than woman. Life’s gong, indeed, would lose its charm, Were there no babies to begin it; A doleful place this world would be, Were there no little people in it.

HE THREW UP HIS HANDS

CAPTURING AN lOWA DESPERADO AND MAN-KILLER. “Big Sam” Was a Tough Customer, but He Quailed in the Presence of “Old Jack”—An Episode of the Early Settlement of lowa.

peaceably inclined, and rarely participated in those brawls and affrays which are of such frequent occurrence in frontier communities. Unfortunately there were others who were never so happy as when engaged in knock-down arguments or shooting scrapes. To terrorize a town or a neighborhood was their delight. These were the “bullies,” the “desperadoes,” the “terrors,” as they were variously characterized. It was one of these pests of good society that has prompted the penning of this little sketch. Shortly after the admission of the State a brutal and unprovoked murder was committed at old Fort Des Moines by a notorious desperado known as Big Sam. Big Sam was one of many of that class who spent their summers in the mountains and drifted back to the border of civilization to spend their winters. While the majority of them were honest plainsmen, Big Sam was a ruffian of tlio most pronounced type, and was never so well satisfied as when bullying some inoffensive stranger. His latest victim had been a young man from Ohio but lately arrived in the country. Kef using to dance in a saloon for Big Sam’s amusement, and calling him a cowardly .ruffian when the bully threatened him, was sufficient to raise Big Sam’s anger to the killing point, and he shot the young man dead on the spot. Eealizing that for once he had carried things too far, and that vengeance was about to be visited on him by a neighboring vigilance committee, Big Sam lied to the then straggling village of Council Bluffs. The news of his crime soon followed him, and also the announcement that the Governor had offered a reward of SSOO for his arrest. Several local officers attempted his arrest without success, for he was very watchful and suspicious of all who approached him. Besides, he had badly wounded one officer who had attempted his arrest. The desperado was disturbed no more after this third attempt, and he became quite bold and full of swagger. Stopping at the De Koven House in Council Bluffs at the time was a man who, like Big Sam, wintered in the settlements and summered in the mountains. Unlike Big Sam, Old Jack was no ■desperado. He was nervy and gut clear through, and he would go two oxthree miles any night to spin a marvelous yarn of border adventure, to some company of westward-bound emigrants, or do them a kindness. Old Jack was seated in the bar-room of the hotel one morning when a couple of officers came in. As they stepped up to the bar one of them remarked: “I wish we could take that fellow. It would be a pile in our pockets if we did, but it’s most too risky a job for me.” “Yes,” remarked his companion, “a fellow might get him, and again he might not; but I would like to see him punished for so cowardly and unprovoked a murder as that was. ” “Who is it you are talking about?” asked Old Jack, rising and walking toward a window looking out on the street. “Why, Big Sam, of course,” was the reply. * “There he goes, now, into that saloon over across the street.” Old Jack glanced across the street and saw the burly figure of Big Sam enter the saloon and pass toward the bar. , • : “Well, he don’t look like suoh an awful bad man; what has he done ?” asked Jack. Thereupon one of the officers briefly outlined the crime for which Big Sam was wanted. “Well, a fellow that would kill another that way ain’t fit to run loose. Just vou deputize me, and if I don’t get him for you just see that I get a

HEN lowa was admitted to the Union as a State there ■were within her borders many rough characters, who had left their quiet homes in the older States and sought the wild West in a pure spirit of adventure. Most of these men, though brave to a fault, were

