Democratic Sentinel, Volume 13, Number 5, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 22 February 1889 — Page 6

TALK AT THE CAPITAL.

THE I’FRgOXJfBL OF THE CABINET DISCUSSED IN WASHINGTON. Idaho. Wyoming and Arizona Favorably Reported for Statehood—Gov. Hill’s Visit to the Whitneys—Blaine Feted Gen* Harrison Rents a Cottage. /SPECIAL CORRESPONDENCE.] Washington. Feb. 12. 1880. It now transpires that Mr. Allison’s declination to assist Gen. Harrison out of a dilemma, by accepting the Treasury portfolio, smacks decidedly of ingratitude. Six years ago, when the lowa gentleman entered the campaign for re-election, ho was called from the canvass by the sickness and death of his wife. The Prohibition pot pourri Wits then boiling in that State, anti outside statesmen wore unwilling to enter the field in Allison’s behalf for fear of involving their own political prospects. In this perplexing condition of affairs, disaster threatened the lowa Senator, when Gen. Harrison, and Eugene Hale, of Maine, loyally came to his rescue, and saved the Senatorial chair for him. Tlio second choice for Secretary of the Treasury is as hard to locato as a needle in a hay mow. Prominent men, from lake to Gulf, from coast to coast, have boen mentioned as probable recipients of the somewhat dulled honor, and there is no reason to premise that one has been chosen above another. It is said that Gen. Harrison lias inclosed Senator Allison's rejection in a neat gold frame; but whether as a curiosity or a continued remindor that the Senator from the Hawkeye State will be in the iield of Presidential candidates against him in 1802, has not been determined. Humor has it that McKinley is now in the position from which Allison has just escaped, but any political reasons why the Ohio statesman should not accept the Treasury portfolio are not assigned, unless possibly he objects to being second choice. Clarkson, Windham, Thomas, and John C. New next head the list of possibilities for the position. A Kansas delegation, headed by ex-Gov. Anthony, have solicited the place for Plumb, who is just entering upon a six-year term in the Senate. The Javhawkers think, inasmuch as their State gave thebannor majority vote to Harrison, it should be represented in his advisory, particularly as the man they suggest for the honor is in every way fitted to sustain it. Wanamaker’s appointment is not so certain as it was a week ago and the understanding is now that his contemplated trip to Paris was a flue stroko of ppiiey. engineered by the diplomatic Quay to bring Harr;son to time. A strong opposition in the merchant prince’s own State has formed against promoting a man to political honor oven at the price of •s4oo.(xio. The other members of the cabinet. with tho exception of Blaine, are as problematic as they were last November. Meantime, Gen, Harrison and his cabinet have been invited to the Washington centennial in New York, and it seems as though the lucky gentlemen ought to bo notified in time to decide whether they will accept the •invitation. The House has settled down to hard work, and is holding frequent night sessions, with only now and then an occasional bit of filibustering when attempts arc made to call up the Union Pacific funding bill, which Mr. Payson persistently”keeps in tho background as much as possible. Springer’s hill, providing for the admission and enabling acts ror Idaho, Wyoming, and Arizona, has been favorably reported by tho Committee on Territories. Roger Q. Mills, •of the Ways and Means Committee, is still hard at work among a great mass of tabulations. showing the difference between the Semite tariff bill and the Mills bill. He lias been under continued pressure now for eighteen months, without recreation, and the great strain is beginning to tell upon him. He refutes the statement that President Cleveland has intimated any desire to him to have the two houses agree upon some measure to reduce tho revenue by accepting part of the Senate bill; and it is presumable that his committee will bring in a measure not differing materially from the original Mills bill. Hence, it might us well be conceded that there will bo no tariff legislation during the Fiftieth Congress. The Oklahoma bill is now in tho hands of tho Senate Territorial Committee, although Chaco irom Rhode Island doclared it was belittling the whole question of Territories to so consider a strip of uncultivated land. He was reminded that Oklahoma proper •contained several times the area of little lthody, and subsided. Tho friends of tho measure feel sure of its passage in the Senate.

