Democratic Sentinel, Volume 12, Number 25, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 13 July 1888 — Page 1

The Democratic Sentinel.

VOLUME XII

THE DEMOCRATIC SENTIHEL. DEMOCRATIC NEWSPAPER. ■ -■ iIK'BE PUBLISHED EVERY FRIDAY, /as. W. McEwen RATES OF SUBSCRIPTION. ** ' ? l BO Jlvortislng K,a.t©s. e. - 6i on*. -.car. j»nY column. . 30 oO : - 10 00 „ norcwot. added to foregoing price if ‘ crtlseme.nts arc set to occupy more than * •Kle column widtha equitable rates ' Wlffi SSom and 1 aduntl* emootß at .» labllshod statuteprice. lbliation 10 cents s £?SS‘»tK> P ,torpor a eoata a ,Il Fearly advertisements m »y be changed quarterly (once in three mon^. exti& charge . lon of the prßonß n ot residents Advertisements for d SHS&sa n advance when larger. ■

“'»■ “''S’l. H.LU» a »wo B TU T J ’ ! ' OUOr A. M«C©Y & c®.» BANKBffiS, (Succesfcois to A. tfcCoy &T. Thompson,) RENSSELAER* IND. n « sip-. banking business. Exchange S:p o r“““ pi *“” oi “”4 s , s' tfORDECAI F. CHIECOTE. Attoracy-at-Sjaw KraaslLLß. - • • ' Practices lin thb Courts of Jasper and adcounties. Makes collections a spo3lalty g Office oVnortli side of Washington street, opposite Court House- -vW BraOHpTTHOMPSON. DAVID J.THOMPSON Attorney-at-Law. NotaryPuhlic. THOMPSON & BROTHER, BBNSBELAEB, Practicein all the Courts. ARION ETsPITEERr Collector and AbstractorWe pay particular attention to paying tax- , selllnk and leasing lands. ir . H. H. GKAIIAM, attorney-at-law, Reesdelatr, Inbiana. Money to loan on long iidereet. JAMES W. DOUTHIT, AEI'GRNEY'Wr—LAW AND NOTABY PUBLIC, 0T Office in rear room over Hemphill & Honan’s store, Rensselaer, Ind. Edwin P. Hammond. William B. Austin HAMMOND & AUSTIN, ATTORNEY-AT-LAW, Rensselaer, Ind Office on second floor of Leopold’s Block, coiner of Washington and Vanßcnsselaer streets. William B. Avstin purchases, sells and leases real estate, pays taxes and deals in negotiable Instruments. mu y 2 " B ‘' r M. W WATSON, ATTOKNEIT-AT-LAW Office np «tnire, in Leopold’s Bazay, Jg*. RENSSELAER l^Pyy W. lIAItTSELL. M D OOMCEOPATHIC PHYSICIAN A SURGEON. RENSSELAER, - * INDIANA. Diseases a Specialty.^!! OFFICE, in Makcever’s New Block. Rc-si- . dence at Makecvei House. July 11.1884. _____ 3. U. LOUGHRIDGE. VICTOR E. LOUOHRIDOB Ji H LOUGHRIDGE & SON, Physicians and Surgeons. Oflice in the new Leopold Block, second floor, second door right-hand side of hall: Ten per cent. Interest will be added to all Accounts running uusettled longer than zhree months. vini DR. I. B. WASHBURN Pbysiciau & Surgeon, Rensselaer, Ind. Dills promptly attended. Will give Special at ten tion to the treatment of Chronic Diseases. ARY E J ACKSON, M. D., PHYSICIAN SURGEON. Special attention given to diseases of wnrao" ami children. Office or. Front street, corner of Angelica. T2..24. ——HI, i in vmstej* Zuiri Dwiggtns, F. .T. Sears. Val. Stub, President. Vic -President. Cashier CITIZENSSTATEBA NK BENSSELAEP., IND.. IAOES A GENERAL BANKING BUSINESS: II Certificates bearing interest issued; Exchange bourht and sold: Mon . ad on farms *t lowsst rates and oa»o« Jsvoraale terms. Jan. 8, 88

RENSSELAER. JASPEB COUNTY. INDIANA. FRIDAY JULY 13. L 88«

THE REPUBLICAN NOMINATIONS.