decent plantin’; that’s all I ask,” said Jack. “Agreed,” said one of the men, “but just remember the risk you run, and you are under no obligations to do it.” “Never mind that, only give me the papers,” replied old Jack. He was forthwith deputized, and pinning a star on his vest underneath his coat, he crossed the street and walked into the saloon which Big Bam had entered a while before. Stepping to the bar, he called for the drinks, then remarking in casual way that he did not like to drink alone, he turned toward the man seated at the stove and said: “Come up, stranger, and drink with me.” “I don’t care if I do,” responded Big Sam, as he arose and swaggered up to the bar. They both drained Their glasses. As old Jack put his hand down to return to his pocket the change he had received from the bartender, he let the money fall to the floor, and, dexterously whipping out his pistol, he had Big Sam, who was leaning back against the bar watching him closely, covered before he realized w hat was coming. “Throw up your hands, and be quick about it,” commanded Jack; “you’re my man now,” and he pushed aside the lapel of his coat and showed his star. “Don’t!” he exclaimed, as Sam’s hand started to drop, “don’t, or I’ll kill you.” Up went the hands, for big Sam saw he had met more than his match. “Here, barkeeper, just step around here and put these bracelets I have in my pocket on the gentleman’s wrists, will you?” said Jack, addressing the dispenser of drinks. The man complied. “Now, open the door for us and you can have that change on the floor for your trouble,” said Jack. “Now, Sam,” he said, as the door swung open, “just walk over to the De Koven House, ahead of me, that’s as far as we’ll go now.” Sam complied, and at the hotel he was turned over to, the waiting officers, who deprived him of a couple of revolvers and an ugly-lookiDg knife. As old Jack surrendered the star he remarked that “he was done with it.” “Well,” remarked big Sam, “if 1 had known you were doing this for fun, somebody would have died.” “Well, I guess you know who would have died,” all old Jack replied. Big Sam taken to the scene of his crime, where he suffered the full penalty of the law. W. L. French. Loveland. lowa.

Honest with Himself.

“What I most admire about him,” said the friend of an eminent man, “is his perfect truth. He not only speaks truthfully to others, hut he is incapable of deceiving himself. ” Hut many are the men and women who do deceive themselves, calling dishonor prudence, and false dealing excusable, “under the circumstances.” A school girl was one day talking over a burglary which had taken place in a neighboring house, and ended with the declaration that, in her own case, she should be frantic if a man walked off with her watch in his pocket. “But I always hide it at night,” said she. “I don’t see, what good that does,” said a school-mate. “He might put a pistol to your head and ask for it, as that one did when Mrs. Forbes would not give up her diamonds.” “But I should tell him I hadn’t any watch,” said the first speaker, coolly." “Why, May Ellis, tell a lie!” “It wouldn’t be a lie. Before I spoke I should give it away, in my mind, and then take it back again after he had gone.” “Well,” put in another girl, “I should rather lose a watch than twist my mind round quite as much as that,” and so would any absolutely sincere person. A celebrated beauty used to view herself, when dressed for a party, in large mirrors, under the strongest possible light. Hair and complexion received the most merciless inspection. “If I satisfy my own eyes, then I am ready for those of other people,” she once said, after such a critical survey. She never deceived herself by a hasty glance at apparent perfection; she demanded of herself even more than others would ever demand ot her. Another, and a very different woman, was proverbially satisfied with her own iparance, even though she was more jau ordinarily plain. “How can she be so vain ?” exclaimed an acquaintance one day. “Yain! she isn’t,” retorted another. “Did you ever go into her bedroom? I thought not. Well, her mirror is in a dark corner, and its pleasing obscurity has softened and nattered her features for so many years that she doesn’t dream they are ugly.” But to judge and direct our own souls, let us use a strong light and clear mirror. We ‘cannot afford to' soften the outline of an evil action because we ourselves choose to commit it. We must not, in honor, gild even the smallest vice because it is our own.— Youth’s Companion.

Teacher Was Cornered.

In one of the city schools a teacher, with all the patience and powers of persuasion she could command, was endeavoringto instruct a class about a right angle triangle. After several attempts she called the scholars to account for inattention, with the remark that what she was saying seemed to go in at one ear and out the other. Again she repealed her description, following it by asking, who can tell what a right angle triangle is? Up went a hand, and the bright boy to whom it belonged shouted “Something which goes in at oue eai and out the other.”— Worcester Spy.

REFORM THE TARIFF.

