Democratic Sentinel, Volume 12, Number 18, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 25 May 1888 — Page 2

VERY SEVERE ON RANDALL.

Representative William L. Scott’s Compliments to His Protectionist Colleague. The Mills Bill Is Intended to Benefit th) Whole People and Is a Blow at the Trusts. How the Farmer anti the Mechanic Are Robbed Under the Protective System. One of the strongest speeches of the many delivered in the House on the tariff, was that by Mr. Scott, of Pennsylvania, a member of the Ways and Means Committee, the following report of which is telegraphed from Washington: Mr. Scott began his speech with a defense of the science of political economy and the correctness of its conclusions. He asked whether this great country, sixty millions strong, with inventive genius keener, with labor more skilled than any other people on the globe, should decline to compete for supremacy in the marts of mankind, and continue forever to trade among ourselves, under the insane delusion that we were growing rich by the process. Our friends, the enemy, said: “Yes, let us build a Chinese wall around this young and vigorous people, whose eager enterprise already chafes under the bounds of nature, and if we cannot make it wholly impervious let us make it as nearly so as we can ” They were Bourbons, Bourbons all, and of the densest kind. Their faces were turned backward, not forward ; they were looking through the dismal shades of the dead past, not through the glowing day of tho living present. The bill was framed in the interest of the people—of the whole people. It was intended in the first instance to stay the mounting surplus in the Treasury, threatening overwhelming and possibly immediate disaster, even now vividly impending; and, second, to relievo, as far as prudence would permit at this time, the over-burdened industries of the country from excessive taxation, the proceeds of which do not pass into the Treasury, but go directly to the support of grasping monopolies which were, for the most part, combined in utterly indefensible and atrociously oppressive trusts. If the bill did not measurably accomplish these purposes it was because the majority of the Ways and Means Committee was incompetent to frame such a law; and of that the country would be the judge. A bill has been introduced by a member of this House (the Randall bill) and referred to the committee, which provided for a large reduction of internal taxes and dealt very curiously indeed with customs duties. At the time of its introduction the Republican press, though opIK>sed to tariff reform, was loud in praise of it as a bill on which all could unite—not only gentlemen on the other side of tho House but gentlemen on this sido also, who were supposed to differ with the majority. It is fair to presume that those who had inconsiderately approved this remarkable bill did not understand its provisions. Covering 127 pages, itwas» too voluminous to be analyzed without groat labor. But taking the iron and steel schedule as a fair index of the genius of the proposed bill, and the one with which the member introducing it was supposed to be most familiar, one which he would naturally' desire to conform most nearly to the demands of his immediate constituents or advisors, and passing judgment on the whole from this, it was sate to say that it was not in line with revenue reform. Takiug it item by item it gave tho astounding result, that for every dollar of reduction of duties in tho iron schedule, s2l was added to the burdens of the public, already too onerous to be borne. Instead of reducing taxation as advised by the administration; instead of chocking tho flow of tho people’s money into a Treasury already dangerously full; instead of relieving a tax-ridden people clamorous for relief ; instead of following in line with the declarations of every public officer this Government has ever had, that when we wore collecting more money than was needed taxes ought to bo reduced, this bill actually proposed to increase them. He said that tho measure, from whatever point it was looked at, was a misbegotten, ili-shapon, portentous, unjustifiable monster, with no excuse for existence, and no purpose in its life but to obstruct the Democratic party and delay the justice which the country demanded. The majority of the Committee on Ways and Means realized and appreciated tne condition of affairs existing in the country to-day; and, however desirous they might be to extend that full measure of relief to the wageworkers and the agricultural classes of the country, to which they are so justly entited, invested capital had its claims upon them. Keeping these objects in view it is sought, first, to relieve these manufacturing industries by placing on the free list, as far as it possibly could, such articles as were essentially necessary to them to enable them to compete, not only in their home markets, but in the markets of the world. Secondly, in the revision and readjustment of the various echedules under the existing tariff, to leave ample duties on all merchandise that could possibly be imported from abroad from competition with our homo products and to protect our home manufactures and the labor employed in them. Since the Secretary of the Treasury hud resumed tho purchase of bonds this month (May), the amount offered and purchased would not equal even the surplus of tho daily taxes collected from the people, after paying therefrom the daily expenses of tho Government. Tho bill now under consideration has beon formed for the double purpose of reducing tho surplus and relieving the country of needless taxation. The changes made, tho majority of tho com-mittee-beloved, would accomplish these objects, but. he wished it to be clearly understood ■ that tho interest of labor had been In view at every stage of tho proceo :in*?jMKi4 that this bill furnished that protection“WMsHK which his opponents professed to give, btiWM which their policy had beon directly oppos jj* Tho effect of tins bill would bo, not to rediretr his wages, but to lessen to him tho cost/ of necessaries of life, and to decrease his /dependence upon tho employer Extreme poverty and liberty never existed together. Starving men and women could not be free. J ° Protection, so-called, would add no patanv to the wageworker's pay or give him one ddy’s" additional labor in tho year, but it would rAb him of an unduo proportion of his earnings io purchase tho necessaries of life and keg/ him a trembling dependent, since the recent history if this country showed that the tendency of the protected industries was toward combination in the form of trusts, under which production was arbitrarily suspended, raising prices to the consumer, and throwing tho workman out of his job. Monopoly more terrible, more dangerous to the liberties of a country, more oppressive to the laborer, could not be imagined. Upon no class of our people did tho present fiscal burdens of our country boar so heavily as upon the farming class. One of tho strong trguments that tho protectionist made to the farmer was the home market that protection was alleged to insure for his produce. It was a fallacy and a fraud, and intelligent farmers would not longer be deceived by it. Turning his attention to the metal schedule St the bill Mr. Scott cited the case of the Edgar Thomson Steel Works as exhibiting the operations of a monopoly duty, swelling the profits of the manufacturer into most unreasonable and even appalling figures, while adding nothing to wages of labor, either common or skilled, and at the same time restricting the market of she farmer for his produce, through simply pillaging him upon his purchases of implements ind apparel. Contrasting the coal industry which, as he srfid, protection did not protect, with iron and steel, he said that from a practical experience »f over one-third of a century in the coal mines )f his State, both anthracite and bituminous, ae was justified in stating that the wageworkfer received for his labor, directly and indirectly, from seventy per cent, to eighty-five per of tho selling price of tho coal at tho armies, as against the eight per cent, that labor receives at the Edgar Thomson Steel Works, on ;he selling price of a ton of steel beams. The iariff did not protect the coal miner, but robbed lim in just so far as it increased the cost of what he consumed by the imposition of duties .he Government did not need to meet its rofuirements. He next turned to another vexed question—rool. When he culled it \cxod he did not mean