A Ticket Which Makes Democratic Victory Doubly Certain. Excepting Blaine, the Republican convention could have chosen no presidential candidate whose nomination would give greater satisfaction to the Democracy than that of Harrison, of Indiana. Bitterly opposed by an influential wing of the Republican party in bis own state, be is even weaker than when the canvass in which he was defeated by “Blue Jeans" Williams fastened upon mra the appellation of “Kid Glove Harrison. ” His course in congress in championing the Chinese invasion of the American industrial world has earned for him the hostility of labor organisations, and rendered utterly hopeless the effort to select Republican electors in the Pacific states. In Indiana he will be conspicuously weaker than Thurman, the western representative on the Democratic ticket. Thurman is admired and revered by every Indiana Democrat. Harrison is the choice only of the Republican machine of the state, in the narrowest sense of the termThe Gresham movement was a protest against Barrisonism strong enough at home to secure the support abroad of powerful states like Illinois. The source and inspiration of the Gresham forces came from Indiana, wad expressed the sentiments of the Independents, as well as those of that better element of the Republican party which was ostracized and silenced by the remorseless managers of the machine. Harrison will receive in his own state loss than a strict party vote, as the liberals and the dissatisfied Republicans, as well as the Independents, will flock to the standard of Cleveland and Thurman. Riven within the narrowest lines of his own party Harrison -will be a weak candidate everywhere. He will lack the strength that Sherman would have had In some southern states which aro claimed to be possibly debatable, and the damag ing record to which Ingalls alluded in his frankly critical letter will prevent hearty co-operation of Republican workers in his support. From adopted citizens he can expect nothing but the active hostility due to an old time proscriptioniet.

Personally, Harrison represents nothing except a species of aristocratic pretension to which the American people do not take kindly, and which becomes specially dangerous when placed at the head of t.he baser elements in politics. The support of the great monopoly corporations will not impart to the Republican nominee sufficient force in the campaign t© overcome his unpopularity with the masses. It will not be forgotten that it was railroad influence that selected him in preference to Allison or others who were favored by localities and influence Inspired by the popular seStimdnt known, as the "Granger’ spirit. With a nominee fitly chosen by the monopoly machine to represent its worst developments; without the winning personal qualities that sometimes lend strength to the representatives of failing causes; a negative candidate on a negative platform; the figurehead of a reactionary movement against equal rights ana the lust protection of Ameri can labor ana civilization—Gen. Harrison will be beaten most disastrously by the forces of progress and American prosperity, led for the second time to triumph by Grover Cleveland.—New York Star.

The Tail End of a Weak Ticket

Mr. Levi P. Morton, the Republican nominee for vice president of the United States, has a barrel—a hogshead, rather—which has been filled to overflowing by the sweat qf other people’s brows. He has also a villa at Newport, a park on the Hudson, a house on Fifth avenue and an office on Wall street. He has been United States minister to Paris, and performed the exhausting functions of that tasteful office with much amiability to those intelligent America:, who !... . bought letters of credit from his banking house. He is an entirely gentlemanly and unobjectionable person, who, with a thorough course of Cushing and Barclay, could undoubtedly be intrusted with the advancement of Republican monopolistic legislation in the United States senate. On the other hand, Mr. Morton must suffer because he has few gran-dlr-ther—a generic mishap which rather v. cm;ens his Americanism as compared witu that of the head of his ticket. Nor has he any personal identity for the average voter, because of his awkward habit of trilling with his mustache and beard. Neither has he any personal following, because of his long continued preference for Europe as a place of habitation. We are aware that we make out a weak case against Mr. Morton, but he is, or was, a fellow townsman, and it is our pleasure bo to do. There is no law, moreover, which compels a vice presidential candidate to produce a grandfather, and Mr. Morton’s double eagles will soon make the people familiar with his influence, if not with his presence, in this campaign. Upon the whole, we believe that Mr. Levi P. Morton will suffer less from the disappointment which awaits him than any candidate the Republicans could have selected.—New York Star. ,

Quite True.

