Democratic Sentinel, Volume 12, Number 43, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 16 November 1888 — BUT A TEMPORARY DEFEAT. [ARTICLE]

BUT A TEMPORARY DEFEAT.

Democracy Will Again Triumph. Chairman Jewett Predicts Teat the Republican Victory Will Prove ghort-Lived—Causes of he Defeat-A Tribute to “The Sentinel.” (Indianapolis Sentinel.) Chairman Jewett, of the democratic state centr 1 committee w<v found by a Sentinel reporter at the Grand hotel last night in a very cheerfu frame of mind. While he admitted that he was keenly disappointed at the defeat of Cleveland and the democratic state ticket, it was very evident that his nature is one that does not fret over reverses. Our report r said to him c 'at Lis personal otser vations upon thecampaign justclosed would be of great interest to Sentinel readers, and in response to nn mcrous questions, Mr. Jewett spoho very unreservedly of the canvass of the past four months. He said:

“While I regret toe result of the election it is without any feeling "f personal grievance or lisappointment For the last Jour months my entire time has been given to the management of the most remarkable canipaigL that Indiana has ever witnessed While this has entailed some personal inconvenience and pecuniary loss, I do not regret the relation sustained o the par'y during this trying season, but would hesitate to begin a like experienje again. I have had such generous treatment and support from the Democrats of Indiana while in this responsible position that there are no unpleasant re ollections connected with my service as chairman of the state central committee. Mr. Sheerin and all the members of the committee gavej unselfish assistance, and whatever good the committee may have done for the party in this campaign is due to t’-eir efforts rather than mine. “We came into the campaign weak** ened by our defeat at the St Louis convention, and for the first time in twelve years we w,re without a representative on the national The disadvantages under which we were thus pieced were immeasura ly increased by the nomin ilion »f Mr. Harrison at Chicago. Of course, Gen. Harrison is not personally popular in Indiana; the vote shows that; but the fact that he was an Indiana man wonderfully increased the efforts of the republicans to carry the state. Thousands of members of the republican party throughout the state had thereby added to their partisan desire for the success of their paity the belief that Harrison’s suceess meant office and reward for ea?h one of them. Consequently there were thousands of men in Indiana who were willing to work, aad did work night and day, and spent their ’time and money for the s ccess of the repub*> lican party who would not have been f.-uud actively in the con est if some man outside of Indiana had been nominated for the presidency. Theli numbers will bo decidedly reduced .our years from now, if we may jndge oy our experience in that line, “The democratic canvass from the stump was conducted with great vigor and spirit, and although the proion ed session of congres cut short

th« supply of speakers from abroad our own orators did splendid vork. Voorhees, Gray McDonald and Turpie mal a great campaign, as did hundreds of others, and their meet ings were unprecedented in poin of numbers and enthusiasm. The campaign of our state candidates was superb, and there has never been more effective worn doneg by candidates for state uffleers than by those who haw just been defeated. Every one of them did his whole duty for the whole ticket, and there was harmony and helpfulness throughout the entire fight. The organization f the democratic party throughout the state as made b*- the county committees, assisted by earnest de moor a s in every precinct, was unexampled, and loekina back over the field from my standpoint I can remember uo one who can be justly censured for neglect of duty.

‘The Sentinel made the hit of the campaign. For the first time in my recollection the democratic party had a state organ on which it could rely under all circumstances Clean, able and fearless, The Indianapolis Senti n I fulfilled evary expectation of the most critical democrat. “Nor were our efforts entirely fruit less. We sue .‘ceded in carrying Manon county for the democratic candidate for the presidency for t e first time in over thirty years We have made a gain of four congressmen and have carried both branches of tho legislature, the senate by sueh a ma* ’■joriiyas ten ers it certain that we

eleci a U. S. senator two rears from now The result will put Harrison in rather an embarrassing position during his entire ferm so far as this state is concerned, as he will himself bo charged with the distribution of the sooils of office in all the state outside of three congressional districts I wish him joy in hh bargain in that respect, for there will eno one to shift the responsibility upon, and Harrison was m ver a success in that regard. “I am satisfied t.at the republicans did not make their expected gains in the soldier vote, nor do I thina we directly lost any consideraole vote on account of the tariff In fact, among the voters who control their own votes and cast them free from intimidation or bribery we gained, and I am confident that tne cause of tariff reform will ultima*elv triumph. Th' trouble about the tariff agitat on was not that it affected the votes of the people at 'arge, but that it touched the interests of the monopolists, wh ' felt that their opportunity of become ing rich at the expense of the whole people might be destroyed. This led to two resu ts: (1) The intimidation and coercion of employes by their employers in my own city hundreds of democrats > oted against their own convictions under the coercion, actua' or constructive, of those who employ them (2) The position of the democratic p rty on the tariff enabled the republicans tu accumulate vast sums of money contributed by manufacturers in the east to bribe voters, and this is the secret es the plurality, slender though It is, by which the republicans have carried the state. In short, Dudleyism triumphed and the state was bought, and what is worse, the people of the nation know it.