it was not clear or easily solved upon correct principles, but only that the Bourbon took his stand upon wool and howled the more lugubriously, albeit more unreasonably, than on anything else, because he hoped thereby to delude the farming Interest to his support.' This bill put wool on the free list. It aid so not only in the interest of the woolen manufacturer but in that of sheep husbandry Itself. To enable the manufacturer ot this country to compete in his home market and to export a surplus abroad, be must b > able to purchase his wool as |favorably not only as to price, but as to selection of qualities and kinds as does his foreign competitor. No better illustration of the results of moderate duties or free raw material could be pointed to than the carpet industries of this country. Russian carpet wools, grown in Southern Russia, bordering on the Black Sea, partially scoured, were largely imported into the United States tor the manufacture ot carpets. “To-day," sa d Mr. fcott, “ow.ng to this low duty on carpet wools, and the superior genius of our American workmen, and notwithstanding the higher wages p-.id in the United States, I am credibly informed that if five cents per pound is removed from Dongkoi and other carpet wools, we can compete with tho world and keep our home market." The aim of the majority of the committee had been to adjust the duties upon woolen and worsted goods, so as to enable the manufacturers not only to pay the same wages they are now paying, but to cheap-n goods, thus enabling them to command the home market, which they are largely deprived of, and to compete in the- foreign one. Eree raw wool and the duties proposed on the manufactures of wool would accomplish that object unless the committee was grievously mistaken. Immediately wool was free our manufacturers would begin to draw upon the markets ot the world for raw material to meet the American demand. The result would be an advance in wool in foreign markets, and an advance abroad would advance the price here, tariff or no tariff. In conclusion he said: “Wears here, sir—we. the majority of the Ways and Means Committee, and of this House—in defense of American industry. We alone offer it protection ; we seek alone the independence and aggrandizement of domestic labor by liberating it from unnatural restraints and allowing it the undisturbed possession and the complete enjoyment of its own earnings. The other side offer it—what? A monopolized market in which to buy the necessaries of life, on one hand, and on the other, a labor market subject to the caprices of trusts. Will laboring men accept that generous tender and vote v. ith tho monopoly partv under coercion of the employer? If they do, the hideous disaster, foreseen by Jefferson, as the natural result of the restrictive and subsidy policy, will rush down upon us, and the government of the Union will pass into the hands of those who openly propose to pervert its powers and employ them to plunder the people for their own enrichment, Ido not believe, sir, that American liberty is destined to be extinguished in this ignominious fashion. Surviving, as it has, armed assault, and every form of intrigue, it will not perish of the base corruption of subsidy, it will not be throttled by mere greeds or smothered by vile monopoly.” Mr. Scott spoke for more than two hours, and was loudly applauded as he concluded. During the delivery of the speech, Speaker Carlisle, Postmaster General Dickinson, and Assistant Postmaster General Stevenson were attentive listeners, while Mrs, Cleveland was in the gallery for a short time.

