Democratic Sentinel, Volume 12, Number 26, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 20 July 1888 — Page 3

MILLS ON THE TARIFF.

A Clear and Vigorous Exposition of the Principles of the Bill Which Has Made Him Famous. Text of the Speech Delivered by Hon. E. Q. Mills at Tammany’s Blowout on the 4th of July. Fellow-Citizens —On this day, memorable in the history of our country and of your society, it will not be de med inappropriate briefly to recur to some of the fundamental principles upon which our republican form of government was established, to preserve the purity of which your society was organised. Toe declaration which you have heard read in yonr presence today proclaimed the great fundamental troth that all men are created equal, and that governments derive their just powers from the consent of the goverued. it would- have been easy to say that the separate States Were to be go\ erned by all the otners if that was meant. But it was meant that each State should have ael -governmentand what they aptly call n Ire and home rule. What is liberty ? It is the right to do as we please so long as we do not injure another. That includes the >ight to personal, political, civil, and religious .Iberty ; that includes the rijht to go when we please, to come back when we please, and to eat what we please, and todrink what weplease. There were those who wanted to make a government here that was not a free government, but they were defeated, and the government that was established was bound by a constitution that expressed all the power of toe Government and left to the people the exercise of all the powers that were not surrendered by that Constitution. It was the jealous love of liberty in the bosom of Thomas Jefferson that put the Bill of Bights in the Constitution, gnd secured to the people the rights that were theirs and not surrendered. The men who wanted to establish a powerful concentrated government were defeated, and the appearance of the alien and sedition laws within ten years showed how necessary was the precaution of Jefferson. From that day to this the Democra ic party has been the guardian of personal, political, civil, and religious liberty, and has jealously guarded the liberties of the people. Who was it that braved the onslaughts of the Know-Nothing paity and never left the light until the dead body of the foe was stretched upon the field ? The Democratic party depends upon the people. When a member of the Tammany Society, William L. Marcv, was Secretary of State, he boldly defended the right of every man who has declared his intentions to become a citizen to be protected by the flag of our country. It was he who sustained Commodore Ingraham in his demand for the freedom of Martin Kosta. and to give him .the protection of the American flag, and secured his release from the very center of the Austrian fleet. When has the Republican party done an act like that? We’ve got no navy. We’ve got no ships, and the Republican party is responsible for the legislation that prevents us from building the ships. The Republicans persist in reiterating the falsehood that we propose to inaugurate free trade. The fact Is that the Republican party got up a tariff commission to settle the tariff question. They said that the politicians could not sottle it, although they had been doing it for a hundred years. So the Republicans got up a tariff commission, and they were all protectionists. They went over the whole country and took testimony, and they finally proposed a reduction on the average of 20 or 23 per cent. They said that would not ' hurt anybody, but that Buch reduction would be beneficial to manufacturer, laborer, and everybody else. And now they say we are a free-trade party, when we propose even a lesß reduction of the tariff than they did, and they say we must go on and add to this surplus, for which we have no need. It is a surplus which is a perpetual menace and a temptation to extravagance, and the result of it is alreaay seen by the propositions that Republicans are making in Congress for various jobs, and to augment the taxes so that they may get more of what they call “fat.” Under these circumstances President Cleveland wrote a message. His progress to a second triumphant march to Washington was assured without it, but he believed it was his duty to write it, and he did write it In the performance of his duty. He called upon Congress to prepare a bill. He told us to consult every luterest; the interest of the farmers, the laborers, the producers, the manufacturers — the interests of all. Under these directions a bill has been prepared that prop jses to reduce the snrpluß #98,000,000 a year. Of this there will be $22,000,000 taken off of internal revenue taxes. Nobody will object to that on the Repub'ican side. Now, to accomplish this reduction we have put some things on the free list. What are they? Let us see whether this part of the bill will hurt anybody. We began with lumber. We propose to let the people have lumber so m-ch cheaper to build their houses and their barns with and to use in their manufactures. We believe that this will 1 not only not hurt anybody, but that it will benefit the people. It may keep some “boodle” out of the pockets of the men who are interested in taxing all the people in order that they may be made rich; but it will keep down the surplus, which is now inviting corrupt legislation. It will give the poor man cheaper lumber for his house. This is the way that the Democratic party takes the side of the people. We propose to help the people at the expense of the lumber trust. Then there is another thing that we have put on the free list, and that is salt. God makes it for us in the sea and in the earth. Then the Republican syndicate wants to put a tax on it, so that the people will have to pay more. We shall want lots of it in November to salt down these devils. Then we have to put tin plate on the free list. What is the sense of a duty on tin plate to increase the cost of articles that are used in every family?— the great tin-pail brigade that Mr. Cox speaks of. Do we need a duty on this tin plate to collect revenue ? Do we need it to protect any American industry? No; there is not an ounce of tin plate made in this country. On the contrary, we want to let in tin plate free of duty because it is needed as a raw material to keep our workingmen employed. It is for the interest of the American laborer who works on tin plate, as well as of the laborer that uses the product, that tljo tin plate should come here free of duty. Yet the Republicans not only propose to vote against our taking off the duty but they want to increase it, so that instead of collecting $5,OOb.OOO of dutv cn tin plate we shall collect $12,030,000 in duties. The only reason assigned for this is because Henry Jarrett says he would like to go into the business of making tin plate. Well, Mr. Jarrett is a pet Republican orator, and it might be a nice thing for nim to get rich in that way by putting a tax on the whole American people, and he might build himself a castle in Scotland, like Mr. Carnegie. Mr. Jarrett wants to get some of the “fat,” and the Republican party would like to “foster" him and to “develop” him. Mr. Clay used to talk about protecting our infant industries. First he said he would be satisfied with a protective tariff or three years until the in ant industries could get a start. Then he wanted nine years’ protection, and so this sort of business has gone on until even at this late day we still find the alleged infant “mewling and puking in its nurse's arms.” When you come to the wool tariff you wi 1 see that the Republican party thinks more of sheep than it does of men. How is it about the wool business ? We think it is most important to furnish a supply of wool to be used by the manufacturers and weavers of wool, to keep the laborers who work on wool in employment on good wages, and to let the men who wear wool have better clothes. We use, in fact, about 000,001,000 pounds of wool In our manufactories. We raise only 265,000,000 pounds, or less than half, and the Republican party proposes to put the Chinese wall arouud our country to keep out this half that we need for our manufacturers, and all for the benefit of a few wool-growers. Does that benefit the laborer? Not at all. It does not take’much labor to raise wool. It takes a good deal of labor to manufacture 'it. We can use all that we can raise and we must have more. But the Republicans would rather we should use shoddy and make over the same stuff four or five times before we get through with it than let the people have free wool. The woolen men have got the duty on manufactured wool up to 68 per cent, on the average, and on some grades they have got a duty of 218 per cent., and they say that Is not enough and they want more. They want you to keep on wearing out your old clothes. Now, we say the better thing for yon to do will be to wear out the Republican party tn November. We say this in the interest of the American laborer. Let him have the wool to work with and to wear. We do not believe the people of the United States can be longer fooled with the talk of British gold.