Everything is quiet at Samoa, and the ■conrereneo between the United States and ■Germany, begun at Washington in 1887, in regard to the islands, will soon be resumod •at Berlinn, Meantime 3,000 tons of coal 'which, delivered at Pango-Tango coaling 'Station, will cost about sl7 per ton. are to be transported thithor from New York or Philadelphia. Pretty expensive, to bo sure, but Uncle Sam always was willing to pay ■"millions for, defense; not a cent for tribute.” The Nicaragua bill now lacks only tlio President's signature to become a laiv. It protects all our international rights without binding the United States to any pecuniary promises or holding out guarantees to capitalists. The Sackville- West incident is again biing revived in gossipy circles with the report that a gentleman named Sir Julian Pauneofote will be the next British minister here. Ho is only a baronet; has never been educated in the wiles of diplomacy. Still ho will bo welcome when he arrives, which will not be until after the inaugural, and the wiser he is the fewer letters he will write. President Cleveland contemplates laying before Congress the correspondence in regard to West; and political agitators are endeavoring to make it appear that ho will thus leave an international complication which will require great skill amTflrmmess in his successor to smooth away. Society just now is in a dizzy whirl, the entertainments of the past week having surpassed those of any previous one this season. both in number and brilliancy. Since the decollete question is settled nothing frets the mind of the belles, lest perchance their cheeks become noticeably hollow and their eves duil with overoxertion. Bight hero it may be well to state that Queen Victoria has decided that ladies may with propriety wear high or low neck dresses at her receptions hereafter. For the sake of harmony in appearance Mrs. Harrison should by all moans persuade her husband to wear a swallow-tail coat. The beaux hope Bhe ■will. The most elegant of Secretary and Mrs. Whitney’s justly notable receptions Avastho one given to President and Mrs. Cleveland, and was the event of the week. A large round table was arranged to accommodate twenty-six guests. Magna Cliarta roses were the principal flowers in the decoration of the apartments, which was something in beauty beyond description. Among the noted gu«|ts were Governor Hill, of New Yorx, also W. 8. llusseil, the Democratic candidate for Governor of Massachusetts in the late election, and more than social interest attached to the ■event. New-Yorkers say the whole business was arranged by Whitney, the main purpose beingto show that no ill-feeling exists between Cleveland and Hill, and that Empire State Democrats are united on Hill for President in 1892. The german given by John McLean, dd-.. itorof the Cincinnati Enquirer, who resides, here, was also another significant affair, in

that it marked Mr. Blaine’s first entrance I this season into fashionable society. McLean , has been very unpopular with the present administration, and. if the truth must be told, he has been snubbed bysocial leaders. His recent reception, however, was conspicuous by the presence of Bayard, who left a reception at his own house to spend an hour with Blaine's friend, Whitney, Endicoit. and others. The state dinner of tho week was given by the President and bis wife in honor of the Supreme Justices. The usual profusion of floral decoration prevailed and bouquets for the ladies were of La France roses tied with souvenir ribbons of the White House. Mrs. Daniel Lamont gave the first of her very pleasant afternoon teas this week. It Is definitely stated that tho President's private secretary will be engaged by a railway corporation after March 4 and make his headquarters in New York City. President Cleveland also will make the great metropolis his tuturo home, itnd will occupy rooms in the magnificent Gerlach, where Mrs. Frank Leslie also has apartments. Mr. Cleveland means to demonstrate the fact that a man fit to’ be President of a great nation is fully equal to earning his own livlihood and does not require a pension. It is useless for tae preachers to grumble any more about the inaugural ball. The ! Indianapolis Ministerial Association has j called upon tho President-elect in a body j and presented hint with an address which is an indorsement of his past life and sets no stumbling block to his future. Harrison has rented the Spencer cottage at Deer Park, within a stone’s throw of where President and Mrs. Cleveland passed , their honeymoon, and he will occupy it i during the heated season. Vice President-elect. Morton has bought ' from Secretary Whitney his pew in St. j John’s Episcopal Church. This is the ultra fashionable church of the Capital. Its capacity is limited, and usually there are 200 or 300 applicants waiting a chance to buy the privilege of worshiping. Room, however, is usually found for people who are j high enough up in official life. Among, the Republican representatives the conviction is daily growing that there must be another session of Congress in the 1 early spring, but somebody who has been looking up the facts reports that President , William Henry Harrison called an extra session of Congress and died within a month from the effects of the importunities of office-seekers. Therefore, it is predicted btf this prophet that the grandson is not likely to subject himself to the same dagger.

