Democratic Sentinel, Volume 12, Number 36, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 28 September 1888 — Page 6

JOHN GRIFFIN CARLISLE

THE SPEAKER UNANIMOUSLY RENOMINATED FOR CONGRESS. A Masteny A<l<lre«s Showing the Enormity of Republican “ Protection ” —The Top of Carnegie’s Coach a Poor Place from Which to View American Industrial Affairs. The Democrats of the Sixth Kentucky District, in convention at Covington, Hon. John G. Carlisle for Congress by acclamation. As soon as the Chairman had formally announced the choice of the convention there ■were loud cries for the nominee. The Speaker was escorted to the platform, the delegates and spectators cheering wildly meanwhile. When quiet had been restored Mr. Carlisle made an exceedingly graceful speech, which was frequently interrupted by applause, particularly when h 3 mentioned the name of the President. Mr. Carlisle said: “Mr. Chairman and gentlemen of the convention. I scarcely know in what terms to thank the Democracy of this district for the action to-

“I accept your nomination and shall endeavor "to meet as many of you ».s possible between this and the election, although my duties at Washington prevent me from giving much attention to my own district. I not only accept your nomination, gentlemen, but I indorse to the fullest extent the resolutions you have just adopted, except that part of them as relates to me personally. “The great question before the country is the question of Federal taxation. It makes but little difference whether I am elected to Congress •or not, but it is of overwhelming importance to the people that the next House of Repreeentatives should be Democratic, and that the next President should be a Democrat also. Th 3 two political parties have nominated their candidates and made formal declaration of their principles. You will be called on next November to decide between them. The Repub.ican party has chosen as its standard bearers Mr. Harrison, a respectable lawyer of Indianapolis, for President, and for Vico President, Levi P. Morton, a very rich banker in Wall street. The Democratic party has selected the true and tried, the incorruptible President who now nils the chair; the man who has brought the administration back to the ways of the Constitution and given to this people a clean, conservative, and faithful administration of the law. With him they have associated Mr. Thurman, who for many long years has been the best and truest representative of our Western Democracy. “But it is not, gentlemen, my purpose to make a speech. Many of you want to return to your homes on the afternoon train, and many of you are anxious for your dinner. I want to call your attention, though, to the overwhelming importance of the great question which is n w presented for the decision of the people, and I congratulate you on the fact that at last, after many long years of struggle, we have got this question fairly and squarely before the pet.pie. It is declared in the Democratic platform tnat unnecessary taxation is unjust taxation, and by that declaration the Democratic party will stand or fall in this contest. “When President Cleveland was inaugurated on the 4th of March, 1885, he found on the s atute books laws, passed by Republican Congresses, under which there was lieing annually collected from the people nearly ¥100.0)0,. 000 in excess of the actual necessities of the Government. He found a large surplus accumulated in the vaults of the Treasury, and that all the public debt in control of the Government except about ¥100,000,00) of 3 per cent, bonds had been paid. What was to be done? Your after year some of us have struggled in the Houre of Representatives to secure a reduction of this enormous burden on the people, and have predicted that the time would surely come when this money would accumulate in the public treasury to such an extent as to paralvze all the business enterprises of th) country and bring rui i and disaster upon ojt industries and all engaged in them. “We were not responsible for the existence of these laws, but we felt, as the representatives of the American people, that the responsibility rested upon us, in some measure at least, to see if it coula not be remedied. We faded. The money went on accumulating in the Treasury at the rate of $10,000,000 per month, and is still accumulating at that rate. The Secretary of the Treasury told me just before I left the city of Washington that the surplus revenue collected during the first fifteen days of the present month over and above the expenses of the Government was $11,009,0)0. At the rate of several hundred thousand dollars every day and night, the mon yof the people, money which they need in their business, is being poured into the public treasury, where it is not needed.