We want the wool to come from all the world to keep our wage-workers at work making it *P into goods to be sold In the markets of the world, aa well as for home-wear. How it it with soap? Yon remember a famous dinner here in which Mr. Dorsey was complimented for his liberal nse of soap in Indiana. Well, we have put soap on the free list, and grease with which to make soap on the free list. Thjy may use all the soap th y like in Indiana, but the old red bandana will carry Indiana. That is the free list that we have made, and we believe it won’t hurt anybody. Now, let us look at the dutiable list.. How do we propose to leave it? The present tariff puts on an average of $47.10 on every SIOO worth of goods imported. What do we propose to do? They say that we propose free trade. Let us see how low we propose to leave the duty on the socalled free-trade tariff of ours. Is it at 5 per cent, or 12 per cent., < r 25 per cent. ? That would be low. No; it is higher than that; higher than the average of the tariff of 1846. It is above the so-called protective tariff, for we leave it at an average of 40 per cent. Our tariff bill, that they say is a free-trade bill, only reduces the duty from 47 per cent, down to 40. The Republican party is c mmitted tn a reduet ion of 25 per cent, by tho Tariff Commission, and yet wuen we propose to make a reduction of less than 7 per cent, they call us free traders. Now, take some of the articles and see what we propose. There is glassware. The gresent tariff is 59.55; we propose to make it 46.10. Does that look lik3 free trade? A good deal of this outcry about fre * trade comes from Philadelphia and l ittsburg. Now we come to the steel rail steal. What reduction do we propose? The present t iriff is 40.4 ; we propose to reduce it to 38.08. That takes off only $.'.65 on every SIOO of duty. How is it with sugar? We reduce that from 78.15 to 62.92. How is it with cotton goods, iron and steel, three of our greatest industries ? In cotton goods we propose to reduce the tariff from 39.69 to 39.07, or areduction of 92 cents duty on every SIOO worth of cotton goods imported, and they tell ub that is free trade. Out of sll,0)0,000 collected on ootton goods we propose to make a reduction of $29/,COI in the tariff collected. If that is free trade, I aßk in the name of all Iha Republican sinners at Chicago, what is protection? How is it with woolen and woolen goods? We propose to reduce the tariff about S2O a hundred—from $58.81 to $38.46. The great reduction comes by placing the raw material on the free list, and I have a le ter from a wellknown woolen manufacturer to prove that this change will be beneficial to our American laborers. The fact is that we propose to leave a .duty of about 40 per cent, on manufactured woolen goods, and yet they tell us this is free trade. All that we have put on the free list is the raw materials with which our laborers must bs employed, and all the change we propose is t j benefit the workingmen of this country.