THOMAS NICHOL DEAD.

Tlie Earnest anil Eccentric Advocate of “ Honest Money ” Expires in New York. Thomas M. Nichol, whose connection with the “Honest Money League” of Chicago and other political associations was well known, died at the New York Columbia Institute for Chronic Diseases. He had been under treatment at the institute for several months for a disease of the spinal cord. Mr. Nichol was 44 vears old. Mr. Nichol, well known among public men throughout tho country, and despite his eccentricities, was so much respected that his death will be sincerely mourned. Ho was a most eccentric man, a genius, and had a great mind, although, as Senator Sawyer once said of him, ho “was all sail and no rudder.” Nichol w’us born in Ohio, went into the army, carried a musket for four years, and then at the close of the war lunded in Illinois, down near Belleville, whore he taught school for several winters and worked at bJaeksmilhing summors. Then he moved out to Kansas, and lived at Humboldt and Fort Scott for a time. At tho latter place ho edited a newspaper for several mouths. His hobbies always were linauco and polities, and ho would walk twenty miles to hear a political speech. The winter debating societies were his delight, aud it was said in that country that there was not a lawyer or a minister or a pedagogue in those counties who could stand up with him in a discussion.

While ho was blacksmithing, Nichol invented a plow, and was advised by dealers in agricultural implements to take it to the J. 1. Case factory at Bacine, Wis., where it was thought he could iind a purchaser. This was in 1870. Ho landed at Bacine one afternoon, and when ho went up to the hotel learned that Gen. Samuel F.Cary was to make a greenback speech in the town hall that evening. Of course Nichol went to hear him, and during the prog, ess of the speech asked Cary some questions. The speaker was very much embarrassed by the perplexing inquiries put to him by the stranger, and finally declined to answer any more of them. Mr. Nichol, an entire stranger to overybody in the room, then arose and asked permission to reply to Cary at the conclusion of the latter’s remarks, but was prevented from doing so. There was great excitement in the town, and Nioliol found himself a hero. The ltepublieans hired the hall for tlio next evening, and Nichol made a speech in which he demolished Cary in sucii a manner as to commend himself to tho Wisconsin ltepublioan Committee, by which he was employed to follow Cary about the State. When Cary finished his campaign in Wisconsin, Nichol followed him into Onio, and then to Maine, and then all over tho United States, making tho acquaintance of Sherman, Garlield, Blaine, Conkliug, Arthur, and other public men, ana gaining for himself a phenomenal reputation. Tho winter following tho campaign of 1876 Nichol was employed to organize wliat was known as "The Honest Money League,” In opposition to the inflation movement. John Sherman was the President and he was the Secretary, and he traveled from one end of tho United Statds to tho other lecturing on hard money and organizing branches of the league in all tho cities and larger towns. He was occupied at this work until the summer of 1880, when ho went to Washington to take charge of the literary bureau organized'to promote Sherman’s Presidential prospects. Ho went to Chicago as a confidential agent of Sherman, and when Garfield was nominated returned with him to Menor, where lie became his private secretary and served as such through the campaign of 1880. When Garfield was elected ho tendered Nichol the position of Private Secretary at the Whito House, but Nichol dhelinod it. and was made Commissioner of Indian Affairs, in which position he served just two days. On the evening of the second day lie went to the Whito House with his resignation in liis hand, and told tho President that he could not stand it any longer; that he had not been able to eat or sleep, and would go crazy before tho end of the week unless he was relieved from duty. Although- he was a great theorist in finance he did not have the faculty of putting his ideas into practice, and those who were associated with him in business soon discovered it to their sorrow. In the first place, it was liis habit, as ho used to say, to keep his books in his head. He never made a record of any of liis financial transactions, but depended eutirely upon his memory. His carelessness was proverbial, and a friend who knew him said that if you would lock Nichol up in a room alone with $1,004 in $1 bills he would lose half of them before he got out. While ho was at the Grand Pacific Hotel one day ho had $50,000 worth of bonds stolen from him, bonds issued by a Denver street railroad, which ho was carrying to be sold in the East, and he did not even miss them until the.y-ha<i been found among the plunder of a thief‘who had been arrested by the police. -I

GUARDING THE BALLOT.

