Democratic Sentinel, Volume 12, Number 26, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 20 July 1888 — JOYOUS, HAPPY DEMOCRACY [ARTICLE+ILLUSTRATION]

JOYOUS, HAPPY DEMOCRACY

A DEMONSTRATION IN INDIANAPOLIS. The Hosts Turn Out and Hake the Welkin Biss With Shouts for Cleveland and Thurman—Masterly Speeches by Gray, English and McDonald. [lndianapolis Sentinel, July 15.] That “little local affair’’ came off Saturday night. It came off with a bang that drove terror to all republican souls, and blighted all their chimerical hopes. It came off with a bang and eclat that surprised the most sanguine of the democrats, and in consequence their spirits are bouyant and overflowing with pleasant thoughts. The procession numbered fully 7,000 men in line, and considering the early Btage of the campaign and the immature organization it fully showed the depth of enthusiasm and earnestness that the democrats and workingmen of this home of Gen. Harrison are possessed of. The suddenness of such a grand turnout as last night’s will doubtless have a wonderful effect. The streets began to show signs 0 f something unusual before 6 o’clock and Cleveland and Thurman badges decorating democratic patriots caught the wandering eye and made one stop to think. Besides these tokens there were many other premonitions of the coming of a great event. Even the way the people looked and acted told the stranger that something was up. The “little local affair” cast its shadow before it; but it was not a very long shadow. It was not a week long at the utmost. Within this time over thirty clubs with memberships running all the way from 50 to 800, most of them being from 150 to 300, have been organized and the “little local affair” was but a natural consequence. From 7 until 8 o’clock the corner of Tennessee and Washington-sts. was the scene of a great massing of these clubs. Thev came from all directions and occupied all the surrounding streets. Capt. J. JB. Curtis on his horse, and surrounded by his staff, stood in the center directing the formation of the long army that radiated in long lines of determined followers of Cleveland and Thurman. The preliminaries having been completed, the Emmet Guards band stepped forward to the command “March!” and, striking up a national air, the procession was commenced. The saw makers, who presented a very fine appearance in linen dusters and with waving torches, was given first honors and quickly followed the band. Then followed in rapid succession and close order the great number of clubs, all decorated with red bandanas and other emblems of democratic faith. Chief Marshal Capt. J. B. Curtis. Assistant Marshals, John M. Pouer, Jacob Fox, S. L. Morrison, John Maloney, Albert Lieber, William B. Lewis, John A. Webber, Saw Makers’ club, over 200 strong, Capt. Dick McCallister. Street Car Boys, 100 in line, Peter Smith, captain. Matson Guards with 80 men in line, Capt. Gibson commander. Fourteenth ward with 150 men, M. O’Conner, captain. Minter’s Democratic club with 125. George Post, captain. Fifteenth ward Osterman club with 90 men, Matt Quin captain. Sixteenth ward, first precinct, 75 men, Joe. Stevens captain. Haughville club with 300 men, John Jackson, captain. Twenty-fifth ward Blue Jeans club, 150 men, Capt. Tom Harrington in command. Twenty-third ward, 350 men in line, W. McGinnis captain. Twenty-fourth ward, 300 men in line, Louis Lange captain. Twenty-second ward, 200 men in line, Capt. Fox commander. Sixteenth ward, third precinct, 100 men, Bob Emmet commander. Eighteenth ward, 125 men, Capt. Beard, commander. Nineteenth Ward East End club, 200 men, Capt. Albertshart, commander. Thirteenth ward, 100 men, Capt. Joe Welch. Ninth ward, Capt. McDonald withsomen. Sixteenth ward, second precinct, Capt. Alterfeldt, 50 men. Hendricks club, 400 strong, Capt. Curtis, commanding. Carriages containing speakers. First ward, 200 men, Capt. Tindall, commanding. Twelfth ward, 150 men, commanded by AdjtGen. Koontz. Third ward, 150 men, commanded by Henry Armstrong. North Indianapolis, with sixty men, commanded by Ben Adams. Emmirichsvilie club,containing ninety men. Railroad club, with 900 men, all railroaders, commanded by Capt J. E. Foley. Twenty-first ward, “Myers” club, 205 men, commanded by Capt. Dave Bruce. German “Four M” club, 150 men, P. Dechem president Seventeenth ward, third precinct, 250 men, Wallace Gruelle, captain. Twentieth ward, Foley Guards, with 150 men, commanded by George Woessler. West Indianapolis, with eighty men, commanded by Lewis Reinhart. Fifth ward club ; with 200 men, commanded by Edward Carelton. Tenth ward club, with seventy-five men commander John Mosier. Taggart Guards, seventy-five men, M. Drapier commander. Most of the clubs had drum corps or bands, and there was a dearth of tin horn music and side show attractions such as distinguished the republican turn-out some time ago. Many of the clubs had torches, but owing to the fact that the Indianapolis torch market is exhausted, a great number of the newly organized clubs could not obtain them. But the lack of torches was remedied by the carrying of numerous transparencies all engraved with trite mottoes and cartoons, as follows: “Every workingman will devote ‘a dollar’s worth’ of time against Harrison on Nov. 6.” “There is no tariff on pauper labor.” “Steve Elkins, the cattle fiend of New Mexico, is for Harrison.” “Among all the men named there is not one leader.”