Now, in every tariff they put what is called a drag net to catch all the things that have not been specially mentioned. Look over the tariffs that have been passed and you will see that on the manufacture of iron we have cut off only about 5 per cent., leaving It 40 per cent., which is above the war rate, and yet they call it free trade. And so it is with other things in the list. We have left a duty to be collected which is now higher than that levied during the war, and yet they tell us it is free trade. It is not the men who are looking after the interests of the people who are making the outcry. The men whom our bill will injure will not be the workingmen, but the men of combinations, pools and trusts which the Democratic party proposes to destroy. How is it with carpets? We propose to leave the duty higher than it was during the war, and they call it free trade! How about coffee? We propose to attack the coffee trusts for the benefit of the manufacturing interests of the country, and they call it free trade. We tell you, workingmen, that the way to get good wages is to let in the raw materials with which you have to work; to look to the markets of the world; to stand by the administration that is your friend; to stand by the political party that tells you the truth; to sustain the party that has reduced the burdens of taxation. How can you expect to have a market for your ~ goods unless you are enabled to make them so as to compete with other manufacturers, and how can you do that better than by taking off the cost of the raw materials ? Then you will find that manufactures will Increase and wages will increase, and that is the legitimate way to increase wages, not by an attempt to put a Chinese wall about the country to shut out the markets of the world. The way to prosperity is to exchange our commodities for the commodities of the world. Unless we buy we cannot sell, and the plan that we propose enables you to make commodities to sell as well as It permits others to come and give you others in exchange. Stand by the old flag! Stand by the party that is for liberty and justice; the party that proposes to lift the burden of taxation and throw open to you the markets of the world! Stand by the men who would give you raw materials with which to work, and, under the grand old party's rule, our land shall continue to be the land of the free and the home of the brave.

HIS VOICE FOR REFORM.