TOWNSHEND ON THE TARIFF.

Therj Is No Question of Free Trade or Protection Before the People. An Able Speech by Mr. Townshend, of Illinois, in the House of Representatives. j\lr. Townshend, of Illinois, speaking on the tariff in the House of Representatives, said: Mr. Chairman, the issue presented by this (Mills) bill has been often misstated in this debate. It is not tbat of protection or free trade. No one insists upon such a statement of the issue except some desperate Westera Republican Representative who is forced by his party lash to betray his constituency in opposing a measure which will bring relief to his own people from tho curse of unjust aud oppressive taxation. This be does with a hope that he may tiud an excuse which will shield him from the wrath of those who sent him here. It is veil known that there are no advocates of free trade at this time in Congress; even those who in theory believe free trade preferable to protection concede that the amount of the public debt and pensions render free trade at present impracticable. But the false arguments of such unfaithful Representatives will fail to deceive the country or their outraged constituents. A leading Republican newspaper of the Northwest, the Chicago Tr/hwuJ, tersely states the issue, and gives tinrely warning to Western Congressmen that by such arguments they deceive none but themselves, as will be seen by the following extract from a leading editorial of that paper : “The real controversy Is between those of all parties who want high taxes for the sake of plunder, and those of every party who will resist further plucking, and every Republican Congressman from the West should understand that this presents a local issue which is not to be indefinitely postponed or obscured in a partisan fog, but which must be met now and in accordance with the interests of his constituents. ” I especially commend this clear statement of the issue by this great Republican organ to Republican members from the Northwest, and ad visa them to revise their speeches before distributing them where the Tribune circulates Iby striking out the phrases that this bill presents the issue of free trade against protection, 1 and the charge that the President advocates Lfree trade in his message. 1 give this friendly Ihdvice that their constituents may not charge Shein with duplicity as well as subserviency to pastern monopolists. The message of the President expressly refutes such a charge when he uses in his message the following language : “Our progress toward a wise conclusion will not be improvea liy dwelling upon the theories of proteation and free trade. 'This savors too much of bandying epithets. It is a condition that confronts us, not a theory. Relief from this condition may involve a slight reduction of the advantages which we award our home product ons. but the entire withdrawal of such advantages should not be contemplated. The question of free trade is absolutely irrelevant; and the persistent claim made in certain quarters that all efforts to relieve the people from unjust and unneces lary taxation are schemes of so-called free traders is mischievous and far removed from any consideration for the public good. ’’ Senator Sherman in 1837, when discussing tho tariff, rebuked this reckless and demagogical use of the term “free trade” when he said: “In considering so complicated a subject as a tariff, nothing can be more deceptive than the application of such general phrases as a ‘protective tariff,’ ‘a revenue tariff,’ ‘a free-trade tariff.’ Every law imposing a duty on imported goods is necessarilj a restraint on trade. It imposes a burden upon the purchase and sale of imported goods and tends to prevent every importation. The expression ‘a free-trade tariff’ involves an absurdity. ’’ The only issue raised by this bill is whether we shall reduce the high taxes created during the war, which are wholly unnecessary now, and which produce distress among the masses of .the people, and. if so, upon what subject of taxation the reduction shall be made. An examination of the bill will show that out of the 5217,000,000 of tariff taxes collected last year it only proposes a reduction of less than 354,000,000. If it becomes a law it will still leave tariff taxes aggregating $163,000,00.1. It will only reduce the present rate of tariff taxes from 47 to 3(jj)er cent., being a reduction of only H percent. Now, sir, Senator Sherman, a Republican candidate for President this year, said in 1867 it was “simply an absurdity to talk about a free trade tariff, and to talk about a protective tariff is unnecessary, because the wit of man could not ipossibly frame a tariff that would produce SIIO,OO »,000 in gold without amply protecting our domestic industry.” If he is good authority oh such a subject, and he is so helfl by the Republican party, this bill still leaves twenty-three millions more on the tariff list that, as stated by Senator Gherman, will afford