AND EQUALIZE THE GREAT BURDEN OF TAXATION. A Rousing: Meeting Murks an Epoch in till Movement in Indiana —The People Awakening; to a True Understanding; of the Imposition. [From the Indianapolis SentineL] The mass meeting of the Indiana Tariff Reform League attracted more than five hundred intelligent men and women to Masonic Hall Tuesday night. It was held to commemorate tho first anniversary of the organization, and the enthusiasm that was displayed demonstrated the great interest that is being taken in the movement. Notwithstanding the vicious attacks that a partisan press has been making on the League, representatives of all parties and political affiliations were in attendance. The several prominent speakers who addressed the meeting were interrupted by outbursts of applause at frequent intervals. Mr. Edgar A. Brown, President of the League, In calling tho meeting to order, made an eloquent address. At the conclusion of his speech Mr. Brown introduced the Hon. D. P. Baldwin, of Logansport, one of the most prominent Republicans in Indiana, and at one time Secretary of State. Mr. Baldwin prefaced his address with a few remarks. He said that immediately upon his arrival in the city he read an editorial in a Republican paper warning him that he was in danger of being captured by the Democratic politicians. The same papers had hinted that it was the intention of the meeting to turn the administration over to the Democracy. He said that he had been a Republican for thirty-five years, and was still one. It had usually been bis habit to make extemporaneous speeches, but in view of the fact that his political death had been predicted, he thought it well to put it in black and white. He thereupon proceeded to read his address, which was as follows : Both of the great political parties have now, for the last twenty years, resolved and reresolved that the present tariff should be reformed. and pledged and repledgod themselves at the first opportunity to remedy its inequalities and terminate its hardships. These repeated resolutions, always a feature of every platform, indicate a guilty conscience. These pledges, up to date, are unfulfilled, the goods undelivered, and meantime the burden of the tariff is still Increasing. Both parties have alternately tempered and laid the blame of their shortcomings upon the other side. A useless surplus has been accumulating for years, which surplus each party vigorously denounces as demoralizing and un-American. Thi purpose of this tariff-reform movement to-night is to compel one or the other or both of these parties to make good their promises. This association is not, as charged by Republicans, a Democratic aid society, or a half-way house between the two parties, or a sanitarium for sore-heads, but a non-partisan organization, like the Civil-Service Reform Association, the purpose of which is purely reformatory. There are as many Democrats u’s Republicans in the Civil-Service Reform Lc ague at the United States, and civil-service reform reached its highest point under Rresident Cleveland. The Executive Committee of this association authorizes me to say that no man or pan y will bo c-’lowed to make use of it as a stoue to grind its or his political ax. If the forthcoming report of tho Ways and Means Committee or Congress shall be a real tariff reform, and a real tariff reduction, every man belonging to this organization is pledged to sustain it. We are not particular wliether,the relief comes from the party in or out of {lower, but the time has come for relief. When a man is drowning he grasps the first friendly hand, and does not wait to be introduced to or inquire into the ancestry or social standing of its proprietor. This league i 3 accused of being a free trade organization. Of all the living humbugß and scarecrows that of free trade is the thinnest. If a man dares to think for himself and differ in his conclusions from the high tariff people, or high tariff is worsted in an argument, free trade iB the cry. Free trade is a jack-o’-lantern with big, flaming eyes and nose ; and tbe smoko of a tallow candle coming out of its mouth to terrify ignorant and weak-knoed invertebrates. There is no more probability of free trade in the United States than of reviving the secession ordinances of 1801. So long as we have .'5500,000,000. per year revenue to raise with a thousand million of debt to pay in the near future ; so long as we have $5u0,000,,*“J worth of manufacturing plants, a tariff we must and will have. The baby is not born to-day that will see-free trade in the United States. But this tariff may be made at least a. tariff equal and just to all interests. If our manufacturers constituted our entire population they could make it as high as they pleased, but they must remember that there are ten farmers to one manufacturer and, remembering this, they must be satisfied to take less profits and give their neighbors a better chance. They should not forget the fact that 75 per cent, of all tho exports of the United, States are furnished by the farmer that is seeking justice at their hands. Furnishing only 25 per cent, of our exports and putting into their pockets hundreds of millions of dollars per year in profits that in theory the farmOT is led to believe goes to the United States Government, the manufacturers who now own the Fiftieth Congress ought at least to be willing to. take less profits and make the burden lighter, i If they do not, then remember that Walpole had his Pitt, Disraeli his Gladstone, and that 1 the President and administration of the United States should profit by their example. Within the last year the shrinkage of our farm lauds ” has been something enormous. You can buy a farm in any county in Indiana outside of tbe gas and coal belts for $5 per acre less than twelve months ago. The farmer gets less for his wheat and meat and gram than at any time for the last forty years, and yet wi h wheat at 70 cents, corn i at 25 cents, oats at 20 cents per bushel, beef at $2 and pork at $3 per Hundred, he is compelled ! to pay duties upon all the necessities of life that he buys from the manufacturers, ranging from 50 to 100 per cent, and averaging 47 per cent. While ihe farmer is losing on even- side, while his laud is depreciating and ruin begins to stare him in the face, our great, cities are prospering as never before. They prosper because they are great manufacturing centers. Our Mississippi Valiev cities last year drew from the country to their midst 100,000 young men and women who, seeing no future for them in agriculture, swarm thither to try a life for which they have neither aptitude nor education. Let the present state of things continue three years longer and we shall have a crash to which that of 1873 was mere child’s play. Let farm lands continu.©-to depreciate for three years more as they have within the three years past, and the great loan and insurance companies who hare invested their millions in farm mortgages, will go to the wall. Let half a dozen of these companies fail or become crippled by reason of being compelled to take land for their- debts,, and our whole commercial system wild, retd. When the farmer suffers it is only a. question of time, aud a short time at that, for the. entire industrial and commercial system to become diseased. What causes the present agricultural depression? A potent fact is excessive tariff, and ill-judged laws that compel the farmer to pay high prices for what he buys and depresses the market and the price for what he produces. High tariff advocates tell us with great unction that home markets caused bv high duties is the farmer’s true salvation. When asked to explain, they tell us that those farmers are the most prosperous that are nearest to the factories. They tell us that the reason for this is the demand by the factories for tho farmer’s meat, and grain and truck, aud the saving of transportation and middlemen. Let ub put this doctrine to the proof. New England is the paradise of protection. For the last seventyfive years the Yankees have had the lion’s share of the benefits Of o,nr high tariff laws. How about tile New England farm and farmer of 1890? He is never out of sight of the factory. He essays the highest possible benefits of home markets, for the factory is just outside of his gate-post. How about land in New England? You can go anywhere and buy land for less than the fences cost. The traditional puritan village, too, has been swept away by the cheap labor of high tariff in the land of the pilgrims. As much rotten whisky is consumed in Massachusetts by ihe imported cheap factory hands of high tariff as irr sny benighted Democratic State north or south of the Ohio River. High tariff apologists say that the ruin of the New England farm and tillage comes from the Western competition. How does that help the home market argument? How does that help the high-tariff advocate, who points with pride to our internal trade and the fact that we nave free trade between every State in the Union? Besides, you will find in Kansas about as bad a state of things for the farmer as in New En-