Senator Whiting for Cleveland—Principles Above Parties, Measures Above Men. The President Representing a Great Principle—Views of a Life-Long Republican. [From the Chicago Herald.] “Men do not make enduring political parties. To earn and retain the confidence of the voters of this country a party .must bold principle higher than men.” Lorenzo D. Whiting was the speaker. He saw Chicago in 1838, he came to Tiskilwa fifty years ago; he was the trusted ally of Owen Love joy, the Abolitionist; again and again through eighteen years he was returned to the State Senate.by Republican votes. In 1869, in the Illinois Constitutional Convention Senator Whiting was the first to introduce a measure looking to the control of corporations by legislative enactment. A man of pronounced ability and rugged honesty, he is rounding his threescore years and ten in the respect of those who know him best. Six months age the Herald presented at some length the views of Tiskilwa’s farmer statesman on the tariff question. He said then that the issue of tariff reform -would dwarf all other issues in the campaign of 1888, and expressed a hope that the Republican party would array itself on the side of the people in the surely impending conflict. Senator Whiting has been disappointed in the action of the Chicago Convention, but he will not eat crow. He says that the Republican masses of the country were not fairly represented by the body over which Thurston and Estee presided, and thinks there are hundreds of thousands of Republicans who will not surrender principle at the dictation of a class interest. “I do not like to take my Republicanism from B. F. Jone 3,” he said, “for it is so unlike the doctrine which Abraham Lincoln advocated. William Walter Phelps is not an acceptable substitute for Wendell Phillips. No protected lumber barons can interpret to me the Republicanism which was taught by the lips of Owen Lovejoy.“ln the old days the Republican party was not run in the interest of factory and mins owners, and a railroad man controlling $300,000,000 of capital was not supreme dictator.” The object of the wi iter in visiting Tiskilwa was to obtain Senator Whiting’s views on the platforms adopted at St. Louis and Chicago. “I have,” continued Senator Whiting, “studied the two platforms chiefly in reference to the tariff planks. The tariff issue now before the country is the most important question we have been called upon to consider since slavery was abolished. The Republican party, through its last convention, transformed itself into a high tariff and monopoly party. I cannot think of the convention that nominated Harrison as a Republican convention. It was a high tariff and monopoly assemblage. It took an entirely new departure on the tariff, leaving all the grounds it has formerly occupied. When the present war tariff was levied, as a compensation for the direct tax which was laid on manufactured goods, it was conceded by its authors and all supporters that the two, coming in t ogether, would go out together. But when the direct taxes were removed from manufactured goods the protectionists managed to retain the high tariff. The country submitted, on the groundthat the money, so far as it went to the Treasury, was. applied to pay off the war debt; but all parties conceded that the time was near at hand when it would be improper to continue this high war tariff. Strong protectionists then said its continuance would be unjust to other interests. But now what do

we eee? These protected Interests, having long enjoyed its advantages, have joined in a combination, offensive and defensive, to make a war tariff a permanency. Their first oracles to broach their scheme were Messrs. Randall and Kelley, who, something more than a year ago, openly advocated that the national revenue should be reduced by the removal of the tax on spirits and tobocob. This proposition was then deemed by the people generally to be too absnrd for serious consideration. Massachusetts and the F.ast generally (where the prole'-' d interests dominate in public affairs), thro gh State convention! and the press, gave it t • ’ indorsement. The nearly unanimous public sentiment of the West was for retaining the tax on spirits and tobacco and removing it from lumber, coal, salt, and reducing it on the other necessaries of life. The former, through their grangers’ alliances and fanners’ institutes, were unanimous in demanding su h a tariff redaction, but lhe politicians who secured the representative positions in the State and national conventions were passive and allowed the combin d protected interests to shape the revenue plank in the platform. “1 regard the action of the Chicago convention as a- new departure, dictated by powerful interests for perpetuating an unjust' advantage which the exigency of war had given them. I consider it a robbery of the West to enrich the Kast. I think it is drawing the life blcod from Western agriculture to give large bounties to a class interact. TJiis country affords so many advantages for such an enterprise that by running on full time and with economies which are now in many cases disregarded, their profits will not l>e reduced and the wages of their employes will be greater because of the increased demand. In the early days of the republic commerce was counted aa one of the great elements of prosperity. Commerce is a civilizer and enricher of nations. It is contrary to the genius of our institutions and the instincts of our people to adopt the Chinese plan proposed by the late high-tariff convention. Though I would not suddenly make radical changes in the tariff, the protected interests should prepare for the application of that sound principle that a business or interest which cannot sustain itself is not worth sustaining by others. The American people are rapidly learning that to protect one interest is to ao it at some other, one’s expense. “I would retain the internal revenue taxes on spirits and tobacco as one of the permanent sources of revenue. I fully indorse Mr. Blaine when he Baid, not long ago, that he would tax whisky so long as there was any whisky to be taxed. I fully indorse Presidents Grant, Garfield, Arthur, and Cleveland in their declared purpose to keep the taxes on spirits and tobacco so as to give a proper opportunity for reforming the war tariff. I regard the revenue plank in the high-tariff platform as no lees an indorsement of Grant, Garfield, and Arthur, with their distinguished Secretaries of the Treasury, than of Mr. Cleveland. This new departure of the late high-tariff convention at Chicago is not only condemnation of Mr. Cleveland, but of these distinguished Republican statesmen and of the Republican party up to a very recent period.