“To relieve the Treasury from this enormous amount and to prevent disaster to the business of the country the administration is compelled to purchase the outstanding bonds of the Government at an enormous premium. Within the last few months $1,000,0(0 of these bonds have been bought at a premium on tne 4 per cents of some 25 to 28 cents on the dollar, and on the 4'«’s at 6, 7 and 8 cents, so that the bondholder is, by reason of the unfortunate situation in which ihe revenue laws have been left, taking from the people millions and millions of dollars in excess of the amount which his obligations call for, and our friend, Mr. Harrison, In his recent letter of accei>tance, says that this process should go on and the money should continue to be paid to the bondholder. “Mr. Sherman, the f rmer Secretary of the Treasury, takes substantially the same ground and criticises in a harsh manner the action of thd present administration in depositing a part of this money in the national banks so that it can be loaned to the people and go thus into the channels of trade. The records of the department will sustain the statement that while Mr. Sherman was Secretary of the Treasury ha had at one tim ■ in a single national bank more money than this administration has to-day in all the national banks of the United States. “Now the great question you are to decide is whether this system of taxation shall be continued indefinitely or whether the country will return to the methods of taxation which prevailed in this country before the war. For the first time in the history of this country, so far as I know, the Republican party his substantially declared in its platform in favor of reducing the revenue by increasing the taxes. It declares that it deems it necessary to reduce the revenue by checking the imports of such articles as can be made here, and if that is not sufficient it will rep ?al the whole internal revenue tax on whisky rather than surrender any part of the protective system. This proposition is put forth upon the idea that the people of this country can be benefited individually and collectively by imposing taxes on themselves. It might as well be said that a man can make himself r ch by picking his pocket as to say he can increase his wealth by imposing a tax on himself. “In addition to the facts that this system of taxation is imposing enormous and unnecessary burdens upon the people; that it has accumulated in the Treasury large sums of money which ought to be in the hands of those who eam it by their labor and skill; it is the parent of trust and combination and conspiracy to control products and prices of the necessary articles which the people are compelled to use. “I see that Mr. Blaine, who seems to be the mouthpiece of the Republican party, has given ?uasi indorsement at least to these monopolies. believe that when a man attends his own funeral he ought to be allowed to go at the head of the procession. But it seems that Mr. Harrison is not to enjoy this privilege. Mr. Blaine is the great central figure in this campaign, and he tells the people, in the face of the platform, in the face of the declarations of his political friends on the stump and neighbors, that these trusts are private affairs in which neither, the President nor anybody else has any particular right to interfere. “Why, my friends, larceny is a private affair—a very private affair—and yet it is not supposed improper to interfere with it by law. The highwayman who meets yon on the public road and demands your money or your life is engaged in the transaction of a private enterprise, but still the law takes cognizance of his act and punisher

day. Twelve years ago I was nominated for Congress in this hall, and since then the Democracy of this district has chostnme six times in succession to represent them in the House of Representatives of the United States. No man could be insensible to such devotion on the part of his friends, and I assure you, gentlemen, that I feel most profoundly my sense of gratitude and obligation to you and the people whom you represent.

ft as a crime. Now, gjntlemen. Mr. B'aine his not been occupying a very good position from which to view the interests of tin American workingman, farmer or consumer. The top of Mr. Came'ie's coach as it bowled along with its liveried outriders over the hills of Scotland is not a good place from which to look at the interests of America. Nor are the festal halls of Cluny Castle a very good point either. “Mr. Blame had better stay at home or stay abroad—one or the other. Had he come here to his own country and mingled with the farm, rs. I with the consumers, with the laboring men of i the land, he would have a far better opportuI nitytoknow what they desired than he could ■ possibly have dining and wining with the aristocracy of Europe. "It is said, gentleman, that even if it does iin- ' pose enormous burdens on the consumers of the I country, the wages of our laborers must be ' maintained; therefore, high rat-s of taxation must be continued. If 1 had the time I thiiiK I could show to the satisfaction of every intelligent and candid man within the sound of my voice that the wages of labor are no more affected by the rate of duties upon imported goods than the yield of corn to the acre on your farm is affected by it. And one of the chief benefits of the system, in the estimation of Mr. Harrison, is the fact that the people do not know how much they are payng. When a man’s money is taken away from him without hie knowledge, some malicious people call it stealing. I will not, however, apply that term to the processes by which the Government of the United States abstracts this enormous sum of money from the pockets of the people who earn it and put it in the public treisury or the pockets of some one else, but I will say that it is the most dangerous form of taxation that could be devised, because it makes the people less vigilant of the expenditures of the public money, and lulls them to sleep while their substance is taken away. “You will find by an examination of the labor statistics from 1850 to .860 that in some cases even as high as 10) per cent, more is paid for labor in the same occupation in Chicago than is paid in New York or Philadelphia. If the tariff regulated wages, I Submit that the rates of wages would be the same; would be uniform in the same occupations throughout the United States under the same tariff. “Another fact is that the greatest differences between the rtrten of wages paid here and the rates paid in European countries is found in those occupations which nobody pretends can be protected under the tariff laws. For instance, there is a far greater difference between the rates of wages paid here to carpenters, plasterers, painters, stone and brick masons’ teamsters, railroad employes, steamboat employes, and the rates of wages paid the same classes of workingmen in Europe than there is between the rates of wages here in your mills and cotton factories and the rates of wages paid in the sam: industries in Europe. The rates of wages pai l in this country, too, in the unprotected industries, are larger on the average than the rates of wages paid in this country in the protected industries, and the difference between them, in this case, and those paid in Europe in the other case, is still plainer—much plainer.