— Senator Ingalls. “Reduce the war-tax in this time of peace.” “Cleveland is trusted by all —the farmer, the business man, the laborer.” “‘Republican state pride’ stole the governorship from Thomas A. Hendricks in ,68.” “Harrison has an awkward record on the tariff and currency questions.”— Senator Ingalls. “Tobacco is a necessity.”— J. G. Blaine. What about blankets? “I am opposed to free whisky.”— J. G. Blaine in Florence letter. “Free wool means cheaper clothing.” “Down with the trusts.” “Republican platform: Free trade in labor. Protection for capital.” “To remit the whisky tax is to multiply illicit sales everywhere.”— J. G. Blaine, Florence letter. “Free whisky would destroy high license in the states at once.” — J. G. Blaine, Florence letter. “Protected Carnagie & Jones are millionaires. Their workmen are on a strike for food.” j “Harrison prepared cold leadfor the railroad

strikers 0f1’77. They prepare Cleveland ballots for him in ’88.” “Home rule for Ireland. A government in the interest of the whole people for America.” “Down with the monopoly tax.” “Chinese and contract pauper labor must go.” “Farmers are opposed to free whisky and the robber-tariff tax.” “Does the Journal advocate “state pride” for Ohio ana New York?” “Matson and Myers, • the soldier-statesmen, will be triumphantly elected.” “ ‘State pride’ revolts against the whisky and tax robbers.” “Marion county will be in line with 1,000 democratic majority.” “Pinkerton puts down strikes with Springfield rifles. So does Ben Harrison,” “High tariff is a high tax. The consumer pays it.” “Thurman represents the people—Morton the banks.” “Thurman appeared/or the strikers in Ohio, Harrison against the strikers in Indiana.” Co. “A,” sharo-shooters of ’77, should call on their captain —Gen. Harrison. High protection empties the pockets of the people into the vaults of the millionaire. The low tax period from ’SO to ’6O was one of unequaled prosperity. Blue blood and boodle —Harrison and Morton. Harrison —the candidate of Gould and Vanderbilt. Protection taxea diamonds 10 per cent and blankets 100 per cent. Red blood is better than olue blood. We can not trace our ancestry very far hut we vote. “Keep the tax on whisky. Reduce it on necessities.” “Greenbackers are idiots. Our asylums should be enlarged for them.”— Ben Harrison. “The Chinaman is a teacher to the labor of all lands.” — Harrison’s Organ, March ’B2. “The Chinaman’s lesson must be learned by the strikers and grumblers everywhere.”—Harrison’s Organ, March ’B2. “Cleveland and Thurman, the people’s candidates.” “Harrison favored the ‘shot-gun’ policy in ’77.” “Harrison is for free whisky. Cleveland for cheap clothing.” Harrison’s Chinese record—“ Rough on rats.” Harrison opposed workingmen in ’77. Workingmen are opposed to Harrison in ’BB. “Hurrah for Harrison, but d n his principles.”—Evening Hews. Republican platform —“Boodle and BourMonopoly must go. “To Albert G. Porter: Don’t get in the cyclone’s path.”— Labor Signal. The issue—The people vs. monopoly. “Cleveland represents the people; Harrison represents land-grabbers and railroad monopolists.” “Which grandfather’s record is it?” ‘The ‘Rat’ Journal is for Harrison; so is Ah Sin.” “ ‘Hulla for Hallison.’— Hop Sing.” “‘A workingman might better work for 10 cents a day than to strike.’— Ben Harrison.” “Republican Platform —‘The public be d d.’ ” “Harrison voted for coolie labor. American workmen are against it.” “Corporations won in Chicago. The people will win in November.” “The New York Tribune and the Indianapolis Journal, the enemies of labor, are for Harrison.” “Indiana will give 15,000 majority for Cleveland, Thurman and low taxes.” “Hallison might win in China, but not in America.” “Harrison struck the workingmen in ’77. It is their turn now.” “The disinterested intellect of America is for tarifi-reform.” “Harrison insulted the strikers in ’77. They resent it now.” “Harrison’s home county will give Cleveland 1,000 majority.” “Down with the war tax.” “High taxes for war. Low taxes for peace.” “This is the people’s strike against Harrison.” “Many of the strikers of ’77 got $1 per day. Harrison thought that enough.” “Arbitration or bullets: Harrison favored bullets.” “Cleveland favors low taxes.” “We demand: Free raw material, the markets of the world and no pauper labor.” “Cleveland is for the people. The people are for Cleveland.” “Harrison and Morton, candidates of the united millionaires.” “The destruction of the Spanish armada was the act of providence.”—The Rev. M. L. Haines, Harrison’s pastor, July 8, 1888. “Cleveland, Thurman and low taxes.” “Cleveland, Thurman railroad club of 1888.” “No Pinkertons in ours.” “A dollar a day and two meals is enough for a laboring man.”—Ben Harrison. “Pig-tails are cheap, Springfield rifles effective.”—Ben Harrison. “State pride demands that this protectionrobbery cease.” “Just a little local affair.”