“Its success at the polls cannot destroy tariff reform, but it will a lay it and convulse the country for an indefinite time to the detriment of other reforms. It will continue a system of robbery which the farmers cannot much longer endure. Tariff-reform Republicans now face an exigency which taxes to the utmost their wisdom and courage and faithfulness to principle. It seems to be plain that they must refuse to support the doings of the Chicago convention. The majority of Republican tariff-reformers will be averse to identifying themselves with the Democratic party, though that party at this juncture, in its platform at St. Louis and doings in Congress, substantially represents their views. It seems to me to be desirable that there Bhall be some public consultation on the part of such Republicans to decide what action they will take to sustain their principles. If that decision should be to support Mr. Cleveland, the purpose of such support could be publicly made known. In the several Congressional districts of Illinois, and I think in the West generally, ’' there should be found a practicable way for all tariff-reform-ers, of whatever party, to combine in supporting a tariff-reform candidate. “I view with great apprehension the fact that the late Chicago convention was so completely officered and controlled by the great monopolies of the country. There is nothing less than the defeat of the Republican party that can purge it of this dangerouß element. Its success would be the success of monopoly. I somewhat anticipate that a real anti-monopoly party must be organized in the near future. On all of the principles which constituted the Republican party in regard to slavery and the war I am as ardent as I ever was. Were those issues present Ones I would be as zealous in the cause as ever. I helped to organize the Republican party in Bureau County in 1854, and never from that time till now voted for any candidate for office but a Republican. But I regard principle as above party, and party as but a means to carry out> principles. I can not regard the late Chicago convention as Republican. In all its essential features it was a convention of classes and monopolists.” “When you tell your Republican friends this, what do they say ?” “I am sometimes asked when I met with my change of opinion. I reply: I have not changed. One year ago, I say to my Republican questioner, you were with me for retaining the taxes on spirits and tobacco, and for making the reduction of national taxes on the necessaries of life. I know of no Republican who then dissented from this proposition. You were with me six months ago, and two months ago, and down to the time of the promulgation of the Chicago platform. If you now indorse that tariff plank, you must have changed almost in the twinkling of an eye. You accuse me of change 1 If you will Btudy your own case you will see where the change comes in. t “If the occasion called for it I could shout as ardently as ever: ‘Free soil, free speech and free men,’ but I do not expect that the high-tariff confederacy will ever induce me to shout forfree whisky and free tobacco. “The National Republican party was formed in Pittsburg in 1850, and the platform on which Fremont was nominated related to slavery, Mormonism and the public lands, making no reference whatever to the tariff. The platform on which Mr. Lincoln was nominated in 1860 was slightly injected with incidental protection to please Pennsylvania. The Republicans in Congress in 1858, even those from Massachusetts, joined the Democrats in reducing the tariff,' conforming to the principle of a tariff for revenue. The Republican platform in 1864 made no reference to tee tariff. Fromthat time up to the last Chicago convention the declarations' in regard to the tariff were moderate and constant in favoring a reduction of the war tariff/ Mr. Garfield did not Jose his standing as a Republican b declaring in his speech in Congress that he was for that kind of protection which’ led to free trade. “The high tariffites claim that the system of protection commenced under Washington’s administration. That tariff, however, averaged but 8 per cent., and up to the war of 1812 it did not reach 15 per cent. The war of 1812 forced into existence many manufacturing establishments. Henry Clay, with considerable pro-: priety, proposed to protect for a time these Infant industries. In 1843 Mr. Clay deolared that the doctrine of protection was a temporary expedient to protect infant industries which! hal now grown mostly to maturity, and would not much longer require protection.” “Does protection in any instance within your knowledge increase the pay of the laborer?” “I think that in no case within my knowledge does it increase the laborer's pay. The high tariff has tended strongly to derange labor by. stimulating into existence more establishments than the country needed. Many of the strikes and lock-outs have been caused by the desire of the mill owner to stop production. The wages of labor are regulated by supply and demand,. the employers always seeking to hire at the lowest price. The claim of a high tariff as a' protection for American labor really means high tariff to prot ct monopoly." “As between the St. Louis and Chicago platforms which do you intend to support?" “The Chicago platform clearly demands a continuance of the tax upon farmers to give bounties to the manufacturers. The St. Louis platform, on the contrary, demands such a reform of the tariff aa will give great relief to agriculture. Unless farmers are willing from partisan mo-, tives to vote that heavy and unjust burdens shall be imposed upon them, they must vote, down the Chicago platform. The St. Louis platform declares In the line of the interest of farmers and other consumers, and there should be found a way in this emergency by which they con give it their earnest support. Personally,' believing Grover Cleveland to be the forenjost champion of the rights of the people, I shall support at the polls the views he advanced in ms brave message. Grover Cleveland has grown in public estimation, in ability and in character. He represents a great principle, and when a, principle is at stake I shall be true to my convictions. This year, to be consistent, I must in-< dorse by ballot, pen and voice the platform of the St. Louis convention,” -J