“Auoth r fact is that since 1848, when the English com laws were repeated and England entered on free trade, the nites of wages have increased from 50 to 75 and even as high as luo per cent, in some occupations. Can we trace that increase in this country during the same time? Another fact is that the rate of wages in the mechanical and manufacturing industries of th) United’States increased far more during what is calledthe free-trade period -from 1850 to 1860— than they ever have since that time. “I simply state those facts without going into argument to prove them. I can produce abundant and overwhelming testimony from laboring men, from manufacturers, from testimony given before investigating c mmitties in the House, to prove the truth of every statement I have made upon this subject. But taey say if you reduce these duties this country will be overwhelmed with foreign cheap goods and all ocr manufacturing ami mercantile industries will be ruined. “Why, gentlemen, if all the ships in the world were employed continuously in bringing goods from Liverpool to New York it would take them two years to bring as much as a single railroad in this country carries in one year. “From 185 j to 18 >0 our manufacturing and mechanical industries prospered as never before, aud not only that, but the great agricultural interests of the country, which we all know is the only safe and s re foundation for its prosperity and its purity, prospered along with them. The farmer, the agricultural laborer, is the man who suffers most under tbte system. Mr. Frye, of Maine, a distinguished number of the United States Senate, a particular friend of Mr. Blaine, mode a speech in that body on tbe 23d of last January, in whi .h he said teat he had reason to believe, after making a personal investigation of this question of labor anl prices of commodities, tha; bacon and pork, beef, flour, butter and cheese were as cheap in this country as they were in Europe. That is to say, the commodities which the fanner produces and is compelled to sell are as cheap here as they are in the pau-per-labor countries of Europe. This is the testimony of a Republican Senator given in the United States Senate after a personal visit to Euroue.

“But how is it with the things which the fum?r is compelled to buy? Am thev as cheap here as in Europe? No. You are' subjected upon every one of them, if they are imported, to an average tax of. 47.1 per cent., and on the rest the manufacturer has the opportunity to add th t same percentage to his price, and in many cases he dees it in the name of American labor, professedly in the interest of American industry, and to promote the good of the American people, because he says hat you mu st encourage these industries and give employment to us many laborers as possible. “Why, my farmer friend, if you should be returning home from the store with a wagon-load of goods purchased for the use of vour family with the proceeds of the sale of your crops, and some man met you on the public highway and declared that he intended to seize that wagonload of goods and burn them on the ground, you might be likely to protest and to want to know the reason. You would be astonished if that man should tell you: ‘I am a great public benefactor. I intend to do this in the interest of American laoor and manufactures, because if I destroy these goods which your family must have you will be compelled to employ more labor to produce more crops to buy these goods over again, and the manufacturers who made them will be required to employ more labor to procure the goods for you. I am here to promote the interests of American labor and American industry. lam a protectionist.’ “Free trade ? It concedes the right and duty of the Government to raise by taxation in some form or other a sufficient amount of money to defray all expenses and meet all honest obligations, but it concedes likewise that the settled po icy of the Government is to raise a large portion of its revenue by duties on imports, but we protest that the people shall have cheaper clothing and agricultural implements before they get cheap whisky and cheap tobacco. “The Republican platform, on the contrary, declares that they will repeal the whole internalrevenue system rather tnan surrender any part of the protective system. Now, the duty upon sugar is a part of the protective system. The high duty upon woolen goods and cotton goods and upon steel and iron is a part of the protective system. The true meaning of the Republican platform is that it will repeal the tax on whisky and beer and cigars and cigarettes and cheroots, but it will repeal no part of the duty upon the articles I have mentioned. “Are the people ready to indorse that doctrine? Would you rather have cheap clothing and cheap agricultural implements than cheap whisky and tobacco? Would you rather that your family and yourself should have cheap:r and better clothing and agricultural implements and medicine and-books, and cheaper and better cooking utensils and furniture and material to supply your homes than cheaper whisky or beer or tobacco?