! gland. In Kansas to-day corn can be bought by the million bushels at 10 cents; hay at 42 I per ton; cattle and hogs at $2 and $3 per fiundred. (If there is anything that the Kansas j fanner wants, and wants bad, and wants right I off, it is to sell out.) The truth about home markets 1h that the boot is on the other leg. Home markets are an injurious and very sucI cessful attempt to create a market for the goods I of one class at the expense of another olass. It j is a flue thing tot the manufacturers to have j the United States Government force peoi pie to take . their wares at a heavy j advance because of that mnch duty on for- ! eign goods. But how about the poor farmer i who is forced to takdr the goods and. do the paying, and who, when In brings his products to market, must sell at a price fixed by the markets of the world? We are glibly and unctuously told that the cause of Ihe present depression in farming is over-produotion. That is the same thing as saying the farmer is suffering for want of markets. What is over-production but lack of markets. The American farmer produced in 1889 food sufficient lor 100,00j,090 mouths, but there are only 65,10),0.0 to consume it. What has caused this scarcity of mouths ? Why do not foreign people take our farm products ? What has shut up the fanner’s market that he used to enjoy? There is but one answer ; High tariff has provoked retaliatory tariffs all over the world. The American farmer and manufacturer should at least be the granary and workshop of the new world. How much of our manufactured goods go to Central or South America or Mexico? South America last year imported $40,000,003 of g00d5—536,000,003 from Europe and $4,000,C0J from the United States. South America, Mexico, and Central America, with their 50,000,000 people, are -within less than a week’s journey from the United States. Yet Peru, Chilli, and the other Pacific states go around Cape Horn 7 000 miles away and supply their needs in Europe. Why ? Because we have angered them as well as all the nations of Europe with our excessive high-tariff duties. No nation will trad,© with another where it ife all sell and no buy. We are told that the English farmer is in the same boat. Assuming that the distress of the English farmer is any satisfaction for the distress of his American neighbor, there is a most excellent reason to account for it. In England agriculture is purposely made a subordinate industry. All the land in Great Britain combined is not equal to that of Indiana and Illinois. This land is mainly owned by lords and rich men. The British Isles contain 35,000,000 people. Not being able to feed her people through her lack of land, which is mainly owned by her rich, Englaud wisely makes agriculture a subordinate Jnterest, and, by shrewd legislation, compels the world to feed her by the simple device of making horgelf the world’s work-shop. If you want to be fair in this matter, why not compare the England of to-dav, paupers and all, with the England of 184)? If you want to be fair, instead of comparing American wages with the English wages, why don’t you compare American wages with the wages of France, Germany or Italy, or some other high tariff country? If you will compare the high tariff wages of Germany, France, or Italy with the wages of the United States you will not only find that tne wages of these countries are lower than those of England, but that very high tariff is found hand in hand with starvation wages. What eau bo done for the farmer? Two things :we can make this meat and grain by reducing tho cost of that which he is compelled to buy of double value to him. We have got to the time -when we must double the Eurchaslng power of his produce or the farmer i rumed. How is this to be done? By reducing the 75 per cent, duties on manufactured articles that the tanner is compelled to purchase; this reduction must 1 e male carefully, gradually, conservatively, and slowly. We can own up by judicious legislat ion the markets of our neighbors, commencing with those of South Ametica and Mexico, and finally reaching those of the old world. No man knows the limitations of high tariff better than James G. Blaiue. Mr. Blaine knows enough to know that the production of gwids is only half the battle; that the remaindir of the battle is to find a market to sell the goods. Mr- Blaine is making a powerful aud praiseworthy effort to improve our markets by reciprocity treaties ; - we welcome him in the attempt. We second the motion. But reciprocity is only another name for lower tariff duties., and reciprocity treaties give the whole argument for higH tariff away. Overproduction means lack of markets ; reciprocity means endeavor to supply that market. It