THE AUSTRALIAN SYSTEM OF VOTING EXPLAINED. Detail* of a Method Which Is Becoming W'idely Popular in This Country—Wigmore’s Recently Published Work on the Ulan—lts Origin a id Growth. In view of the evident need of an electoral reform in this country, says the Chicago Inter Ocean, and of the prominence with which the Australian method of voting has been suggested as a relief, the work entitled “The Australian Ballot System,” by John H. Wigmore, of the Boston Bar, becomes of unusual interest. Mr. Wigmore says: “It is proposed in the following introductory pages to sketch the history of the measure known as the Australian ballot system, as it passed from state to state in Australia, on to the mother country in Europe, thence westward to Canada, and eastward to continental countries, and finally westward again to these United States, and in conclusion to take up briefly the reasons underlying its effectiveness and the application of its principles to practical conditions in this country. ” The system is, briefly, as follows: The aim is to provide for a secret ballot. To secure this the ballbts are printed at public expense, tho names of all the candidates for all the offices being on one slip. The voter, having passed the usual examination as to his eligibility, receives one of these slips from a ballot officer, and retires alone to an unoccupied compartment of a booth, a long counter divided off by* partitions. Here he marks with a cross the name of the candidate for whom he intends to vote, folds up tho si ip and hands it to the presiding officer, who deposits it in the ballot-box. The plan was introduced by Francis S. Dutton, member of the Legislature of South Australia from 1851 to 1865, and during that time twice at the head of the Government. The secret ballot was first

MORSE.

proposed by him in the session of Legislative Council of 1851, before representative government and universal suffrage had been granted to South Australia. In 1856 came the Constitution granting popular representation and manhood suffrage. Tne measure became a law, under tbe name of the elections act, in 1857. Soon the aspect of elections was completely chnnged. Biot and disorder disappeared eutirely, and the day of polling saw sucb quietness that a stranger would not realize that an election was going on. Intimidation by landlords and dictation by trades unions alike ceased. Its operations have since been extendod, so that now it npplies to all elections alike—municipal, rurnl, and legislative—in the colony. The system spread rapidly throughout Australia, and soon was heard of in England, where thoughtful men were anxiously looking for some solution of the problem of pure and tranquil elections. In the elections of 18S8 matters reached a climax, and March, 1869, saw a committee appointed, with the Marquis of Hnrtington in the chair, to inquire into the existing methods of conducting elections, in order to provide further guarantees “for the tranquillity, purity and freedom of parliamentary and municipal elections.” In 1870 the committee reported a recommendation that the secret ballot bo adopted. The fruit of the movement wis the ballot act of 1572, based substantially on tbe South Australian method, but modified, enlarged and carefully applied to the circumstances of its new home. It at once commended itself to tbe people, and now covers almost the entire field of elections in Great Britain. Belgium and Norway soon adopted tbe secret ballot, and Canada introduced it with success. A number of States in this country have taken steps toward the introduction of the system. In New York the first steps were taken in 1887, during the winter of which tho Commonwealth Club devoted several meetings to the failure of the law to protect tho suffrage. A committee was appointed to draft a bill, which was joined by a like committee from the City Befovm Club, and a measure was prepared which, after being approved bv the Commonwealth Club, the Beform Club, the City Reform Club, and the Labor party, was presented to the Assembly about the middle of the session of 1888, and was known as the Yate3 bill. With similar bills it was referred to the Committee on Judiciary, and what was known as the Yates-Saxton bill was reported and passed, but was vetoed by Gov. Hill. In Massachusetts a bill was presented and passed in tho Legislature of 1888. The measure was defeated in Michigan through the failure of the two branches of the Legislature to agree. The Legislatures of nearly every State now have measures providing for the socret ballot before them, and before many years it is probable that the entire election machinery of the country will have been reformed in accordance with the principles of tho Australian method. The system has now received the approval of the Legislatures of seventeen civilized States, and regulates the elections of 85,000,000 people. The cardinal features of tho system, as everywhere adopted, are two: An arrangement for polling by which compulsory secrecy of voliDg is "secured, and an official ballot containing the names of all candidates printed and distributed under State or municipal authority. The secret ballot checks bribery and ali those corrupt practices which consist in voting according to a bargain or understanding. A man is not apt to place his money corruptly when he can not satisfy himself that the vote is according to agreement. Tho marking of the vote in seclusipn reaches effectively another great class of