DYNAMITERS OX TRIAL.

The Squealers Tell Their Story, Which Is Highly Sensational. John J. Kelly and Others Oire Startling Testimony Against the Defendants. [Chicago special.] The six men charged with engaging in the lat< dynamite conspiracy against the “Q.” Road have been placed on preliminary trial before Coinmls, sioner Hoyne, at Chicago. The defendants, George J. Coding and J, A. Bauereisen, who were out on bail, were in the court-room early, in earnest conversation with their attorneys. Donshoe and David. These young barristers clamored far an opportunity to confer with their other clients, three of whom, J. Q. Wilson, J. A. Bowleg, and Thomas Broderick, were brought over from the county jail, so eurly that they wero comp ailed to pass away a long hour in the narrow limits of the three-cornered cage in the Marshal’s office. Hundreds of people forced their way into the office and gazed at the men, much as they would at wild beasts in a menagerie. Detective Plunkett-entered the court-room with a natty young man, at whom the hardy, bronzed men in the audience glanced contemptuously. It was John J. Kelly, one of the “squealers.” Almost immediately a deputy marshal entered with a poorly dressed, uncomfortable-looking, lank young man, who was placed far away from his old companions, in a seat behind a party of railroad officials, including General Manager Stone, Paul Morton, and Attorneys Chester

THE FIVE DEFENDANTS.