“Mr. Harrison says they will maintain the fair protection system, and do away with the inter-nal-revenue taxes, rather than sacrifice the protection system or any part of it. It is very adroit, but the time will soon come when the Republican party Will be competed to choose between the total repeal of the internal tax and the reduction of duties on imported goods. He goes further, does Mr. Harrison, and specifies the oleomargarine tax as one which need not be repealed. He would rather repeal the entire tax on whisky than take off the duty on any imported articles, except articles the like of which are not produced here. “Mr. Cleveland, in his letter of acceptance, puts the case on this paint in the strongest possible light. He asks what relief this will afford to the plain, common people of the laud. How many of you are there, gentlemen, who are in the habit of purchasing and using in your - family articles of foreign production th a like of which are not produced in this country ? A very few of you ; yet these are the articles upon which the Republican platform pledges to take off the tax. On the things which are produced abroad, and whiCu are also produced here, the tax is to re-

main, so that you who use large quantities of these articles, must continue to pay high prices, while the only ta.x to come off foreign imports is the tax on thos > thin js which are not produced here and luxuries. “1 he administration, by its prudent and conservative course. by its honest and faithful execution of the laws in ad parts of the country, his removed all the apprehensions of danger and disaster which seemed to prevail in the minds of some of our opponents four years ago. No man can say that the affaire of the p sople and the affairs of the Government are not as secure in the hands of the great National Democratic party as in the hands of anv other political party that ever existed in this country. This is our country as well as the country of otir Rqrib'iean friends. We have as much interest in its greatuess, in jjg giory, as th°y can possibly have, and no matter what may befall us, as a political party we will stan I hereafter » s we have sto.xl in the past through disaster and defeat, steadily and firmly bvthe principles which we believe to ba righ fc a ’nl for ths bes. interests of the people."

WHY.

A Few Questions for the Free Whisky Organs to Answer. [From the Cleveland I’laindealer.J The free whisky organa have been invited several times to explain these things, but they don’t respond: Why Republicans in 1872 favored putting salt and umber on the free list. Why they have chancod their minds. Why in 1884 the Republicans favored reducing tariff taxes. Why they have changed their minds. Why the Republicans placed hides on the free list in 1872. Why the tanning industry was not ruined thereby. Why no pauper-made leather or shoes of Europe came over. Why the leather industry prospered more than ever before. Why more workmen were employed. Why they got better wages. Why, in short, the Republican tariff theory didn’t work. Why the price of wool has steadily declined under a protective ta> iff. Why the reduction of the duty on wool in 1883 was followed by an advance in price'instead of a decline. Why the lowest point in the price of wool was reached under the highest tariff. Why sheep in Ohio hive decreased in number right along for seven, years under a protective tariff. Why the sheep of Ohio decreased over 200,090 in numbers during one year, 1881-2, when the highest wool tariff existed. Why tho price of wh >at Ims declined right along under a protective tariff. Why the price of corn has declined under a protective tariff. Why wages have declined under a protective tariff. Why strikes and bitter eonfl cts between employes and employers have been common under a protective tariff. Why the workingmen of this country have lost more by tenfold in strikes and lockouts caused by attempts to reduce their wages under a protective tariff than they could have got out of the tariff tux, if they hud received every cent of it. Why the cost of living has increased under a protective tariff. Why anarchy and socialism have developed under a protective tariff. Why trusts have grown up under a protective tariff. These are onlv a few o’ the manv points that the people would like to have the advocates of the high-tariff blessedness explain. It may not bans easy als to howl about rebels and rave over the bloody shirt, and cry out that Great Britain is upon us, but would be vastly more sensible.

THE CAMPAIGN IN THE EAST.

Connecticut Democrats Very Hopeful—Republicans Not (setting Enough “Fat.” [New York special.] The canvass in Connecticut is going on satisfactorily for the Democrats. Leon Backer, a member of the State Central Committee of Connecticut, said this morning: “The outlook in Connecticut thia year for Democratic success Is of a very flattering character. It is a campaign of money against brains, the Democrats representing the brains and the Republicans the money." Republican headquarters were in keeping with the weather—very gloomy. The gloom was caused by the absence of Senator Quay, who left for his Beaver County home last Saturday without notifying any of h[s colleagues except Mr. Clarkson. Mr. Quay has appealed to the party leaders, to the protect id manufacturers, and has sought contributions from the masses, but his appeals have proved, vain. During a recent visit t > Washington he canvassed the Republican Senators and Congressmen personally. About ¥5,000 was the result. The Republican millionaires in Congress did no; respond. Lieutenant G rverno • Jouei said today that he had no doubt o the success of bo.h the Democratic national and Sate tickets. farmers know their ir.endi," continued Mi - . Jones, “and will vote for them. There is no doubt that during the first eight weeks o’ the national campaign Democrats were alarmed about the si-nation, but great caanges have taken place; the people have I een thinking for themselves an 11 ey have ascertained t let t ariff re orm will be benef.cial for the county. They know that the Republican arguments that the Mills bill means free trade are fallacies. New York is sure lor Democracy. ’’ Heavy Betting on Cleveland. [Pittsburgh special.] Barney Forst is a broker on the Pittsburgh Oil and Stock Exchange. To-a ay he startled theexebanga by an otter to bet $10),0)0 on Cleveland’s election. He telegranbea his defiance to Oil City and New York. Some brokers think money has been placedin his hands by wealthy Hebrews for betting purposes.