— Evening News. Among the most prominent clubs that attracted the greatest interest and caused the greatest comment were the saw makers, the railroad club and the Hendricks club. The large clubs from many of the wards and from the suburbs of the city were also surprising and exceeded expectations. The long caravan indeed fully showed the overwhelming numbers tnat will this fall march to the polls and deposit their ballots. The great number of laboring men in the procession showed which side they considered it their best interests to work for. As clubs after club marched along they voiced their sentiments in no half-hearted manner but cried out and reiterated the cry of Cleveland and Thurman, tariff reform and no Chinese. The men were exuberant with the impulses for the noble and righteous cause they espoused, and felt with fullest resentment the principles put forward by the republican party. All along the line of march were crowded streets, the most of the spectators being democrats, and when the marching clubs would shout they would answer back an echo full of earnestness. It seemed that everyone had turned democrat. It is estimated that there were 25,000 spectators on Washington-st., and this with the 7,000 in the line of march, made a turnout tnat is undoubtely one of the greatest of political events. It took almost an hour for the procession to pass a given point. The Lincoln club, on its way to the depot, was detained at the Bates house for forty minutes owing to the fact that it. could not get through the parade. The procession, according to programme, marched east on Washington -st. as far as East-st., and then countermarched to Pennsylvahia-st., and thence to the hall. AT TOMLINSON HALL. The Speeches of Mr. English, Gov. Gray, Mr. McDonald and Mr. Brown. The demonstration at Tomlinson hall was also a pleasant reminder that it was a “little local affair,” and that there were some democrats at Gen. Harrison’s home. The parade being of such magnitude and requiring several hours for it to finish its line of march, the doors were not ununlocked until after 9 o’clock. Some time betore that, however,—as many minutes before as there are spaces on the town clock dial the doors had been beseiged by a restless crowd that surged back and forth for entrance. When the janitors finally applied their keys from within, the weight from without threw the doors open and the rush began. The stairways were packed. The people rushed into all the entrances on the lower floors and surged up the stairway toward the galleries. All this time the When band, in the third balcony, let forth with appropriate strains, but was only half heard from the din of applauding people and the sound of fife and drum. The delegations or club organizations

pushed in rapidly, each bringing its quota of enthusiasm. As each club entered the lower floor of the auditorium it was greeted by spontaneous and very demonstrative applause. The Hendricks club, bearing as it does the name of that man of revered memory, received perhaps the greatest ovation as the members came in and marched up to the front holding high their bandanas on the points of canes. This demonstration had scarcely ceased when ex-Senator McDonald made his appearance on the platform, which was a signal for a fresh outburst. The audience went wild again when Gov. Gray appeared. Hats were thrown up and every sort of demonstration was made that was calculated to make a noise. Tom Taggart, who was somewhat responsible for all the noise that occurred, was also received with considerable demonstration. On the platform were the Hon. Jason B. Brown, the Hon. DavidS. Gooding, the vice-presidents and others. Tomlinson hall never presented a more beautiful and patriotic appearance. Four immense flags, gracefully festooned and properly distributed, filled the space oyer the stage. An immense sheet of red, white and blue bunting covered the front of the platform, while the same decoration, looped with the Thurman emblem, covered the entire gallery of the immense hall. Below this was a continuous strip of bandana bunting, the effect being greatly enhanced by a uniform placing of appropriate mottoes as given below: “War taxes must go in time of peace.” “‘A public office fs a public trust.’ — Grover Cleveland.” “We demand free raw materials, the markets of the world, and no Chinese or pauper contract labor.” “Harrison voted fourteen times in favor of Chinese immigration.” “Cleveland and Thurman —the people’s choice.” “Harrison prepared bullets for workingmen in ’77. Workingmen will prepare ballots against Harrison in ’88.” “Republican Platform —State pride, free whisky and high taxes.” “ ‘Harrison represents the rank and lawless growth of incorporated power.’ —David Turpie.”. “Cleveland’s fidelity in the past inspires faith in the future.” “Cleveland favors such liberality in pension legislation as shall admit all just claims on an equitable basis.” “The democratic convention at St. Louis merely named the man the people had already chosen.” “Indiana will give Cleveland, Thurman and low taxes 15,000 majority.” Directly in advance of the speaker’s stand was a life-like portrait of Gov. Hendricks, richly wreathed with flags and red. On the center and lower point of an enormous flag swung a life-size portrait of President Cleveland, with an excellent picture of Allen G. Thurman on either side. Small flags and bandanas plumed every gas jet and available place throughout the building, presenting, on the whole, a picture of stirring sentiment and impressive ideas. For this work of arrangement much credit is due the committee on decoration, composed of Messrs. Jacob Fox, 11. T. Hudson, M. F. Drapier, T. N. Nolan and Thomas McMullen. When Mr Taggart stepped to the front and brought his cane down upon the chairman’s desk, the