ample protection to our manufacturing interests. Mr. John Sherman, whose versatility of opinion has inspired his friend and biographer, Judge Lawrence, to commend him on sympathetic grounds to the support of every variety of American voters as being politically a sort of conjurer’s inexhaustible bottle, with every variety of sentiment on tan, declared in 18W that— Every advance toward a free exchange of commodities is an advance in civilization; every obstacle to a free exchange is born of the same narrow, despotic spirit which planted castles upon the Rhine to plunder peaceful commerce ; every obstruction to commerce is a tax upon consumption; every facility to a free exchange cheapens commodities, increases trade and production, and nromotes civilization. (Report on International Monetary Standard, June 9, 1868. n. 180.) Tn 18)7, when enormous revenues were required to meet current expenses and interest on the vast public debt, and when no surplus restricted the volume of circulating media, Mr. bherman declared, as I have already stated, that: “The wit of man could not possibly frame a tariff that would produce $140,000, OjO iu gold without amply protecting our domestic industry ” Yet now legislation which would “frame a tariff that would produce” nearly $170,000,00-J is stigmatized by Mr. Sherman as being “free trade. ” As lately ns 1870 Senator Allison had this to say of the Democratic tariff of 1816 : “The tariff of 1846, although confessedly and professedly a tariff for revenue, was, so far as regards all the great interests of the country, as protective a tariff us any that we have ever had." He further said: “But I may be asked how this reduction shall be mode. I think it should be made upon all leading articles, or nearly all. and for that purpose, when I can get au opportunity in the House, if no gentleman does before me, I shall move that the pending bill be recommitted to the Committee on Ways and Meaus with instructions to report a reduction upon existing rates of duty equivalent to 20 per cent, upon the existing rates, or one-fifth reduction. Even this will not be a full equivalent for the removal cf all tne internal taxes upon manufactures. ’’ Now, if Senator Allison thought that the tariff on import duties in 1870, when the rata was less than 47 per cent., could be safely and wisely reduced 20, per cent., is it unreasonable or dangerous to the manufacturing interests if the policy of the President should be adopted, as provided in this bill, which reduces the rate from its present amount of 47 per cent, only 11 per cent., which is 9 per cent, less than Senator Allison advocated? Senator Allison used this language in speaking of the wool schedule in the tariff bill of 1870 : “Such a reduction (on wool and woolens) would benefit the consumer and not injure either the wool-grower or wool-manufacturer.” Then he proceeds at length to explain why a reduction of the tax on wool and woolen goods will—as substantially assarted in the report of she Committee on Ways and Means —inure to the advantage of the wool-grower and the manufacturer of woolens. (See Vol. 81 of the Congressional Globe of 1870, Aependix, page 194.)

NEW METHODS OF REDUCTION.