appears to be the plain of Mr. McKinley and the Ways and Means Committee to retain high tariff by cutting off the tobacco amd alcohol tax and cajoling the farmers into-sup-porting the manufacturers' high duties by establishing beet sugar, flax, orange and other citrous fruit industries through the medium of similar high tariffs and bounties. In all fairness we are bound to wait until, the report is made. I doubt whether this will bring relief. It it wiK we will welcome it;, we are so earnest about this matter that we do not care which party the relief comes from, for we desire to treat the whole subject from aai economical and not from any party or partisan standpoint. But I have no right to occupy more time. Distinguished speakers are here from abroad—speaikers tnat we seldom have-an opportunity to hear, and I must give way to them. Let it be understood that the farmers of Indiana, who produce $650! 090,000 worth of produce per year, have no enmity against the manufacturers of Indiana producing $150,000,000 of goods per year. The farmers of our State outnumber the manufacturers twenty to one ; still, for all that, they propose to treat them with fairness. They simply say to them, “Divide; take leas profits; give your neighbor a chance." With malice toward none, with charity for all, with faith in the right as God gives us to see the right., without partisanship, knowing neither Democraticn or Republican party,.let us earnestly and candidly open up the discussion and solution of this great question. We have a tariff refor.4» league in every one of ninety-two counties of Indiana, and each of these leagues is a full debating school, to which we invite all high-tariff men to come and clean out the, free-traders and convert the lowtariff nten from the error of their ways. You must read both sides, or you areleft in the-darkness.of prejudice. Truth suffers nothing from discussion. Let the school house open, let the debate begin. If the farmers are prosperous, if the price of their produce is sufficient, let them understand it. If these low prices are not caused b v high tariff, tell us what caused them. If the price of our lands and farm produets will be bettered by continuing in the oM high-tariff rates, let that be demonstrated. If this Government be of protection, by pro tec*, tion,and for protection, ins. eaid of a Government of tho people, by the people, and for the people, let us understand that; we want the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but tho truth about this matter. The truth hurts no man- We need only fear suppression through the needs and intolerance and years of excessive partisanship, Mr. Baldwin took his seat amid tremendous cheering. The meeting, before adjournment, prepared a very comprehensive and weU-considered programme for the work of thenext twelve months. Among the principal features of this work will be the systematic collection of statistical and other information showing the practical workings of the tariff system in its relations to the various industries aud interests of the people of Indiana ; also the distribution of literature and the promotion of popular investigation and discussion of the tariff question. LETTER PROM GROVER CLEVELAND. The Secretary real tho following communication from ex-President- Cleveland. It was received with much enthusiasm: Edgar A. Brown, President, etc.: My Dear Sir— Though my letters to Democatic and tariff reform assemblages have lately been very frequent, I cannot deny your request to say a word of encouragement to the tariff reformers who will meet at the first annual convention of the Indiana Tariff Reform League on the 4th of March. I am very much pleased with the plan upon which your league seems to be organized. It conveys a suggestion of practical work, in the field of information and enlightmeut. This, if persistently carried out, cannot fail of success. Of course we do not approach the American people assuming that they are ignorant or unpatriotic. But we know that they are a busy people, and apt to neglect, the study of public questions. In the engrossment of their daily vocations, they are too ready tp rely upon the judgment and avowed principles of the party with which they have affiliated as guides to the political actions. In this way they have become 'slow to examine for themselves the questions of tariff reform. If, in the light of reasonable and simple arguments, ancf of such object lessons as are being constantly placed before them, our people can be induced to investigate the subject, thare need be no fear as to their conclusion. The Democratic party, as the party of the people, opposed to selfish schemes which ignore the public good, aud pledged to the iatorestg of