hall was packed and jammed. People were standing in the aisles and in all the vacant space everywhere. Several of the delegations could not find room to accommodate themselves and after having marched part of the way in marched out again. Such a large audience made Mr. Taggart blush as he rapped upon the desk and shouted for order. He finally got it and introduced the Hon. William 11. English as chairman of the meeting. MR. ENOLISH’S SPEECH. I need hardly say, my fellow citizens and brother democrats, that I appreciate and thank you for your kindly greetings. In assuming the duties assigned me of presiding over this great meeting, I will frankly admit that when I consented to do so, a few days ago, I was inclined to think that a meeting here at this time, as a ratification meeting, was unnecessary. I felt that way because our candidates didn’t need it. All the democrats, and a great many others, bad, long ago, expressed their entire satisfaction with the ticket. The administration of President Cleveland has been so wise and beneficent, so entirely satisfactory to his party and the county, that there was not the slightest opposition to his nomination at the St. Louis convention. The unanimity which prevailed throughout the whole country in favor of his nomination was remarkable and unprecedented. To thoughtful people there was something grand and majestic, as well.as significant, in the fact that from center to circumference of this great country, from every state and territory, there came up from the millions who compose the oldest and greatest party of the republic, a unanimous demand for his nomination. It was a great compliment. It was the highest compliment that could then be paid an honest, able and faithful president. The only higher will be that which the same people will pay when they re-elect him next November. The nomination, so unanimously demanded and made, was instantly ratified in the hearts of the millions who had demanded it. It was a spontaneous, patriotic and intelligent ratification, not of the senseless horn-blowing kind, such as the republicans inflicted on this city recently. I am inclined, therefore, to class this meeting, not so much as a ratification meeting, but as a great and enthusiastic gathering of live democrats who have already ratified the St. Louis nominations. The corporation lawyers and monopoly agents in the Chicago convention had to plot, scheme and wrangle an entire week before they could select a candidate. And you probably read in the papers, from republican sources, too, that delegates were freely bought and sold in that convention with money. It is said that one of the principal candidates attributes his defeat to that cause. How different this from, the nomination of President Cleveland. His nomination was the prompt and unanimous act of a clean convention which voiced the unanimous Will of a great party—a party that always stands with the people and for the people, whenever and wherever their interests come in contact with the interests of corporations and monopolies. Of like satisfactory character was the nomination for vice president of that grand old statesman, Allen G. Thurman. He was notoriously not a candidate. His nomination was made in deference to the spontaneous and urgent demand of the rank

and file of the party. The truth is, the “Old Roman” always was a favorite with the com, mon people. They know thatevery impulse ot his heart and every political act of his life has been on their side. They know as well as they know they have souls to be saved, that plain, honest, old father Thurman, with nis big heart and brain, but simple home-like ways, is a better friend of theirs, ten thousand times over, that his competitor, Morton, the kid glove, aristocratic hanker of Wall-st. This “golden calf” Morton is set up for worship by the republicans simply because the great moguls of the party instructed the convention that some “fellow” should be nominated “who could reach the conservative forces of the East and get contributions from manufacturers and Wall-st.” I use the exact language of the head of the republican party in the United States senate —“Get contributions from the manufacturers and Wall-st.” That tells the whole story. That shows it is not the interests of the people that the republican party intend to tnvor, but the interests of “manufacturers and Wall-st.,” and thev are expected to furnish the “boodle.” It means that the monopolists, the manufacturers, the corporations, the bankers, and aristocrats —particularly ot Wall-st. and the great centers of corporate and capitalized wealth in the East —are to raise a vast sum with which to control the election in their interests, and Morton is the man expected to look after it. It is said he performed similar services in 1880, and because of it was rewarded with the Freneli mission. But the people are forewarned, this time, and will see to it that principle, and not corruption money, shall control this election. If money is to control our presidential elections it will be the death knell to the liberties of the people. When the time comes to decide between Morton, the friend of the monopolists, and Thurman, the friend of the people, I have no fears how the people will decide, and especially the common people. They instinctively know who are their best friends. Nine times out of ten they will make