*4 evils, taeW<4ng violence and intimidation, improper influence, dictation by employ, ers or organizations, the lear of lidicnle or disiike, or of social or commercial injury. Tumult and disorder at the polls, bargaining and trading of votes, and all questionable practices depending upon the knowledge gained of the drift of the contest most disappear. Another essential feature of the Australian system is the development of the traditional system oi nomination in England and Australia. Now the only avenue to an election seems to be through a nomination by a caucus oi convention. The proposed system enables any body of citizens of the numbei prescribed by law (sometimes ns low as J per cent, of the voting population) toTiavt the name of their candidate printed on the same ballot with the names of all other candidates for the 6ame office, 60 that before the law and before the voters all candates and all party organizations will stand on a perfectly even footing. ballot act passed in Massachusetts in 1888 provides that all ballots shall be printed and distributed at public expense. Conventions, caucuses, or individual voters to the proper number may nominate candidates, any party being entitled tc representation which, at the election nexi preceding, polled at least 3 per cent, ol the entire vote. The certificate of nomination must be properly signed and attested. Nominations of candidates foi any offices to be filled by the voters of the State at large may be made by nomination papers signed by not less than 1,000 qualified voters of the State. * Nominations oi candidates for electoral districts or divisions of the State may bo made by nomination papers signed in the aggregate foi each candidate by qualified voters of such district or division, not less in numbei than one for every 100 persons who voted at the next preceding annual election iD such district, but in no case less than fifty. Nomination papers for State offices shall be filed at least fourteen days before the election, and for city offices at least six days before. The tickets must ba

made up and samples posted before the day of election, and the tickets are also to be published in at least two newspapers in each county. The voter receives his ballot from an election officer, marks it in a private compartment of the voting-shelf, and deposits it in the box without leaving the inclosed 6pace. Any person attempting to allow his ballot to he seeD. to show how he is going to vote, shall be fined. A numbor of emergencies which are liable to arise are provided for. A blind or illiterate person may receive assistance in preparing his ballot from an election officer. An acceptance of the nomination is sometimes required, and in some cases candidates are required to make a deposit in order to prevent excessive and irresponsible candidacy. Some methods furnish a sort of sentry-box in which the ticket is prepared, but the partitioned shelf is tlie usual plan. Arrangements for the identification of the official ballots, withdiawals of candidates, and space for additional names nre also made. The Dominion elections act, in force in Canada, was passed in 1874, and is regarded as one of the best conceived among the various statutes dealing with the subject. It provides that twenty-five electors may nominate a candidate; that the nomination paper must contain the consent in writing of the person nominated, and that tho sum of ?50 must be paid to the returning officer at the time of handing in the nomination paper. It is provided, as in the English statute, that no informality shall vitiate the election, if the principles of the act have been followed, and if the result of tbe election has not been affected. Fears have sometimes been expressed that the new method of marking the vote would have difficulties for the less intelligent voters, but the result has showed these to be groundless. For instance, at the Leeds election of 1874, out of 31,793 votes only eighty were void for uncertainty or failure to mark. In the Kent election only thirty-two votes out of 23,000 were lost for uncertainty, and Ihe3e were the first trials of the system, and in places where illiteracy reaches its height. As regards polling arrangements under the new system, it was found that at the time of greatest pressure (and that under the cumbrous English provisions for taking the votes of illiterates) votes could be received at tho rate of from 150 to 200 per hour, and this even where only private compartments were provided at each polling-place. The leading device for defeating the secret ballot is known ns the Tasmanian dodge. By it the elector manages to substitute a spurious ballot for the official one given him by tbe l allot-clerk, and takes the official ballot to the man who is buying votes outside. He marks it in ink, and gives it to one of his purchases, who enters the inclosure, votes the marked ticket, and takes the blank ticket to the man outside. This can be obviated by the system of marking the ballot when it is given to the elector. The advantages of the Australian system of voting have been far more than its drawbacks, and now that it has received a thorough trial under widely varying conditions, the prospect for its adoption in Illinois entitles it to careful consideration. John H. aged 23, a tickettaker in the "World’s Museum at Boston, Mass., has inherited SIOO,COO under the will of his uncle, Lieutenant Governor James H. McDonald, of Escanaba, Mich., who was killed in a railway accident Jau. 26, leaving a large fortune. Civil-Service Commissioner Edoerton has been removed by the President. Thebe are 14,722 lunatics in New York State—exclusive of Herr Most and O’Donovan Bossa. —Philadelphia Times.