Reform of the Tai'ifl’ and Repeal of the Internal Taxes. [From the Chicago Tribune.] How much would the Mills bill save a man of family in actual money? This is a jAactical and important question, but one not easily to be answered, since the expenses of families widely differ. A Washington statistician, however, has made a general estimate in tbe case of a farmer cultivating fifty acres of wheat, and having a wife and three children to support. As between the present tariff and the tariff proposed in the Mills bill the difference to the farmer would amount to about $l5B a year. The removal of the tariff on tin plates would enable him to save $2 on the goods he buys to the price of which the value of tin plates contributes. He would save $3 on earthenware and glassware by the reduction of the duties; $2.50 on salt for his family and cattle by the repeal of the salt tax; $4 on sugar by the rearrangement of the sugar schedule; $lO on lumber by placing it on the free list. The readjustment of the textile schedules would allow him to save $35 on woolen outer clothing; sl2 on flannels, shawls, blankets, and underclothing; sl7 on cotton goods; $52.50 on jute bagging and binding twine. And on miscellaneous minor articles there would be a saving of about S2O. Now, $l5B is quite a substantial sum to any farmer. Suppose, however, instead of reducing the tariff the revenue should be cut down by repealing the internal taxes on whisky. 'The tax is 90 cents a gallon, and there are sixty “drinks” to the gallon. Assuming the largest possible saving to the consumer, the repeal of the tax would take a cent and a half off each “drink.” In order to save as much by that sort of reduction as by tariff reform, the farmer would have to take 10,533 “drinks” a year, or twentyeight a day. Probably his wife and children would have to help him effect the saving. At all events, we have here a good illustration of the comparative advantages that would accrue to the average man by the two proposed methods of revenue reduction—reform of the tariff and repeal of the internal taxes. The census tables of 1880 show that the average of the tariff duties on imports is more than double the total amount paid in wages for the production of like articles in this country. The enormous excess needlessly exacted from consumers, and which labor never sees or hears of, is pocketed by some persons—presumably the trusts aud combines whose lobby among the Congressmen are howling for perpetuation of -war duties in time of peace and pretend they are needed to pay high wages to workmen; but the workmen receive only 20 per cent, of the value of the manufactures produced, while the average protection is 47 per cent. Why is 47 per cent, tax on the consumer required to pay 20 per cent, wages to the workmen? Will FreeWhisky Kelley, Cannon, McKinley, Burrows, or Browne be kind enough to explain it, as common people do not comprehend the necessity for taking so much bounty out of the pockets of consumers?— Chicago Tribune.

The People Fully Aroused.

Tbat there is no general demand for tariff literature is not true. The call for tariff speeches delivered in both houses of Congress since the session began is unprecedented. There is a tariff revival going on all over the country. It is in the schools, the factories, mines, shops and farmhouses of the land. It began, in a small way, four years ago, and it had attained large proportions before the Filtieth Congress assembled. The President’s message, which was read in almost every home, intensified the interest, and there will be no pause until the issue of a tariff for protection versus a revenue tariff is Settled. It is the one great question of the times, affecting the pockef of every citizen—the life and the living of every man, woman and child. It cannot be brushed aside or belittled, but will stay on top till one or the other side triumphs. Sprinkle coal ashes on the floors of your poultry-houses; they take up an immense amount of dampness.

BASE-BALL.

Nearly All the Clubs Suffer from the Inclement Weather. Boston’s $20,000 Battery Honored in Chicago—What the Detroit and Other Teams Are Doing. [CHICAGO CORRESPONDENCE.J Unfavorable weather has of late interfered with ball games in all sections of the country, and clubs of nearly every professional organization have suffered in consequence. The past week has developed some changes in the relative positions of the clubs in the League race. The Chicago Club is now fairly in the lead for the championship. A week ago it was on even terms with Boston, but now it has drawn clear of the Bean-Eaters. It has only a slight advantage, but it is enough for the present and gives good promise of something better in the future. The New Yorhs are going along at a steady pace. Of course they will be important factors in (he struggle for the pennant, yet that they will secure it is improbable. They are doing nothing brilliant. The Detroits are trying to bat themselves out of a bad position, with some prospect of success. Last season they batted out the championship, but got a splendid start, while this year they got off poorly. The Pittsburg team appears to be able to play pretty well at home and to make a poor showing elsewhere. It has been something of an obstruction in the way of the Chicagos, Detroits, and Bostons when tney visited the Smoky City, but the only series away from home resulted in four straight defeats at the hands of Detroit. The Indianapolis and Washington clubs are still doing wretchedly, they being hardly able to beat each other. Tuesday was red-letter day in the annals of base-ball in Chicago. The Boston team, with its $20,000 battery—Clarkson and Kelly—arrived in the city on that day and were serenaded by a full military band accompanying the Chicago players at the Leland hotel. A procession formed of the two teams then proceeded to the grounds, Clarkson and Kelly occupying the first carriage behind the band and a platoon of police, the remaining players bringing up the tear. A feature of the occasion was the uniforms worn by Anson and his men. Thiff consisted of tight-fitting shirts and pants of white jersey with black trimmings, and full-dress (swallow-tail) coats with button-hole bouquets in the lapels. The coats were, of course, laid off when the players reachedthe players’ bench upon the field.