better selections than the politicians and “blue-blooded” “fellows,” who, too often, think they know a great deal more than “common folks.” But they don’t by a long wavs. These plain “common folks” all had grandfathers. But they don’t take much stock in hereditary rights and privileges. They understand that is not an American doctrine. They want every tub to stand on its own bottom They want every candidate to stand on his own merits. They want, most of all, to know whether the candidate entertains principles that are in the interest of the common people, and whether be is sincerely and truly their friend. They will vote for their best friend every time, if they know it. The “common folks” elected Farmer Williams governor over Lawyer Harrison because they thought “Old Blue Jeans” a better friend of theirs than Harrison. They will elect Cleveland over him now for similar reasons. And as for Thurman and that Wall-st banker, Morton, they will vote for tho "Old Roman” with a whoop. The nomination of Judge Thurman, under the circumstances, was not, in the slightest degree a reflection upon the other gentlemen who had been mentioned for the position. lam sure it is cheerfully acquiesced in by every democrat in Indiana. Certainly it is by our distinguished governor and his immediate friends. Gov. Gray’s prompt telegram of congratulation to the “Old Roman” was graceful and honorable, and his whole bearing shows, as the boys would say that ‘Tie’s all right,” and that “there are no flics on him.” If any republican thinks there are any sores on Gov. Gray, if ho will meet the governor in debate some time during this canvass, it will be found, when the debate is over, that the sores are on the republican and not on the governor. But he is here tonight and will speak for himself better than anyone can speak for him. I congratulate you, therefore, fellow oitizens and democrats, upon having a glorious ticket; a ticket made strictly in compliance with the demand of the people, and without the slightest taint of corruption or political trickery. The ticket is all right. The platform is all right. The election will be all right, and what will result from it will be all right, for I have not a particle of doubt but the success of the democratic ticket will best promote the interests of the people and the prosperity of the whole country. Four years ago the republicans told you what terrible mischief would happen if Cleveland should be elected president. The result shows that these doleful prophecies were totally unfounded, and that the persons who made them were false prophets—mere prejudiced partisans of unsound judgment. President Cleveland came into power with these doleful prophecies hanging over him, and with many difficulties to encounter. Some of these I will briefly enumerate: 1. He had a political majority against him in the senate, a body which could reject his nominations to office, as well as defeat all democratic legislation. 2. The then house of representatives was so constituted that important revenue reforms which he favored could not be passed even by that body. 3. Republican “false prophets” and secret enemies were in possession of the federal offices everywhere. 4. lie was embarrassed by laws, not of his own choosing, which he could not properly disregard. 5. He was sorely pressed by a great multitude of his own political friends eagerly demanding office. Many of these were worthysome not. All had been crowded away from the public crib by the republicans for twentyfour years, and had been wandering, as it were, all that time on the commons, with dry weather and distressingly short grass. Naturally enough the poor fellows were exceedingly hungry. They were not ignorant, either, of their own importance, and were seriously apprehensive that the country would bo irretrievably ruined if places were not provided for them immediately. It was hard for them to realize that there were numerous applicants for the same place; that in any event many had to be disappointed; that important interests were involved, of various kinds, which made great care and deliberation an absolute necessity. Now, fellow-citizens, i have had some little experience, in my day, in the distribution of patronage, and I am sure I but voice the judgment of every man of thought and experience when I say there is nothing more delicate and difficult. If there is any greater, more perplexing and difficulty duty to perform on this earth than the proper distribution of the immense patronage of the government of the United States I do not know what it is. The greatest consolation that can be offered Gen. Harrison is that he is not going to he troubled with it. It was never more difficult than under the circumstances existing when President Cleveland came into power; yet with all the difficulties to encounter which I have mentioned, -and many more which only persons familiar with this vast government of great and varied interests can understand, this man, Grover Cleveland, himself in the beginning not familiar with the machinery of the federal government, so met them all, in less than four years, as to win the unanimous indorsement of his own party, and the respect of all fair-minded people of all parties, in’this country and everywhere. A man who could do this must have in him all the elements of an industrious wise and sagacious executive.