Tho Republican platform will bear the careful perusal of every intelligent person. Too mere it to considered the more ridiculous it seems. —St. Paul Globq.

In a Nutshell.

Take it as a whole, tho Republican platform is penny wise and pound foolish..— Baltimore Sun.

Verily, They Do Not.

There Is on© t hing the EopchUeans do not want protected this time/ and that is the treasury.—Philadelphia Times.

Why the Farmer Suffers.

The fact is a high protective tariff hat not done, and cannot do, for the country what its friends claim for it. A high tariff cannot furnish a home marketfor the vast productions of this giant country with its illimitable resources. Nature never designed that a nation like this, embracing every variety of climate and Boil, unparalleled tn mineral and other resources, watered by mighty rivers and inland seas, and surrounded by great oceans, free highways for our commerce to the homes and habitations of more than a thousand millions of people, should be limited in its productions to the consuming capacity or sixty millions. No financial and industrial depression ever caused in this government greater distress and more widespread dismay and desolation than were witnessed from 1873 to 1879 and from 1882 to 1880. Our ability to produce is so much in excess of our capacity to consume, large portions of our manufactured and agricultural productions are annually left on the bands of the producers for want of a market. Our farmers have to 6©ok a foreign market for more than 20 per cent, of their surplus productions and 45 per cent, of the surElus of their wheat, and where it has to 0 sold in competition with the wheat raised by the cheap labor of India, Russia, Fiance, Hungary, Spain, Italy and Turkey and where the price is fixed upon evory bushel of wheat raised for market in the United States. Thus, while the farmer is compelled to soil his surplus wheat in tho cheap markets of the world, he is not permitted to buy such articles as ho may need to operate his farm or for the comfort of himself and family, but is forced to purchase all such necessaries in the home market at an increased price of 45 per cent, on the dollar.—Hon. Jonas Howard, of Indiana, in House Debate.

No Need for a Salt Tax.

But, sir, before 1861 we had no tax at all on ‘ salt. Bops the gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Bun-ows) mean to say that we had no' salt industry in this country prior to 1861? Sir, the flourishing condition of the salt industry is itself positive proof that.it did not need, as it does not now need, any tax in order to sustain it. I read, from page 838 of one of the volumes of the tariff commission, the testimony given by Mr. E. P. Wlteeler, of New York, a gentleman known to all of you as very intelligent, accurate and well Informed. . Ho says: "I remember as long ago as 1865. visiting the great salt works m the neighborhood of Syracuse, N. Y., and these manufactories were then thriving, vigorous and making monoy. They had no protection then, and they need no protection now. ” Sir, here is the testimony of parties very competent to speak—. Jackson & Kilpatrick, of New Orleans. They state in their communication to Secretary Manning: "To show the use these few favored capitalists who own or control the salt works in the United States make of the protection granted them by the representatives of a patient people, and how little they need protection, it is asserted by a standard authority that the Onondaga Salt company at Syracuse, N. Y., have issued their price list offering to lay down salt, freight prepaid by the company, at various points along the Grand Trunk railroad in Canada at a price much less per barrel than any citizen could buy tho some article for in Syracuse.”—Hon. C. It. Breckinridge in House Debate.

Testimony of a Republican Candidate.