DEMOCRATIC GAIN IN MAINE.

Representative Springer Cannot Sec Any Cause for Republican Rejoicing—Democrats Serene and Confident. [Washington special to Chicago News, Ind.] Representative Springer is very enthusiastic over the Maine election. He says : “Maine is a stronghold of protection, and while the Republicans are • bamboozing themselves into the belief or feigning the belief that they have won a great victory, a comparison with the vote of September, 1884, will show that while the Republican vote has increased 2.3 per cent., the Democratic vote has increased 5.2 per cent. Such a proportion of increase would give the Democrats an immense majority in the State of New York. And when we can do this in a protection State like Maine, think what we shall be able to do when we come to those Western States —lowa, Wisconsin, and Illinois—whose interests lie in low tariff. ”

in view of tire decreased Republican plurality in Maine and the dissatisfaction expressed over the refusal of the Republicans to take action upon the tariff, there is a renewal of Democratic confidence. The betiing on Cleveland, which had almost ceased, has now begun again, with few takers and none who will bet even. A wellknown government contractor at the Ebbitt House recently offered to bet any sum, 2to 1, that Cleveland and Thurman would be elected. There were a few takers, in all aggregating about $1,200. Some Republicans bustled around town lively for an hour or two to get men to take these bets, and they were not a little chagrined to Isom that there was but little confidence on the part of the Republicans. The betting exhibits quite a peculiar evidence of the idiosyncrasies of those who wager their money on their opinions. Bets are made quite freely without odds on Cleveland’s election, and with’ odds against Harrison on Cleveland’s carrying New York, and then again with odds against Harrison on Indiana.

Indiana Republicans Dismayed.

A telegram from Indianapolis says : “The Republican tx>ll of this city shows a Democratic majority of 1,150. The result has amazed the Republican leaders, and they are doing their best to discredit the figures which they themselves collected. All but three of the city precincts have been completed, and a total of 33,000 votes are shown. Of these 15,411 are Republican, 16,561 Democratic, and 1,028 doubtful.”

Gets Twice His Pay-Roll.

The maker of pig iron who receives a bounty of about $6 on every ton produced in his furnace pays a little more than $3 e> ton for his labor.— New York Times.

GEN. A. E. STEVENSON.