all their countrymen, instead of the furtherance of the interests of the few who seek to pervert governmental powers for their enrichment, vras never nearer to its fundamental principles than it was in its contests for tariff reform. It certainly adds to the satisfaction with which we labor in this canse, to be assured that in our efforts we not only serve our party, but all the people of the land. Yours very truly. Geoveb Cleveland. Gov. Merriam, of Minnesota, Denounces the Tariff: [St. Paul special.; The 550 delegates to the State Farmers’ Alliance packed the House of Representatives at the Capitol on Wednesday. Ignatius Donnelly opened tne speech-making with a roasting for the Tailroads. His opinion of the treatment of Minnesota farmers by the big millers and railroad magnates was couched in unique language. “I believe," said Mr. Donnelly, “that there is 810,000,000 annually stolen from this t-tite, and in the last twenty-five years there has been enough money stolen from Minnesota farmers to pave with gold the floor of Hades." The remarks of Gov. Merriam were the subject of warm commendation. On the tori If the Governor said: “The expenses of administration have to be borne, but in my judgment the necessary revenue for the purpose should fall upon shoulders able to bear it. Tax the silks, the satins, the diamonds, the liquor and.tobacco, and remove the tax from those necessary articles most widely diffused in their uses. The tax levied upon articles of food of various kinds, as well as upon many staples of common requirement, is a burden upon every farmer of the State, and the laws governing these levies should be changed or modified at the earliest practicable moment. The tariff upon the one item of sugar, yielding a revenue of over $60,000,000 —nearly $1 for every person in this country, or almost $1,500,000 for our own State —could well be dispensed with. It is exceedingly difficult to prove to the farmer that it is to his interest to remove the tax from luxuries, like liquor and tobacco, and retain it upon sugar, clothing, hemp, from which binding twine is made, and the like, articles which he has to have.”

ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY.

The State Convention Called to Meet on June 4—A Popular Vote for United States Senator. [Chicago special.j The Illinois Democratic State Committee mot at the Palmer House, Chicago, Thursday, March 6. All but three of the members were present. Francis Hoffmann, Jr., of Chicago, was the orator of the occasion, and he made an extended speech, prophesying Democratic success at the next election. Mr. Hoffmann said it seemed to be the wish of the party that the method of electing a United States Senator be brought as close to the people as possible. It had been suggested that the State convention nominate a candidate for Senator. “And I think,” he said in conclusion “that I voice the wishes and desires of the Democrats of Illinois when I say that the man who should be chosen to hold aloft the party banner in the tight is Governor John M. Palmer.” The mention of Gov. Palmer’s name was greeted with applause, and then Chairman Campbell said he had written to Gen. Palmer on the subject of nominating a candidate for Senator, asking his advice on that question as well as several others of party policy. In response Gov. Palmer had written as follows: I wish it clearly understood that I am in no seuso a candidate for tbe Senate. All I have ever said is that I think the State Convention ought to adopt, as the permanent rule of party action, the nomination of a candidate for the Senate-, and thait, if my view of party policy in that respect is adopted, I would accept the nomination mid lamake- a.canvass, but I would greatly prefer that some other person be nominated. The motive that lea.ts to this suggestion is that I do not desire to be a member of the Senate, and will only consent to be a candidate before tho people in order to*vindicate the princip,e of ejecting a Senator by popular vote as nearly as possible. I wish to be understood as not urging my views upon the party. On the contrary, if there is any considerable opposition to the plan I suggest, I would, for the sake of harmony, advise that it be abandoned. We will carry the Legislature if we make a united, energetic canvass. Ixjt nothing be done that will divide us or dampen the enthusiasm of the partyIt watt decided to hol'd the convention JuneA at Springfield), and then the Senatorial question caime up. A resolution was- passed without deoat© or dissent calling on the various county conventions which will elect delegates to the State Convention to decide at the time of their meeting whether or no- they are in favor of the State Comention nominating a candidate for United States Senator. This decision in tho various county conventions will be in the nature of instructions to the delegates therein chosen, so that when a vote is token on the matter at Springfield, there will be no doubt that the action of that convention will represent the wishes of the Democracy of Illinois in tho matter.

No Wonder Farmers Are Dissatisfied.

The Kansas farmer is certainly in a bad way. The Atchison Globe says: “A particularly industrious farmer can ‘tend’ sixty acres of corn—that is, plow the ground, plant tbe seed, cultivate the growing crop and harvest it. The average yield of corn is thirty bushels to the acre—l,Boo bushels. Of tfiis he will feed 500 bushels to his stock, leaving 1,300 bushels as the result of a year’s work. A letter received from an Atchison traveling man says that in Edwards County day before yesterday white corn sold at 11 cents a bnshel and yellow corn for 10 cents. You can figure for yourself how much a farmer cm make raising corn. Another thing should be thought of. The averaee farmer lives a considerable distance from market. In order to get 10 and 11 cents a bushel for his com he must haul it to the market. If he starts early in the morning he can haul twenty-seven bushels to town in a day, with the assistance of a wagon and two horses. In hauling his crop to market he just about earns wages. No wonder the farmers are dis atisfled. Wo don’t blame them. ” Yet tbe Kansas farmers have always beeh loyal to the party which gives them nothing but high taxes und the promise of a home market.

A Protected Idiot.

A Nebraska farmer recently loaded up his throe teams, one with corn, one with oats, and one with potatoes. Behind one team he hitched a fat steer, and behind another a fat cow. With this outfit he started to his “home market,” where he sold the products of his farm. Tho fat steer bought him a suit of ordinary clothiag; the fat cow bought him a common overcoat; the load of potatoes bought him a hat and a pair of gloves; the ioad of oats bought him a pair of boots and a pair of socks; and the load of corn bought him a suit of underclothing. He went home whooping for “Harrison, Protection, and Home Market,” and wearing upon his person the products of a fat steer, a fat cow, a load of corn; a load of oats, and a load of potatoes!— Meade County Times, South Dakota.