Tho tariff of 1846, confessedly and professedly a tariff for revenue, was, so far as regards all the great interests of the country, as perfect a tariff os any that wo over have had. If any interest was depressed under tho tariff of 1846 it was tho iron interest. Ido not believe that Ur' -; inlorest, as compared with other intererts, had sufficient advantage under that tariff; yet, when we compare the growth, of the country from 1840 to 1000 with tho growth of the country from 1850 to 1860, the latter decade being entirely under the tariff of 1846, or the amended :nd greatly reduced tariff of 1857, we find that the increase in our wealth between 1850 and 1800 was equivalent to 128 per cent., while it was only 04per cent, bet ween 1840 and 1850, four years of which decade were under the tariff cf 1842, known as a high protective tariff. Mr. Allison then compared the tariff rate > of 1842, 1857, and tbeexisting rates, and says: Our industries were generally prosperous in 1860, with the exception, possibly, of the iron industry. This was tne statement of Mr. Morrill, of Vermont, on this floor, during the discussions of the tariff in 1804.—Hon. William B. Allison in Forty-second congress, page 102 of Congressional Record.

Moderate and Reasonable Protection.

"Freer trade, but not free trade”—necessary but not superfluous protection—a tariff for revenue, but no tariff for surplus—is the Democratic doctrine as expounded by Governor Hill. This is the principle and policy that The World has ; steadily favored. It is the idea in the ; resident’s message. It is the basis of the Mills bill. And it is the platform laid •down irv the St. Louis convention.—New York World.

A Small Specimen Leech.

An interesting article in th© current issue of Tho Iron Age shows that manufacturers of fence \me are taxed 70 per cent, on their raw material for the benefit of a sow rod mills which employ in the aggregate, about one hundred men. This is tho industry that recently made the astonishing request that its protection should bo still further inertaaed.

Bye, Benny, Bye, Oh!

Air..“ Goodbye, my lover, goßd bye." Come form io line and renew the fight, Good bye, old Benny, eood bye, Indiana and New York will come up all right. Good aye, old Benny, good hye Chorus.. Bye, Benny, bye, oh, Bye, Benny, bye, oh, Bye, Benny, bye, oh, * Good bye, old Beiny, goodbye. I see a beat come round the bend. Good bye, old B any, good bye. Loaded down with Cleveland men, Good oye, old Benny, good bye. Cborne: I sec a boat come ronnd|the bend, Good bye, old Levi, gooa bye. Loaded down with bandana men. Good bye, old Levi, good bye. Chorus: He inherited the mantle of the great plumed kmgbt, Geed bye, old Benny. good bye. For defending his suit in Tho Sentinel fight, Good bye, old Benny, good bye. Chorus: It was Benjamin Harrison who lately sal j, Goodbye, o d Benny, good bye, He would give the ra'lroadersa dose of cold load, Good bye, old Benny, good bye. Chorus: It was Benjamin Ben whowouU crosstbohlue seas. Goodbye, old Benny, good bye And flood this country with heathen Chlneoo, Good bys, old Benny, good bye. Chorus:

History of the Tariff.

1789 —Abolition of all interstate tariffs and reduction of state tariffs on foreign goods, followed by rapid increase of prosperity. . 1808— Absolute prohibition all importations, followed by nniversal disaster, 1809— Repeal of prohibition, followed by renewal of ty--1812 —The tariff doubled and all importations stopped by the War. Result hard times oyer the whole country general suspension of banks, and such suffering in New England that secession was threatened. 1816—A protective tariff adopted, in some things higher than that of 1812, although in some things lower. This was the first tariff which was framed all through upon the principle of protection. The protectionists always said that it was followed by great depression of trade. 1818 —The tariff made still more protective; and tho protectionists always refer to the year 1819 as one of groat disaster. 1824—A higher tariff, followed by great depression in the protected manufactures,and certaily without oHe cent of increase in wages. 1828 —A very high, protective tariff, immediately followed by hard times in 1830, and low wages so long as this tariff existed. ? 1832-—C'o ‘-free trade” at all, but a slight reduction of the tariff, followed by improvement in business.