ABLE SPEECH BY THE ASSISTANT POSTMASTER GENERAL. Grievous Bardens Laid Upon Laborers for the Benefit of Capitalists by the War Tariff—Trusts Denounced as the Fruit of High Tariff. General Stevenson, Assistant Postmaster General, and General Palmer, Democratic candidate for Governor of Illino s, recently addressed a mass meeting at Shelbyville, 111. General Steven ion began by reviewing the official acts or President Cleveland and his Cabinet. He showed that colored men “have been appointed to high places, and that the rights of the race have been carefully guarded declared that all departments of tne Government had been honestly and economically administered; that there have been no Belknap scandals, no star-route thieveries, no Secor Robeson robberies, and established the fact by figures that the old soldiers have never been more liberally treated, and prove! from the reco.’ds that, instead of handling huge slices of the public domain over to private corporations, as had been the method in vogue in the days of Republican ascendency, the administration had actually restored and opened to settlement 85,690,000 acres. “In the light of this,” he said, “do you Yonder that the land-grabbers oppose Cleveland's election, especially when it is recollected (hat tire land office had recommended a further forfeiture of 65,000,000 unearned acres now held by greedy corporations ?’ Continuing, General Stevenson said: Whoever is engaged in honest daily endeavor by the hard labor of his hands to earn bread for himself and his family has a profounl interest in the tariff. At no period in our history has it assumed the importance, or so engrossed the attention of the people as at present. Bear in mind, then, tbat tariff is but another name for taxation. * ♦ * ’ I asser;, without fear of contradiction, that from the close of the war to the last hour that the Republican party controlled both houses of Congress, all legislation reducing war taxes was in the interest of wealth, and not a finger was lifted to lessen the burdens of the people—burdens pitiently and bravely borne during the terrible ordeal of war. The tariff tax is paid by the consumer. Let us see: The American importer buys a cargo of woolen goods in Liverpool. When he reaches New York he is met by the custom-house officer, to whom he pays an average tariff tax of not less than 75 per cent. This amount the importer at once, as a matter of coarse, adds to the price of his goods. When the country merchant buys hie stock he pays the importer the original price paid in Liverpool, the cost of transportation, and profits of the importer, and to these is added the tariff duties. You, the farmer, the mechanic, the laborer—the consumer—buy these same goods from the merchant, and what do you pay? The profits of your merchant upon the goods, to which is added the cost of transportation, and the entire amount by your merchant to the importer, including the taxes paid to the collector. So that it is not difficult to see that, w'hoever may pay the tariff taxes in the first place, or whoever may pay them in the second place, they are eventually and inevitably paid by the consumer. “Well,” you may say, “the Government gets the money, so it is all right.” But remember that the Government does not want the money, as its annual revenues are now more than a hundred millions in excess of its needs. In the second place, remember that but one-fifth of t e money paid because of the tariff taxes ever reaches the Treasury ; the remaining four-fifths go into the pockets of tho manufacturers. Examine this carefully, and you will find that.under the present tariff §4 out of every ¥5 paid by the consumer goes to the protected manufacturer,, and the remaining $1 goes into the Treasury. The manufacturer protected! Protected against what? Simply protected against competition. Protected against the possibility of your buying clo hing for your family from some one else for half the price yon pay him. The tariff duties, then, as shown by Judge Thurman, collected for the fiscal year just ended, were, in round numbers, $200,000,OuO; thus adding, at the cost of the people, $1,01X1,090,0)0 to the profits of the manufacturers—the protected monopolists—the protected robbers of this country! Do you wonder, now. that the Republican advocates of a high tariff declared in the Chicago platform that, rather than have protection harmed, the entire b er and whiskv tax should be abolished? Do you wonder that the great protected iron merchant of Pittsburgh, Andrew Carnegie, with an annual income of $1,500,0J0, can entertain Mr. Blaine at Cluny Castle in royal splendor? Do you wonder that the manufacturers of New England, who have grown rich by protection, hold mortgages upon so many of the farms of Illinois and the Northwest,? Do you wonder that SO per cent, of the railroads in Illinois are owned by Eastern capitalists? Is it surprising that the manufacturers and protected capitalists are solid in their support of Harrison and hostile to Cleveland's re-election ? Do you wonder that Mr. Foster, President of the Republican League of the United States, in his appeal for money to aid in electing a Republican President, declared that the manufacturers must contribute liberally, as they were most benefited by the tariff laws? that the Republican party must have liberal contributions from the manufacturers, as the fight against tariff reform was in their interest? Is it not true, my fellowcitizens, that the Republican party is to-day the pliant instrument in the hands of the monopolists? The “protection” it gives you is the protection the wolf gives the lam 0. * # * Now, my friends, the Mills bill would greatly lessen your daily expenses. It would <nab e you day by day to add to the comfort of your families. It would enable you to give your children better facilities for education, and better to prepare them for the great struggle of life. Don’t you know that the passage of that bill would benefit you aud your children? Don’t you know that that bill, lessening the cost to you of the necessaries of life, has already passed a Democratic House, is indorsed by a Democratic President, aud but for the hostility of a Republican Senate, would to-day be the law of the land, and that you and your families would now ba reaping its blessings ? The Mills bill would reduce taxation $75,000,0)0 annually. What remedy do the Republicans propose? The Chicago platform, which the Republicans have recently adopted,, and upon wh ch they have nominated General Harrison for President, declares in effect that, rather than have protection harmed, the entire internal revenue system, meaning the taxes upon beer, upon tobacco, and upon whisky, should be repealed. Are you prepared for that? Do you fully understand the import of th at declaration ? The statement I now give you is taken from the official records, and shows that the revenue derived from tax upon tobacco for the fiscal year just closed amounted to 830 662,432, an 1 that from beer to $23,324,218, that from spirits $69,306,165, aggregating $123,292,816. Truly, the repeal of this tax would reduce the surplus in the Treasury with a vengeance. Whom, then, will you serve? Do you prefer the abolition of the tax upon whisky rather than that the cost of the necessaries of life should be lessened? If so, I pray you lose no time in giving your adhere nce to the Republican party and its candidates. Do you wonder that the Chicago Tribune., the leading Republican paper of the West, denounced the platform and demanded its modification ? Do you wonder that it declared that the American people would never consent to free whisky, in order that the taxes might be retained upon clothing and food ?