Such a man d. «erves to rank, and will rank with the best ami most successful statesmen of the age. He serves charitable judgment, ami the support, even of those who may not in ail respects agr, with him, for certainly he has honestly tried to do what was just and right in the administration of his great office. Such a man can safely be trusted. It would be folly to turn him out of office at this crisis of his career of u-efulness. To do so would prove the sever;,a electors of this conntry unjust and uugrate'ul, as well as unwise. The country is enjoying unusual prosperity under his rule, ;md It would be the height of folly, at tills time, to risk the hazard of a ! eliauge. Especially is this true now when he and his j party are endeavoring to reform a most vicious and oppressive system of taxtion —a system which was fastened on the people by the republican party. ;,nd is still defended by them, under the most deceptive and unfounded pretexts. One of these is that it is to protect American labor from foreign pauper labor. This claim is very thin in many ways. For instance, when it was proposed to protect American labor from its worst competitor— Chinese labor—you all know how tho republican candidate for president voted, and the position that party occupied. What protection the tariff law gives goes to the benefit of tho owners, and not to the workmen. It goes to the few and is taken from the many. It comes oil' the necessaries of life which we all have to uso ami increases their cost. Stockholders nml on uers gobble up tho profits of a tariff in dividends and otherwise. No considerable part of it ever goes to the workmen, and you know it. If only enough was raised to pay the expenses of the government, economically administered, it would not be so had, hut under this republican law a vast sum is raised every year, beyond the needs of the government. This is mken out of the pockets of the people and the channels of trade, ami goes into the treasury of the United States and becomes dead capital, to the great injury of the business of the country. It is very injurious, too, in encouraging extravagant expenditures, ami is gradually corrupting and undermining our government, which was intended, by its founders, should be a plain, economical government. The parties benefitted by this tax are the lobbyists, the monopolists and the owners of manufactories. Tho consumers of the articles taxed are the ones who pay tho fiddler, and they arc the great mass of the people. It is absolutely and unqualifiedly untrue that the democratic party is in favor of tree trade. Tho low-down republican who says this simply lies—the mwition of that party is that a tariff tax skouldAe laid on imported articles, but only enough; with the _ other proper sources of revenue, to pay legitimate expenses of the government, anc! that it should be laid on luxuries, used mainly by the wealthy, who can afford to pay, ruther than on the necessaries of life, which everybody must use. The democrats are in favor of reducing the tariff to this standard. The republicans oppose it, but would take the tax off tobacco aud whisky. They are for cheap whisky for the laboring man, but for dear clothing, tools, fuel and food. That is what we olaitn is the effect of their policy. The issue then between the two parties on this tariff question is, that the democrats wish to reduce taxation in the interest of the industrial classes and of the whole people, and the republicans wish to keep it up in the interests of corporations ami monopolies, as well as those who fatten on extruvagant government appropriations. And now, fellow citizens and democrats, with such principles and candidates, is there one solitary reason why you should not support the democratic ticket? The republicans ask you to desert your party and your principles because their candidate, Ben Harrison, happens to live in Indiana. When did they support one of your candidates for such a reason? Why 1 presided over tho ratification meetings in this city in 1876, and again in 1884, oil both of which occasions the same citizen of Indiana was on the presidential ticket—our dearly beloved Thomas A. Hendricks. Did our republican friends howl for Hendricks on the ground of state pride? I heard “nary a howl” of that kind. Neither did any of you. They can’t say the reason was because Hendricks was a native of Ohio, and not of Indiana, for that is exactly Harrison’s condition. The truth is neither whigs, republicans nor democrats ever placed a native Indianiun on a presidential ticket except in 1880. Then the democrats did have a genuine, full-blooded, "all wool and a yard wide” Hoosier on their ticket —one born in the state when the statu was yet in its infancy—ono fully indentified with all her interests, who had grown with.her growth and strengthened with her strength through all the trying years up to 1880. His competitor was a Vermonter ; who probably had never set his foot in Indiana in his life, and had no interests or feelings in common with her people. Now, here was, a strong occasion for tliese republicans to exercise that state pride which ip now being urged in behalf of llarrison. How they exercised it you know perfectly well. If you don’t. I do. In behalf of this, tho only native Hoosier candidate tho state ever lind, they never spoko a word, “tooted a horn or blew a whistle.” On the contrary they hustled for dour life to defeat him. Some went to gathering material to slander and abuse him; some to gathering from republican federal office holders, star route thieves, monopolists and other like sources an enormous corruption fund, the like of which in amount was never before seen in America. This was used to defeat him by methods which the good and the just of every party should condemn. Now this is the way the republicans of Indiana support democratic candidates on the ground ot state pride. They did not support your Indiana candidate in 1876, 1880 or 1884. The republicans in Ohio are not_ now supporting Thurman because he