* 1833—A gradual reduction of the tariff, leaving it still so high that an enormous surplus accumulated iu the treasury, which was disbursed among the States in 1837. This distribution was immediately followed by the famous panic of 1837, which was the direct result of wild land speculation all over the country, brought about largely by the surplus 1842—Protective tariff restored, followed by one year (, 843) of the greatest stagnation of business ever known, while during the whole existence of this tariff farm wages were cut down about one-half from what they had been even after the panic of 1837, and wheat, corn and cotton sold at prices disastrous to farmers and planters. Good times and fat profits for iron, cotton and woolen mill owners; bad times for every one else. 1846 —The tariff' cut down by about one-third to one-half. Kesult, an immense increase in commerce and shipping, a rapid increase in manufactures, unprecedented prosperity in agriculture, and the most rapid advance in wages ever known in the history of the country, before or since. 1857—Even under the low tariff

Jaw of 1846 the revenue had ha. com-» excessive and a surplus accumulated. In order to get rid of this surplus *he tariff was reduced m JuJyj but in September, before the new tariff could have the lew t effect, the short panic of 1857 occurred as the result of another wild speculation, combined partally with the failure of crops. By 1858, however, almost the whole effect of the panic Lad passed away, and in 1859 and 1860 agriculture, commerce and manufactures were all more prosperous than they had ever been before. 1861—A protective tariff, constantly increasing until 1867. According to protectionist logic the result was our terrible civil war, because this, as a matter of fact, immediately followed the new tariff. For more than a year after the adoption of this protective tariff the business of the country was in a feamilly depressed condition. 1864—Tariff raised 50 per cent. Manufacturers make fortunes for three years. Wages in gold lower than ever. 1867—Great increase in tariff on •»001. Result, immediate slaughter of 400,000 sheep, reduction of wool product, and ruin of woolen factories. The years 867, 1868 and 1869 were perio Is of great depression in business, and especially in manufactures In 1868 the protectionist* themselves declared that there were more unemployed workmen than had ever be fore been known.

1870 —Blight reduction in tho tariff and considerable reduction in taxation generally. As a result business improved considerably. But, the tariff being maintained in all its protective features, the great panic of 1873 ensued, which was far worse than the pamo of ]>67 and which lasted for more than five times as long a [ eriod. From September, 1873, until January, 1879, the business of the country was more depressed and more laborers were driven out of employment than in any previous period of the country’s history. So far from there being “twentyseven years of prosperity” under the last protective tariff, fully half of that time has been a period of extraordinary business depression, especially marked by falling wages and the wholesale discharge ol‘ laborers from employment. This was especially the case in 1861, 1867, 1868, 1869, 1873, 1974, 1875, 1876,1877 and 1878. 1883 —Pretended reduction but real increase in the tariff. Waglss eut down everywhere in factories and mines. Great panic of May, 1884, leaving depression for two years.

The most extraordinary fact about this whole story is that men of sense, who have lived through tho fearful period of depression extending from 1873 to 1879, when, for the first time,legislation against “tramps” was needed, should yet listen gravely to the assertion of protectionists that nothing is necessary to secure prosperity except just such a high tariff as v/e have now and had then. —Thomas G Shearman, in the Standard.

The News says Ben Harrison “voted against the Chinese bill because it conflicted with a treaty.” Did he say so at the time? Isn’t it a fact that long after he gave his fouteen votes in the senate against the anti-Chinese bill he read an essaj before a literary society in this city, in which he maintained that Chinese immigration was desirable and ought to be encouraged? Doesn’t the News*know +bis to be a fact? While it is having so much to say about fairness and candor and that sort of thing, why , can’t it bo fair and candid itself in discussing its candidate’s record? —lndianapolis Sentinel, The Staats-Zeitung, published at Nebraska City, Nub., bolts li.arrison and Morton. A large , and . influential German following bolts, with it.

NUMBER 26