ENTRANCE

LINCOLN’S BIRTHDAY.

HIS PRE-EMINENCE OVER THE GKEA7 M*N OF HISTORY. The Hon. Joliu A. Hasson’s Tribote to th< Memory of the Martyred President —Hit Magnanimity' Compared with the Selfishness of Napoleon. ‘ Let us hope that the celebration ol Lincoln’s birthday thnß commenced may be continued and become a regular and national institution,” was the general senfiment of those who gathered in the vai ions c ties of the country on the 12th iust., to < ommemorate the eigh.ieth anniversary of Abraham Lincoln. At Chicago the exercises weie under the auspices of the LaSalle Club, and were of an elaborate nature. The invited guests were: The Hon. Robert T. Lincoln, Hannibal Hamlin, ex-Gov. George S. Boutwell, Got. Larrabee of lowa, Dr. H. W.Thomas, J. McGregor Adams, Gen. George Crook, F. S. Head, Bishop Samuel Fallows, Judge L. C. Collins, the Rev. Robert Mclntyre. The speaker of the occasion, Hon. John A. Kasson of lowa, paid the following glowing tribute to the “Character and Worth of Abraham Lincoln:” Mr. Chairman, ladies, and gentlemen, the 17ih day of Apri1,.1865, the Common Council of the city of Chicago met together under the shadow of a profound national sorrow to consider aud give expression to the popular sentiment upon the death of Atraham Lincoln. Onihatoccasion they declared "that ihe deceased will stand among the foremost of the brightest names of history and will be forever remembered with admiration anti honor, not only by his countrymen but by tho good and true of all countries and of all times.’’ You, gentlemen of the La Salle Club, still more representatives of this great city, have raso'ved to fulfill the pledge of continual remembrance and honorable observance of tho birthday of that great citizen and patriot, and we may congratulate ourselves in common that on this inaugural occasion we are honored by the presence of that distinguished man who was elected second only to Abraham Lincoln in 1860 to he Vice President of the United Slates —the eminent and venerable Hannibal Hamlin, of Maine. [Applause^] The time is well chosen, for this is the centennial year of that Union which Lincoln so grandly preserved. This place is well chosen, for here is the great city of the future, in this liberty-loving West whenco Lineo n sprung. Here was witnessed honorable struggle from ignorance to knowledge, from despondency to hope, from humility to eminence. Hero we o his qualities of leadership discovered, here are the State and city that gave him to the nation, to preserve its life and restore its integrity. Yo.r have not come to the determination to intrcduCa these festivals under the impression of a recent loss <?r ber?avem':n r . Nearly a quarter of a century is it row since the' food of pec pie’s tears fell upon the ground where the ha.oic man lies barie 1. Monuments in marble and in bronze have tin ?e been erected in his donor by the fi’aebom and the emancipated race, wuile somo of us still carr/ in our hearts the treasured affection which we 8 nourished by his personal companionship, yet a la: gar number of his associates have departel for the realm w hither he has led them. But tbe feolincs of tho people demand a memoral quick with life, vivid with human sentiment. Wo are met to-day to lay the loundutiens of such a memorial.