lives in that stale, nor arc the republicans in New York supporting Cleveland. Not a bit of it. The republicans of Indiana not only did not support Hendricks in 1876, but they fought him all the way through to the election, and then sent men to the disputed states in the South to see that he was counted out. With such a record it is an insult for the republicans of Indiana to ask you to support their candidate now because lie happens to live here. lam sure every democrat will treat this new born republican palaver about state pride with the contempt it so justly deserves. Ilia too thin to become an important factor in this campaign, and if the republicans resort to ft, it is only because tiiey have nothing better to urge in favor of their candidate. You will observe, fellow-citizens, that I say nothing against Gen. llarrison personally. lie has some traits of character I admire. He is an earnest man, true to his convictions, not afraid to speak his opinions, and in no sense a hypocrite. He did not shrink from giving those fourteen voles on the Chinese question because they might prove unpopular. When he said what lie did against the greenbackers I have no doubt he felt and believed just as he spoke. What he had to say about the railroad strikers in 1877 he chose to say to their faces rather than behind their backs. What he did say Ido not know. 1 was not present. The only meeting I attended was a meeting of citizens—l think it was in the U. 8. court-room—where I publicly said that, in my judgment, the proper solution of the pending trouble wire for the railroad company to comply with the reasonable demand of the workmen, as 1 understand tlitw did do in the end. That was my position. Ido not remember the position of others, or remember what they said. It is only of Benjamin Harrison as the chosen champion and representative of republican principles that I choose to speak. He lias always been a bitter partisan of that faith, and, because of his zeal and devotion to that party, is justly a favorite with the republican politicians of this stab*. When that is said all is said that can be, as he is certainly not a favorite with any’otber political organization. He has not the slightest claim for the support of any democrat. And I say to our friends abroad, what you all know to he true, that the democrats of Indiana were never more thoroughly united at any presidential election than they are now in the support of Cleveland and Thurman. But the democrats are going to have a desperate fight They should not overrate their own strength nor underrate the strength of the republicans. I do not know any shrewder political workers than some the republicans have in Indiana, including John C. New and his editor Halford, who, through their newspaper, tile Journal, and otherwise, verv adroitly managed the Harrison boom and really secured his nomination. Thev will all exert themselves to the very 1 utmost to elect him. They are zeaious skillful* unscrupulous, and will have lots of money from “the mauufactur-

ers and Wall-st.,” but for nil that you must not let them carry Indiana next November, I don’t believe they can do it, and now, in conelusion, i will briefly tell yon why I think so It is pretty certain. 1 think, that alt the persons in this state who have heretofore been republicans will not support lhe republicanticket this fall, but even if they do that will no! give it the state by a long ways. It is doubtful whether the republicans have even a plurality, they certainly have not a majority, or within very many thousands of it. The prohibitionists, greenbaekers and labor organizations undoubtedly hold a heavy balance of power in Indiana. Harrison and Morton have not the ghost of a chance of drawing any considerable support from tliese sources. On the contrary it is as well known as anything in politics can bo known, that they will be heavy losers on account of them. Thu prohibitionists would make themselves the laughing stock of tho country to favor these men, standing as they do, on the Chicago “cheap whisky” platform. What prohibitionists think about it is very forcibly expressed in a recent interview with ono of them in this city, the Rev. R. V. Hunter, a well known ami influential presbyterian preacher of republican antecedents. Ho is published ns saving: “The republican platform is illogical and cowardly and by it the party goes back on all its promises. Gen. Harrison l believe to be a good man, hut the party deserves to bo defeated ou account of its miserable botch of a platform. 1 am confident that it will driva thousands of Christian voters from the republican party, as 1 know of a great many right hero that think us 1 do übout it.” “What is your opinion of President Cloveand?” “He Ims made a much hotter president than any one thought ho would. No one can honestly criticise his administration, and upon tho turiir question 1 don’t know hut lie is just about right. Of course this cry of protection to industry will seve us a sort of catch for the republicans, hut 1 think there is precious littla in it.” And as to the. greenbackers, and men in, or affiliating with the labor organizations, it is well known they are intously hostile to llarrison and Morton ami will all, or nearly all, vote tho 'democratic ticket. They understand perfectly well that the democratic cause in this light is their cause, nml means for ihu people and against monopolies whenever there is n conflict betweeu them. 1 conclude therefore that the republicans cannot possibly carry Indiana, even with that promised aid from “the manufacturers and Wall-st.” referred to in that remarkable letter from the Kansas senator, hut it behoves every uiuti who docs not want that ticket, elected to exert himself every day from this until election to defeat it. GOV. gray’s address. Is (his wlmt you call a little local affair? The republicans say that they are going to inaugurate a campaign of 18-10. That’s too old. The democrats arc going to inaugurate a campaign like 1884. Wo remember that. Aly