Let me call your attention to an evil which is thedlrect result of the tariff—“trusts,” or rather, in old-fashioned parlance, "conspiracies." What are these so-called “trusts?" Simply combination entered inti between manufacturers for the purpose of increasing the cost of an article to the consumer by limiting the supply. How are they enabled to do this? A high protective tariff cuts off competition from abroad, and thus enables the home manufacturer to absolutely control the market. But for a high tariff, these trusts, combinations, conspiracies against the people would be impossible. These hateful monopolies are the legitimate offspring of a system of legislation which, under the name of “protection,” enriches the few at the expense of the many. Let me give you an illustration. The sugar trust has lately advanced the price to the consumer from Ito 2 cents per pound. One cent per pound upon the sugar consumed in the United States gives $30,000,0<)0 additional profit's to the monopoly “trusts." This trust is made possible only by the high tariff on sugar. The lumber trust, by which every man’s shingles and boards are arbitrarily taxed, is made possible only by the high tariff tax on lumber. The salt trust, by which the price of this necessity is taxed, is made possible only by the high tariff tax on salt. You naturally inquire: “Is it not possible to protect the people against such conspiracies?" The Democratic party, in its last national platform, says : "Judged by Democratic principles, the interests of all the people are betrayed when, by unnecessary taxation, trusts and com-

binations are promoted and fostered, which, while unduly enriching the few, combine to rob the boiy of our citizens by depriving them, as purchasers, of the benefits of natural com petition.” President Cleveland in his letter of acceptance says: “Such combinations have always been condemned by the Democratic party. The declaration of its national convention is sincerely made, and no member of our party will be found excusing the existence or belittling the pernicious results of these devices to wrong the people. Under different names they have been punished by the common law for hundreds of years, and they have lost none of their hateful features because they have assumed the name of trusts instead of conspiracies. We believe that these trusts are the natural offspring of a market artificially restricted; that the inordinately high tariff, besides furnishing a temptation for their existence, enlarges the limits within which they may operate against the people, and thus increase the extent of their power for wrong-doing. With an unalterable hatred of ali such schemes, we count the checking of their baneful operations among the good results promised by revenue reform.” Reneat your question : “Is it not possible to protect the people against such c mspiracies ?" Mr. Blaine, answering for the Republican party, in a recent speech, after waiving a discussion of the question of trusts, as to whether they were either good things or bad, added that “they are largely private affairs, with which neither President Cleveland nor any private citizen has any right to interfere.” From the Republican standpoint, then, the law is powerless to protect you against this robbery. Do you wonder, now, that the advocates of a high tariff, the champions of “protection," the Carnegies and others, who have grown enormously rich by “trusts," are hostile to Cleveland and his party? The question of tariff reform is now before you. It will down at no man’s bidding. The issues are made up. We stand for the removal of all unjust taxe«.

A BAREFACED LIE

Emphatically Squelched by Grover Cleveland. [Philadelphia special.] The following communication has been received by Mr. James Whiteley, of this city: Executive Mansion, I „ Washington, Sept. 13, 1888. j James Whiteley, Esq.: , Dear Sib—Your letter of the Bth inst. has just been presented to my attehtion, and it affords the first intimation I have had that in an article published in the North American Review I am charged with the declaration that “I believe in free trade as I believe in the Protestant religion.” In answer to your inquiry as to the truth of this allegation 1 have to say that I never made use of that expression or anything like it. The statement you quote is a pure, unadulterated fabrication. While it would be in vain to attempt to crush out or refute every false statement coined or forged to serve the purpose of misrepresentation in the heat of a political canvass, the friendly spirit of your inquiry has led me to make this emphatic denial. Yours very truly, Grover Cleveland.

A Letter from President Cleveland Indorsing the Work of Democratic Clubs.