“With regard to this thing I think all good citizens will agree that It mus* be stoppea Thoughtful men of all parties must concede that the reputation of Indiana in this respect is shameful. I think we ought to blush at th n know edge that our state is everywhere regarded as a purchasable one and the shame is equally great, no matter which party profits by the corruption. While here is no excuse, there is some palliation for tis stat of affairs. In the first place India a was so lomr an October state and its vote believed to be so importrnt a an indication of th© probable res' It at the presidential election the month following that it presented an inviting field for the practice of corrupt m tbods. It.was the battle field for the contending politi3al armies, and no matte’’which prevailed, political desolation and de-bauch-ry were left as the heritage of the people of Indiana. How this can be avoi ed la the future is a mutter that ail citizens should seriously consider. For my own part 1 would rather Indiana were reliably re üblican like Ohio or Illinois, than that it should continue to be the sport of corrupt politicians and to stand among the sisterhood of states as a rott n borough. “Tnere is an urge it necea ,lty fur passage of a better election law than the one we now have. All men ou ht to unite In this effort. The present law is clumsy and unsatisfactoay, and there is little security for the utility of *he billot, and not etifflcient freedom for the individual voter. It lias been suggested that a registry law should be passed, but lam satisfied that a registry law would make mat ters worse rather than mend hem. Tne only corrupt vi,tes that a registry law would kee out <>f the ballotbox woul l 4) - those of repea -rs and noL-residents; and whilo it is fa«h-

enable for both parties to charge that ;he other side uses repeaters, I do not jelieve that repeating is carried onto any appreciable extent in the state of Indiana. The effect of the registry aw is to deprive the busy, the sick, the absent and the indifferent of their right cf suffrage 1 , and, as a rule, these are honest voters . Those who sell tnelr votes will not be kept out by a registry law, for to them the right to vote is their stock in trade and they always register, Buch is tho experience of other places where such a law ’Tevails. My own judgment is that the law should still further limit the size of voting precincts so that no more than 250 votes snould be polled at any one precinct and that county commissionersgshould be required, by severe penalties, to carry this out. The l«w ‘should provide that no one except a voter should ap* proach nearer than 100 feet to the polling place and each ticket should, before being voted, be inclosed and scaled in a small envelope to be provided by the ttate. Opportunity snould be given to the voter to select and seal up his ballot unobserved just Lefore he deposits it. In most of our precincts now lhere ie not even a chute through which voters go and the consequence ie that the

outside of the window where the votes are taken is usually crowded with oersene who seriously interfere with the uutrammeled exercise of the right of suffta; e. Ido not be lieve that any law can stop this buyi«g and selliag or votes. Our laws on that subject are already very se vere but they are n t enforced. But I do believe that some changes as I suggested would make the buy ing of vote unprofitable and uncertain and thereby lessen it, “Much of the floating or purchasable vote may be attributed to our system of primary elections where candidates are selected by ballot at elections held without sanction of the law and under no penalties for improper practices; It will be found upon examination of the poll-books that the large purchasable and floating vote is to be found in counties where this practice prevails. Candidates who are seeking nominations are ready to pay men for their votes at the primary elections and no law of the state is thereby violated. But the man who sells his vote at a primary election may be pretty certainly counted on to do the same at the election following. I think, therefore, chat the primary elections should be as in Ohio—under the law of the state with such restrictions and penalties as will limit th? corruption which now prevails. Much good would come of extending the terms of all our state and county offices to four years and making the terms end in such a way that off-year elections would apply only to congress and to the state legislature. In this way at every alternate election there would be an appeal to the people in regard to existing or proposed legi dation, and such elections would be comparatively free from corruption. Now, it often happens that a member of congress owes his election or defeat, not to any question of national policy, but to a contest over a county office in his district. I regard the coming session of the state legislature as one of considerable importance. Practically no legislation was accomplished during the last session and therg are many things that require attention. I trust that the democratic majority in the next general assembly will prove equal to the task thus imposed upon it.” In conclusion, Mr. Jewett said: “We have suffered widespread defeat this year, but it is only a temporary set-back. I remember that in 1872, at the presidential election, the republican seemed to have swept us from the face of the earth; yet, two years later the party rallied and captured both houses of congress, and in 1876 we were able to elect Tilden and Hendricks. In 1880 our defeat was apparently irretrievable; yet, four years after the democratic party was successful and elected Cleveland and Hendricks. So it will be in the future. In 1890 we will again capture both houses of congress, and in 1892 elect a democra.ic president. Indeed, I doub' if hereafter any party will be able to hold the administration more than four years. Our population has become so large and restless that at each election it peacefully revolts against the existing order of things. Such is the Lsson we may read in the elections of 187 h, 1880, 1884 and 1888, and the conditions vvhich caused the change m popular sentiment at each of the time, named are increasing and becoming more powerful.”

One of the tariff-made monoDoliesjs the Clark-Coats spool-cotton combine which fleeces the people of the United States out of vast sums of money every year. This “protected” trust is enabled, by virtue of the tariff, to charge the people of this count -y two prices for its goods, while it goes across the border into Canada and sells at one price. A letter to the New York Times from Toronto gives the following statement of the practical workings of this trust: _ Tliis combine sells their two hundred-yard spool thread to the jobbirg trade in the United States at 55 cents per dozen, less 6 per cent, for cash, and a bonus of 9 per cent, payable at the end of the year, which is equal to46f net, and in Consequence the spool is retailed at 5 cents. Here in Canada this selfsame thread, of equal length and quality, is jobbed at 27| cents and retailed ut two spools for 5 cents. The duty in the Uni -

ted States is 53.82 and here 30 per cent., or, in other words, the duty per dozen in the United States is 6| cents per dozen more than in Canada; and as this thread is sold here at 27| cents it should be sold there for 34 cei s. Plainly speaking, this con bine robs the poor seamstress oui o 2 cents on every spool, as they charge 37| per cent, more for their thread there than here. This is the sort of thing that the country voted —wittingly or unwittingly—at the late election to indorse.