fellow democrats, 1 am glad to sue such an out-pouring of the democrats of Indianapolis and am specially gratified because we arc ratifying the work of the democratic national convention. That convention re-nominated, by acclamation, Grover t lcve-, land, and lam willing to risk luy reputation i by saying hero to-night that ho will be re-' elected. [Great applause.J The convention nominated for the second place on the ticket is man whose .name is a synonym of statesmanship and political integrity. [Applause.] If tho democrats cannot elect Unit ticket, upon the platform adopted at Bt. Louis, they can never eleet any ticket. The old deinocratia party never occupied a prouder place than it does to-day. It is tho national party in tho fullestsensu of the word. It marches under the same banners and proclaims tho same principles in every state. The Bc. Louis convention adopted, a platform fuvorine low taxation, tariff reform and flowing over with good will towurd the people. And with those principles confronting the republican party, with its corporations, syndicates mid monopolies, wo will overthrow them horse, foot and dragoon, We will work out on tliis platform blessings to every laboring man, cheap homes, cheap blankets and cheap clothes, and the republican party can tukc free whisky and tobacco. The republican party declared in its platform of 1884 that it was in favor of correcting the inequalities of tlio tariff. In 1888 it says there are no inequalities in the tariff. Why is it? Why in 1884 the republicans made a feeble pttempt to separate themselves from the syndeates and pools that ever since the inception oi the party have been part and parcel of it. Being defeated in the attempt, the republican party at Chicago in 1888 bound Itself body and soul to the corporations of the country promising that if restored to power that that party would uot change the tariff in any particular. They say they will make tobacco free, and if that is not enough, whisky also. This attitude reminds me Of un old story about a muster in the slavery days, who asked a slave if lie could have three wishes what they would lie. Well, tho old fellow replied immediately that his first wish would be to have all the whisky he could drink. “And wlmt next?” asked the master. “Well, I would like to have all the tobacco I could chew,” lie replied. “And your third wish?” said tho master. Tho darkey scratched his head for a few momenta in perplexity, but finally said slowly, “Well, i’ll tell you, massa, I’lievo that I would take a little more whisky.” [Laughter.] But, my fellow democrats, I have enough judgment to know that this is neither the time nor the place to discuss in detail the issues between the two great political parties. When that time has come, the republican party will have nominated its full state ticket, and I will then try to do my fullest duty. Arid I promise you here to-night, though my voice be feeble none shall bo more earnest to call ou the people of Indiana to listen to the people’s voice. But the democrats must not underestimate the struggle that is before us. I say to you to-night that never before have questions so lraught with importance been presented to the people. It is the old fight that has existed ever since the government was instituted. It is the democratic party with the people in it# hand on the one side and the republican party led by monopoly on the other, and if the republican party succeeds and tho principles enunciated in its platform be put into effect, you may rest assured that the hundreds of millions of surplus will not be disturbed within the next four years. Therefore I say to the democratic party, let us organize as wo did four years ago. Sec that no vote is placed in the ballot-box that is not entitled to be cast. All we ask for is a fair and honest election, and on the sixth day of November next Indiana will be where she properly belongs, in the column of democratic states. I thank you, fellow-citizens, for you kindly greeting, und will bid you good-night. EX-SENATOR m’DONALD’s ADDRESS. Fellow Citizens and Fellow Democrats—l came here to-night expecting to address you ut some lengli and, if possible, to give you some instructions in regard to tho truths of democracy [Cries of “Go on.”], but I find you instructing me. [Applause.] I find this vast audience much more expressive than anything that I could say. Our republican friends have congratulated themselves that now at least, having selected for their standard-bearer a citizen of Indiana and a man against whom, of course, no one will express any opinion except as to his politics, that they are going to carry the state. [A voice: “Wo will carry it by 10,000.”] They held their ratification meeting and there was plenty of noiso there; the tin-horn was on hand, but the men who carried the tin-buckets were not there. [Applause.] The young clerks from our stores and the still younger fledglings from our schools in many instances were there, and they were made to play a number, of characters. Our republican friend* are first-rate actors. If they had a show to present all they need is what would be called in the theatre, a sufficient number of “supes. [Applause and laughter.] Anil then they dress them up for the different scenes. Ob one occasion they will come out in citizen 1 ! drefjs and attire; then again they will appear at soldiers, and then you may find them perhaps dressed in the ermine of a senator—it is tha same fellow all the time. [Applause.] But. fellow citizens,the demonstration to-night, if any person had any suspicion as to how Indiana was going, ought to be > satisfactory. It is. evident that the people are with tfie democratic party and the democratic party are with the people. [Applause]. On the great issues that enter into this campaign, and that I may briefly allude to. the democratic party is found on the side of the paople. Those issues grow out of the fact that when the republican party went out of power three years ago they left

ON WASHINGTON STREET.