The .following letter was sent by President Cleveland to Hon. Chauncey F. Black, President of the National Association of Democratic Clubs: Executive Mansion, I Washington, D. C., Sept. 14, 1888. j Hon. Chauncey F. Black, President, etc.: My Deab Sib —The papers which you kindly sent for my perusal touching the scope, method an 1 purposes of the Association of Democratic Clubs have strengthened my belief in the extreme importance of such organizations as have been thus associated. The struggle upon which we have entered is in behalf of the people—the plain people of the land—and they must be reached. We do not proceed upon the theory that they are to be led by others who may or may not be in sympathy with their interests. We have undertaken to teach the voters as free, independent citizens, intelligent enough to see their rights, interested enough to insist upon being treated justly, an l patriotic enough to desire their country's welfare. ’ Thus this campaign is one of information and organization. Every citizen should be regarded as a thoughtful, responsible voter, and he should be furnished the means of examining the issues involved in the pending canvass for himself. I am convined that no agency is so effective to this end as the clubs which have been formed, permeating all parts of the country and making their influence felt in every neighborhood. By'a systematic effort they make the objects of the Democratic party understood by the fair and calm discussion of the Democratic position in this contest among those with whom their members daily come in contact, and by preventing a neglect i>f the duty of suffrage on election day these clubs will become, in myopinion, the most important instrumentality yet devised lor promoting the success of our party. Yours very truly, Grover Cleveland.

A VAST EMPIRE RECLAIMED.

What Grover Cleveland Has Done Toward Reclaiming the Public Domain. Between 1861 and 1872 Congress granted to private corporations and to individuals 163,64 ),- 944.81 acres of the public domain—almost equal to the combined area of the thirteen original Statps. For years this wholesale despoilment of the people's heritage was op nly and systematically practiced, and the Commissioner of the General Land Office, in his annual report of 1885, state s that nt that date four-fifths of our public lands had been disposed of, and of the remaining onefifth only a moiety was fit for human habitation. But when Grover Cleveland became I'resi lent in 1885, a halt was called on the land-grabbers. It was resolved that “land-grabbing” in all its forms should ceass; that the "land-shark” should disgorge his plunder; that all fraudulent acquisitions of our public lands should stop; that, the laws governing the disposition of our public lands should be rigorously and vigorously enforced; and that all claims to our remaining lands, whether by powerful syndicates or by individuals, should be laboriously scrutinized in the light of the law and the facts, and only allowed where clearly established. This programme has been faithfully carried out, and a statement recently issued from the General Land Office makes the following exhibit covering the period of Mr. Cleveland’s administration : Lands reclaimed and actually restored to the the public domain, 80,690,720.59 ’ acres ; recovery of lands recommended, 62,652.218.32 acres ; forfeited wagon road grants recommended lor recovery, 2,368,320; or a grand tot il of 145,711.258.93 acres actually restored, or in course of restoration, to the public domain—a magnificent empire in itself, embracing an area larger than that of Great Br.tan, and equaling the combined areas of the powerful Stages o’ Massachusetts, Connecticut. New Jersev, Virg’n’a, Indiana, Ohio. Pennsylvania and New lorn. Can a para’l 1 in beneficent ach evement be found in our his ory ? A res ora ,iou o: 146,711.2,8. >2 acres to iur p blic domain at a moment when that domain is prac ically nearly exhaus.id. is nearly i46,0(> ,o«> a r s of excellent land reclaimed irom the 'land grab er' and opened t> settlement ns permanent homes for o.ir rapidly increas'ng pop ilatio >. This splendid achio.emen; of President Cleveland s administrati n would be en ugh to render it memorab e in our hist try it it had done nothing else for the people.— tndianapolis Sentinel.

Protection for Workmen.

“The“e. ’o k nt that, to u,” said the high-tariff liepublican, ciincmng nis urgum mt on a Milwaukee Prohibitionist as they rode through Bay View. “Teat town was built entirely by the liepublican system of protection. That’s what protection does for the laboring men of this country." “Yes, I see,” replied the Prohibitionist. “By the way, I don’t see any smoke coming from those rolling mills. Are they working now ?” “Well, no, they aren't just now,” r. plied the protectionist. “What’s the matter?" “Why, the—the trust has bought up the mills and shut down because of over-pro me.ion.” “How long will they remain shut?" “Perhaps two months ; perhaps longer.” “Well, where dces the protection come for the laboring men, eh ?” The protectionist was dumb. He knew another fact about the protection for Bay View workmen. He knew that the better c ass of workmen had been driven out of Bav View by importations of cheap, low-grade “Polacks" that cost the State SIO,OOO to control. There is protection on the iron works of Bay View, but i is the iron and steel trust that is protected, while the workman is as “naked to his enemies" as th* Sioux Indian to the frontier trader.— Wisconsin Prohibitionist.