In almost every instance wherein Clarkson and Kelly have publicly expressed their opinion of the Chicago team, they have declared their admiration for Anson and his black-stockinged players. When the news of Ferguson's death was recsived, the members ot the Chicago team held a little meeting. Mrs. Anson’s former home was Philadelphia, and sne had heard that Mrs. Ferguson, while not in absolute want, had comparatively little with which to meet future, necessities. The situation was stated to the boys by the Captain, and all subscribed according to their means. That night $l5O was wired to the widow. Martin Sullivan says he is glad that he did not resent the blows which he received from the Indianapolis first baseman. His remark is: "When I play base-ball for a living Ido not expect to use my fists. If I was a pugilist it would of course be different. If Esterbrook were to strike me again on the field. I would not strike back. I should wait until the close of the season and then have a reckoning with him which he would probably never forget.” The record of the League, American, Western and Interstate teams up to this writing is as follows: League. Won. Lost. American. Won. Lost Chicagol4 3 Cincinnatil6 5 Bostonl4 5 Brooklynl4 6 New Yorkll 7 St. Louisl3 6 Detroitlo 8 Baltimorelo 9 Philadelphia.. 8 10 Athletic 8 12 Pittsburg 7 12 Louisvilleß 14 Indianapolis .. 6 14 Cleveland 7 13 Washington... 3 14 Kansas City... 4 16 Western., Won. Lost.'lnterstate. Won. Lost. Des Moines.... 8 1 Davenport..... 6 3 Omaha 6 2 Peoria 6 3 Kansas City... 7 3 Crawfordsville. 6 3 Milwaukee 4 4 Dubuques 3 St. Louis 5 Oißloomington... 2 3 St. Paul 3 s|Danville 3 5 Chicago 2 6 Rockford . 3 5 Minneapolis... 2 9|Decaturl 7 DIAMOND GOSSIP. It is peculiarly noteworthy, yet absolutely correct fact, that no club has ever had any luck that employed the Cleveland deserters of 1884—Briody, Glascock, and McCormick. A good many clubs are casting longing eyes at young Daily, of the Jersey City Club, but as John. B. Day owns that club, the New Yorks have a cinch on the rising pitcher, and will get him vhen the time comes. Goldsmith, the once great pitcher of the Chicagos, has returned to Detroit. He went to Hot Springs to try and develop his old-time cunning with the ball, but concluded it was an impossibility. The attendance in the three New York games was about 22,000, and Boston took over $2,500 as its share. With fair weather the attendance would have been 30,000. The Philadelphia cheap Johnnies should ponder over this. Tieman is the greatest find the New York management ever made. Ball players cannot understand just where Tiernan is such a hitter. He seldom hits hard at the ball. He can swing as heavy a bat as any man playing ball. Bostonese are sore at Keefe because he crippled Madden with a pitched ball, and hint that the act was intentional. They quote his record, which shows that he has hit and injured more players than any other pitcher in the league. Boston is holding up her end well, and even should the history of last season repeat itself, which now seems not so probable, tbe club has much greater leeway than last season. Then tbe club led in the race for but one day—May 3. This season the club has held the lead almost continuously. Galvin is very successful this year in catching men napping off first base. Hanlon and Anson have already fallen victims to his trick, which consists of bringing hit, arm to the rear as if about to pitch and bending bis head as though ready to deliver the ball; then, instead of giving the ball an inshoot over the plate, he fires it to first, apparently without looking.

Don’t Give Up the Ship.

You have been told that consumption is incurable; that when the lunge are attacked by Lis terrible malady the sufferer is past all help, and the end is a more question of time. You have noted with alarm the unmistakable symptoms of the disease; you have tried all manner of so-called cures in vain, and you are now despondent and preparing for the worst But’don’t give up the snip while Dr. Pierce’s Golden Medical Discovery remains untried. It is not a cure-all, nor will it perform miracles, but it has cured thousands of case< of consumption, in its earlier stages, where all other means had failed. Try it and obtain a new lesse of life. Wanted to know—ls political soft soap is made from campaign lyes.