Dawes and Frank H. Collier. The lank young man was Alexander Smith, an ex-fireman on the “Q,”who is also regarded as a traitor to his fellows. Then the other defendants were brought in, and the quintet were arranged in a row along the south wall of the room. A demand was made for separate trials for the men, as they were arrested on three different complaints, but the Commissioner ruled against it and ordered the trial to proceed on the “omnibus” plan. All witnesses were excluded from the court room, savo in the case of Manager Stone and Inspector Bonfield, who were allowed to remain. The plot about which so much has been said, as told in brief by Attorney Ewing, is as follows : On May 29 and June 14, at about 10 o’clock on each night, there were explosions of dynamite under engines drawing trains on the Chicago, Burlington and Quincy Road, the former at Eola and the latter near South Aurora. Mr. Ewing said that the prosecution would prove that several days prior to the first explosion Bowles called at the Grand Pacific Hotel and showed to Chairman Hoge several dynamite cartridges, and that the two men talked of their use ; that later Bowles told Smith how the cartridges were used, and invited him to accompany him ; that the two hired a buggy in Aurora on May 29, at 9 o’clock at flight, and drove to Eola, where Bowles placed a dynamite cartridge on the tracks; that a day or two later Bowles told Smith he was going to Indiana for more cartridges, and that after he was gone Bauereisen told Smith he would find a package for him in the hotel, which Smith secured, and which contained cartridges, caps, and fuse. A few days later Bauereisen asked Smith if he had “set off any of the stuff,” and again, on June 14, told him it would “be a good night to Bet it off,” and Smith accordingly tied the cartridge oh the track near Sonth Aurora. Banereisen told him next day that he had heard the explosion. The District Attorney said it would be proved /■hat while Bowles was away there was a correspondence between him and Bauereisen, in which the latter advised him to be careful, to look out for persons supposed to be following him, and not to “buy any more of the stuff. Mr. Ewing tola of meetings between Bowles, Bauereisen, Wilson, Broderick, Goding and Smith, July 4 and 5, and how Goding took Smith to his house and gave him the four cartridges, the caps and the fuse, with which Broderick, Wilson and Bowles were subsequently arrested on the train. Mr. Ewing concluded by relating his experience in exploding gome of the captured dynamite, and exhibited shattered pieces of the pipe used for the purpose. After the testimony of two or three unimportant witnesses, John J. Kelly was put on the stand. He said: “InMay last I was secretary to Stewart E. Hoge in room 34 of the Grand Pacific Hotel. I knew J. A. Bowles. One day I saw a package there, which I was told contained

SMITH AND KELLY, THE “SQUEALERS.”

dynamite. It was marked ‘Heronlea.’ Bowles had the pack <ge and he showed it to Hoge. He also had some little caps in his pocket, which he said were used to explode the dynamite. He spoke of going ujp on the Fulton branch to use the dynamite. He told me personally that the ■way he used the dynamite was to fasten it to the track with sheet lead, and that the caps would explode it.” Among a number of Indiana witnesses was one Thomas C. Lloyd. He stated that he o« ned a hardware store at Noblesville, Ind. Ho identified Bowles as the man who had on three different occasions, between the latter part of May and the latter part of June, visited his store, each time purchasing about five pounds of dynamite, or Hercules powder, with caps and fuse. Andrew E. Barnes, a clerk in Lloyd’s store, corrobogated his employer and also identified Bowles as a man to wh«m he had sold dynamite on at least two different occasions. The material he sold to him was either 40, 45 or 50 per cent, of nitro-glycerlne and very powerful. Bowles had asked him if there was any danger in handling it, and was thereupon fully instructed in its use. When Bowles visited Noblesville he was in the habit of stopping at the house of a man named Sapper, who lived a mile and a half from the town. Thomas Jester, who also lived with Sapper, was called to the stand and told of Bowles’ visits. He swore that on one occasion Bowles boasted in his presence that he was “going over to Creston, lowa, to raise a little h 1 among the boys.” Kirk Howe was the last of the damaging witnesses from Indiana. He is a clerk in a store at West/leld. He positively identified Bowles as the man to whom he had sold eight sticks of “D" dynamite some six weeks ago. He described accurately how he packed the dynamite and the fuse in a wooden candy-box and delivered it to Bowles. He examined one of the cartridges captured with the three men on July 5, and said it was the same in appearance as that sold by him. Sensational evidence is anticipated as the examination progresses. No new arrests are anticipated for the present.

INDIANA STATE NEWS.