Great and heroic men are the cherished glories of a Stato, and the richest treasure of the people. Haie we in this American citizen a ch tractor sufficiently great and heroic, a career sufficiently noble, a depository of gilts to humanity rich enough to justify the honor of a festival to commemorate him V If we cau answer these questions in the affirmative such a public memorial Bhould receive public sanction, and this day, like the birthday "of Washington, should Le dedicated to the development of civil duty. The speaker described the emigration of the Lincoln family from Kentucky untit it reached Illinois, their poor circumstances after settling on the frontier, and the difficulties under which Abraham Lincoln acquired knowledge. Ho dwelt on the splendid physical development of tt e boy and the despair with which he compared hims-ls to those situated more favorably for the acquisition of knowledge, loading to temporary mental disorder. After Lincoln was admitted to the profession i.o displayed remarkable powers of logic and a keenness of perception equal to thd knife of a surgeon. He retus d to argue a case which conliicted with his sense of right. Although he soon rose to recognition in more intellectual society, ho always preserved his familiar contact with the society from which he sprang. The American front er life reco.tnized no superior order ot society, granting superiority only to the qualities of manhood, courage and honesty, force of character, fidelity to friends, intellectual strength, and nervy m all emergencies. Nowhere else have been developed so fully the principles of liberty, equality and fraternity as on the lines of our American rentier, and tho comp miODships formed there were likely to endure through life. It was to these surroundings that.much of tho character of Lincoln was due. Linton's election four times to the Legislature and la“er to Congress was due to his qualities of real manhood, continued the speaker. Lincoln held to his party while under its partial alliance with slavery. But his heart tvat not yet sufficiently moved nor his soul sufficiently aroused to impol him to the front of the advancing lino of the battle for freedom. He was 41 years old when the passage of tho fugitive slavo law presented a now cause for public agitation. Lincoln said that if slavery was not wrong then nothing was wrong. But slavery was declared to be within the Constitution. But Lincoln did not yet break from his party. He waited until the slave power in 18 \4 passed an act declaring it a mat ter of national'inuiflerence whether freedom or slavery should control the Territories hithtrio free In this memorable year, when the ocean of popular feeling began to exhibit signs of a great approaching storm, the turbulent love of liberty surged m.o the breast of that lawyer of Illinois. From the mists and clouds of politics n.iw emerges the new Lincoln with soul all aflame for the rights of humanity. Ho denounced ihe aggressiveness of slavery and .its propaganda through Congress and the Supreme Court; he contrast d its base and inhuman princip.o with the ennobling genius of liberty. During the campaigns of 4830 to 1831 he contintieij his assaults upon the Democratic party as tho principal Btay of slavery. His arguments were transparent to the common mind, ana carried as irresistible force as the law of nuture. He had an abiding faith in the people. To tnem he made his nppeal, and made it with ultimate success. “Wiilr their sustaining aid,” he declared, “even as humble as I am, I cannot fail to carry the ship of state safely through the storm," Nor was it in the rich and intelligent alone that he reposed his confidence. “No men living are more worthy to be trusted, ” he said, “lhan those who toil up from poverty, none less inclined to touch aught which they have not honestly acquired. ” Mr. rvassou characterized the peculiar force of Mr. Lincoln’s eloquence, not shaped on classical models nor often embellishe t with quotations, but always full of loree nnJ conviction. The speaker quoted many or the express ons of sorrow and sympathy that were sent at Lincoln’s death from e\ cry nation in the world, showering eulogi s on him in greater number and elevating him higher than any monarch of ancient or modem times. lew inonarchs (he continued , if any, within th 9 bounds of modern civilization have exercised a greater power over the fate of men and of government than t hat possessed by this American President dur ng otir gigantic war. None have used it so div inoly. with so much conciliation opposed to so much obstinacy, with so much patience against so much violence, with so much clemency In face of so much cruelty, or with so magnammous a purpose fi.r the freedom and elevation of man while confronted by brute force applied‘for t' o enslavement of man. None have encountered equal treason with a patriotism so unselfisu. If all that priests have chanted and poets hat e sung from the beginning of time until now of the beauty of temp ranee and mercy enthroned at tin side of power is not the vanity of an- idle fancy, then is Lincoln worthy to be celebrated in sermon and in song through all the coming ages. With tbe lapse of time there may come for our republic a period of decline and tall. Future orator? and patriots shall then appeal to Lincoln’s recorded faith in God and in the people to inspire the disheartened with hope, tbe faithless with trust, and humanity itself with the undying resolution that the republic which Washington founded and which Lincoln rescued and made free shall be perpetuated in honor and dignity and in tho glory of constitutional liberty.'