If Sufferers from Consumption,

Scrofula, Bronchitis, and General Deb.li'y will try Scott’s Emulsion of Cod Liver Oil with Hypophosphites, they will tiud immediate relief aud permanent benefit The Medical Profession universally declare it a remedy of the greatest value and very palatable. Read: “I have used Scott’s Emulsion in several cases of Scrofula and Debility in Children. Results most gratifying. My little patients take it with pleasure.”—W. A. Hulbebt, M.D., Salisbury, IIL Hands that the rod of empire might have swayed, now in the snow-drifts wield the ready spude. The success of some of the agents employed by B. F. Johnson & Co., Richmond, Ya., is truly marvelous. It is not an unusual thing for their agents to make as high as S2O and S3O a day, and sometimes their profits run up as high as S4O and sso—even more. But we hesitate to tell you the whole truth, or you will scarcely believe we are in earnest. Write them and see for yourself what they will do for you.

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Makes the Weak Strong “I take Hood’s Sarsaparilla as a spring tonic, and I i ecommend it to all who have that miserable tired feeling.” C. Pabmei.ee, 349 Bridge street, Brooklyn, N.Y. Hood’s Sarsaparilla Sold by all druggists. ®1; six for $5. Prepared only by C. I. HOOD & CO., Apothecaries, Lowell, Mass. JOO Doses One Dollar FHT ft Live at home and make more money working for u« than UUstfl at anything else in the world Either sex. Costly outfit Jr REE. Terms free. Address, True k Co., Augusta, Maine. AAEM Leawi Telopn-aphy here and we H UUF9U Iwl fell, will help you to good positions. Ad'lrewq American School of Telegraphy,Mauison.Wia MENTION THIS PAPER whim wiutimg to aov«uti»kks. crows jewels. Illustrated wim hue bteel Engravings. For terms address National Pub. Co., 130 Adams St., Chicago. to SSB a day. Samples worth * 1.50, FREE. Lines not under the horse’s feet. Write CJ" Brewster Safety Rein Holder Co., Holly, Mich MENTION THIS PAPER'whsk wkitinu to AfiriEtuiia. P’ffajP’f" By return mail. Full Description 9° f* Moody’s New Tailor System of Dress U 81l Ba ■■Cutting. MOODY & CO.. Cincinnati, 0.. MKNTION THIS PAPER wu»h .Birins to advmtiuu. HOMC QTIIfIV Bookkeeping, Business Forms, tJnlk w I UU I .Penmanship,Arithmetic,Shorthand, etc., thoroughly taught by mail. Circulars free. Bbxant’s Business College. Buffalo, N.Y. ■SBBUHQSHSKEBHHBUharIestown, Mass. MENTION THI& PAE&tt •**»»•< wkitinu to a i»vkktiskkr. sTfl = FREE I Our nevz stamping outfit is free every reader of this publication; it » ' contains LOO perforated stamping A patterns and includes a great variety y/7 of all sizess that are wanted. outfit is a real work of art; no \ V stamping outfit has ever been Sa-XV / |\ ’ AfuL II offered heretofore, on, which a. f \ anything like so mucfeartistic | ability was brought to bear. VVithl ’ I If each outfit is a box of best Stamp- \\ JA \ ing Powder, Pad, and Book of \\ yi /I Instructions, giving full directionsV' \| •] for stamping, tells haw to make theA/ZVxr / powder and stamping po.fi ii con- \z [jjf tains instructions for Lustre, Kensington and Hand painting, tells colors tons* in painting—red, white, blue, yellow, pink and other flowers; also contains hints and instructions on other matters, too numerous to mention. Bought singly, ora few patterns at a time, at usual prices, the equal of the above would cost Si O. Although it is free, yet this is tho ICegnl Queen of Stamping Outfit* and on every hand is acknowledged to be superior, yes, very much superior, and very much more desirable than those which have been selling for Si each and upwards. By having 1200,000 of these outfits made for us w during the dull season, we get them at first cost; the manufacturer was glad to take the order, at cost, that his help might be kept at work. All may depend that it is the very best, most artistic and in every way desirable outfit ever put before th® public. Farm and Housekeeper (monthly, hi large pages, 64 long columns, regular price 75 cents a year) is generally acknowledged to be the best general agricultural, housekeeping and family journal in America; it is entertaining and of greatest interest, as well as usefill; its contributors embi see the widest range of brilliant talent. Furthermore, we hare lately become managing owners of that grand monthly, Sunshine, fox* youth; also, for those of dll agea whoso hearts are not withered; 16 large pages. 