—John Stone, a prominent citizen of Gibson County, ami a member of the gun club, was mortally wounded by a discharge from hiR gun, he having dropped the arm while carrying it. —William Thompson, proprietor of a saw-mill at Hanover, was probably fatally injured by the bursting of a buzzsaw, a piece of which struck him on the forehead, cutting a terrible gash. —The following patents have been issued to Indiana inventors: James B. Alfee, Indianapolis, assignor of onehalf to R. Shriner and H. Swartzwelder, Cumberland, Md., dust collecting machine; William M. Augustine, South Bend, wire tension device; George H Branson, Michigan City, fire wood dragsaw; Thomas Hibbert, Cochran, weather strip; Albert N. Norris, assignor to Star Drill Company, Rushville, seeding machine. —The Congregationalists have organized a society at Fairmount, and are soliciting subscriptions, with prospects for success, for the purpose of building a $2,000 church. —Charles Mason, 12 years old, son of George Mason, a well-known farmer residing west of Huntington, wns struck by ligntning and instantly ly killed while in a field. —At Nappanee, while out hunting, William Weitzell accidently shot Edward Tobias through the head and instantly killed him. They had become separated, and Weitzel, seeing Tobias’ hat above a brush, and supposing it was some kind of game, fired. When he saw what he had done, he hastened to tow’n, without approaching his victim, and gave the alarm.

—Tho corpses of a woman and a man were found in the Ohio, near Jeffersonville. Murder is suspected of having been committed by Clark County parties. —The Snpreme Temple of the Patriarchal Circle of America closed its sessioiuat Fort Wayne with a prize drill by the visiting circles. Bloomington, 111., took first price, Grand Bapids, Mich., second, and Defiance, 0., third. —Edward Roberts had his leg broken ft Homers’ coal mine at Staunton. —A new Methodist Church will be erected at Huntington during the summer to cost $30,000. —Larry McAlphine, of Columbus, has nsix-footed pig that is quite a curiosity. The animal is about half grown and gets wound as easily asitH four-footed mates. —The mixed train on the Fairland, Franklin and Martinsville road ran into f herd of cattle near Franklin on Monday, killing three head and wrecking :hree cars. No one was hurt, but the damage to the cars will amount to SI,OOO. —A gold watch an Allen County farmer lost last fall, and for tho theft of which he sought to send his hired man to prison, was found in the stomach of one sf his cows which died the other day. —An old colored woman, known as ‘Aunty” Calloway, was found dead under a treo near Lorywood. —At Bengal, Shelby County, Jaoob Met^ker ; jr. ; was stabbed and killed by hiH cousin, Jacob fiopp. —A 10-year-old child of Henry Scott, proprietor of the iEtna House, at Brownstown, walked out of a window in ;hc second story of the hotel, while islecp, and fell to the pavement below, receiving serious if not fatal injuries. —Silas Taflinger, a prominent citizen of Nabbs, Clark County, while going from the house of a neighbor to his own residence, was sun-struck. It is thought ;hat he cannot recover.

—lndianapolis has increased its police force. —A 7-year-old son of H. Bpradling, of Milroy, while leading a horse to water vas kicked on the head and seriously injured. He will probably die. —While a number of boys were bathing in Yellow River, near Plymouth, one Grrove Place, aged 9 years, got out too far ind was drowned. I Boonville is the home of James M. Crow, a prominent merchant and worthy ritizen. He has just had a strange experience that puzzles the medical fra;ernity. For five years he has been an invalid, but could not tell the cause of iis affliction. In time he wore down to i mere skeleton, and bis friends became ilarmed for him. His case was extreme ind his annoyance seemed to be chiefly in his stomach. Acting on his own impulses the other day he took a powerful emetic. He was induced to do this aecause there was an unusual gnawing in his stomach. The emetic brought up m animal, or whatever it was, abont iix inches long, nearly an inch in diamjter in its thickest part, and pinkish in jolor. When fresh from the sufferer's itomach this curiosity had one well developed eye, a peculiar but perfect nouth, and what appeared to be a plump itomach. Mr. Crow says he often felt ;he thing crawling about in his stomach, put did not think of such a living thing existing there and claiming that part of ais body as its home. —Wayne Township, Allen County, has roted an appropriation of $200,000 in lid of the New York, Mahoning and Western Railroad. The road will locate ;heir immense shops at Fort Wayne, md will give emplopment to 1,800 nen. --The Christian Church of Wabash is mjoying a phenomenal growth, through :he efforts of the pastor, C. E. Morgan. Since his pastorate began, a few months igo, the membership has been increased . aearly seventy.