64 long columns, regular price 75 cents a year. Sunshine is known favorably as the best youth’s monthly in America. The best writers for youth, in the world, are its regular contributors; it is now quoted all over the world as standing at the head. Both papers are splendidly illustrated by tho best artists We will take 200,000 trihl year subscribers at a price which gives us but a moderate portion of the cost. FnFF I Furthermore, every trial year subscriber, for FOF F J either of the papers will receive free by mail ■ ■■■■■ ■ our new >O<> pattern Stamping Outfit. Trial 1 1 year subscriptions will be received for either of the papers as follows: 1 subscription and 1 outfit, 355 cents; 72 subscriptions and £ outfits, if sent at one time, cents; •A subscriptions and 4 outfits, if sent at one time, Si • For $1 ■end a dollar bill, but for less, send 1-cent postage stamps. Better at once get three friends to join you, at 25 centaeach; you can do it in a few minutes and they will thank you; papers will be mailed regularly to their separate addresses. While trial year subscribers are served for much less than cost, it proves the rule that a very large proportion of all who read either paper for a year, want it thereafter, and are willing to pay the regular pries of 75 cents a year; through this, as time rolls on, we reap a profit that satisfies us. PflfF ■ The trial year subscriptions are almost free* fistt ■ » ndth i«the Regal Queen of Stamp. ■•■■■■ ■ injj Outfits — the best ever known— is en- ■ tirely free. It is the greatest and best offer ever made to the publiq. Large sizes of patterns— evenr size that can be desired is iucluded; all other outfits surpassed* by this, the best, the most artistic, the Hegal Queen. Below we give a list of a few of the patterns; space is too valuable to admit of naming all: 1 Poppies for Scarf. 7 1-2 inch x 2 Tidy design,? 1-2 inch; 3 Splendid Tinsel design, 8 inch; 4 Golden Rod. 4 inch; 5 Pond Lilies : 6 Pansies: 7 Moss Rose Buds; BTube Roses; y Wheat; 10Oak Leaves; 11 Maiden Hair Fems; 12 Boy; 13Girl’s Head; 14Bird; 15 Strawberries; 16Owl; 17 Dog; 18 Butterfly; 19 Apple Blossoms; 20 Calla Lily; 21 Anchor; 22 Morning Glories; 23 Japanese Lilies; 24 Rabbit; 25 Bunch For-get-me-nots; 26Fuchsias; 27 Bell Drops; 28 Fan; 29Clown's Head: 30 Cat’s Head. TO other splendid patterns are included in this JHteffal Queen of stamping outfits—in all AOO Ktterns. Safe delivery guaranteed. Possessing this outfit any iy can, without expense, make home bcautiftil iu many ways, can embroider childrens’ and ladies' clothing in the most charmingmanner, and readily nmk.e money by doing stamping. Lustre, Kensington and Hand painting for others. A good stamping outfit is indispensable to every woman who cares to make home beautiftil. This outfit contains patterns for each and every branch of needle work, flower painting, etc., and the Hook, of Instructions makes all clear and really easy. This outfit will do more for Home and Ladies than many times tho amount of a trial year subscription spent otherwise; -no home should be with out it. The beautiful designs of this REGAL Queen of outfits are ALL the Rage wherever seen; when ever one or two reach a locality their fame spreads, and many Trial Year subscriptions usually follow. Many who have paid from SI to $3 for outfits and were satisfied until they saw our designs, have secured our outfit and hid aside forever the others. Those who subscribe will find the papers well worth several times the trifling cost of a trial year subscription, and the majority will make up to us ths loss, that this year we incur, through such a low price, by continuing subscribers, year after ▼ear, at the regular price, which all will be willing to admit is low enough. The money will gladly k • refunded to any on® Who is not ftilly satisfied. Address, GEORGE STINSON A CO., BOX 461 FORWARD, Maine, >