Democratic Sentinel, Volume 11, Number 38, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 14 October 1887 — POWDERLY’S MESSAGE. [ARTICLE]

POWDERLY’S MESSAGE.

The General Master Workman’s Annual Report to the Knights of Labor. He Fully Explaim His Position on the Anarchist, Denver, and Other Questions. Following is an abstract of the address i of General Master Workman Powderly to the General Assembly of the Knights of Labor, recently in session at Minneapolis: “The highest tribunal known to the laws and regulations, as well as to the true and loyal members of the Order of the Knights of Labor, is convened for the eleventh time in regular session. I am to make to the representative assembly report for the eighth iime. I ask that it will receive that consideration at your hands which its merits deserve, and that such recommendations as I may make will be received and acted on according to their importance and necessity. We adjourned a year ago with dissension in our own ranks ; that dissension was enlarged upon and scattered to the world by enemies from within and from without. The news of discord reached the ears of the employers of labor, and they in many instances took advantage of what they mistook for our weakness and rushed into conflict with our members in various parts of the country.” Mr. Powderly gave a complete history of the famous Chicago strike or last year. All the correspondence, both telegraphic and written, between Mr. Powderly and Messrs. T. B. Barry and Carlton, who wore in charge of tho strike in Chicago, is quoted in full and reasons given for each step taken. Mr. Powderly then continued : “The relation of the order to anarchy has taken up so much space in the public press and has been the subject of so much discussion in the assemblies of some large cities, that it is proper to speak of it here and report to you my doings in connection therewith. Let we say here that I have never, as has been so much asserted in the press of the land, confounded socialism with anarchy. I draw a wide line of distinction between the two, as every reading, thinking man must. I will ask of the General Assemoly to define the position of tiie order on the attempts that have been made to prostitute it to such base uses as the anarchists would put it. I have never publicly uttered a sentiment regarding the course of tho seven men who are condemned to death in Chicage (this is written bept. 10, 1887). I will now give my opinion. If these men did not have a fair trial, such as is guaranteed every man in the United States, then they should be granted a new trial. If they have not been fonud guilty of murder, they should not be hanged. If they are to be hanged for the actions of others, it is not just u e r who threw the bomb in Chicago should be hanged and his accomplices should receive the punishment allotted to such offenses by the laws of the State of Illinois.” All letters relating to the anarchy subject were quoted at length. The Denver question was given in full, end of the matter Mr. Powderly said: “I regarded the whole affair as an outrage and the questions as being impertinent, rascally, and prompted by malice or retenge. The resolution which should pass is one to demand that every avowed anarchist should be obliged to withdraw from the order or be expelled. We have nothing to fear from the tradeunion, but everything to fear from the contaminating influence of the men who preach destruction in the name of our order, and who at the same time assert that they are socialists, while giving the lie to every principle of socialism when they advocate violence of any kind. As to the Home Club I believe that this report would not be complete without an explanation of my knowledge of the Home Club of New York and the abuse and ridicule which have been heaped upon me for the last two years in consequence of my supposed connection with it. Now, I intend to speak plainly and candidly. " Mr. Powderly quoted voluminous correspondence and related incidentally tho facts as known to him of the attempt made to take his life in 1883.

Mr. Powderly continued: “For a long time after the adjournment of the last General Assembly tin re was no action taken by the General Executive Board on the resolution of expu.sion of the cigarmakers. From a great many places a demand was made to have the resolution carried put, and the board was finally obliged to take action. I did not favor that resolution at Richmond, and do not favor it now. I believe that it was wrong and in violation of the laws of the order. Soon after it was promulgated by the board I prepared a decision regarding it and intended to lay it before the board. I did not present the decision to the board, and kept it until now. 1 present it for the consideration of the General Assembly.” The decision is carefully prepared and expresses Mr. Powderly’s belief that the resolution is unconstitutional and of no binding effect except as a warning. After completing his defense Mr. Powderly said: “I now desire to make some recommendations to the General Assembly, and I do most respectfully ask that more consideration be given to them than has been given to others that I made to past general sessions. I believe the day has come to ask at the hands of Congress the passage of a law creating a Department of Labor at the seat of the National Government. We have to-day a Department of War; we do not need it at all in comparison to a Department of Labor. The prosperity of the whole country rests on the broad shoulders of labor, and there is nothing now so prominently before the nation and the world as the question of labor. Nearly every action taken now by the Executive or his Cabinet deals in one way or another with the question of labor ; its ramifications extend everywhere, its power is felt everywhere, and its usefulness is now recognized everywhere- I believe that the Government of the United States should operate its own lines of telegraph." “I believe that it is absolutely necessary for the welfare and prosperity of tue country that the Government establish a telegraph sys,tem to be used in the interest of the people. I recommend that steps be taken to have the ;next Congress act on a bill to establish a governmental telegraph, to be run in connection with the postal service. I believe that we should go before the next Congress asking for the passage of but one or two measures. They should be important ones, and the full strength of the organization should be behind those who make the demand. I believe, however, that nothing can be more important than the passage of laws creating a governmental telegraph and a National Department of Labor. “To deal knowingly and intelligently with the questions in our declaration of principles we should have a journal published under the control of the order which would reach every member. It should have a department especially devoted to the discussion of these very questions. It must make a radical change in the methods of educating our members. In the Journal, of Sept. 10 I published an outline sketch of a plan for the regulation of State, Territorial, mixed, and trade assemblies. I will do no more at this time than to draw the attention of the General Assembly to the matter, and ask either that or a better plan be adopted tor the regulation of the order. Ono tiling that draws our members away from us is the facilities afforded them to secure assistance of a pecuniary nature in other organizations, some of Whom are not in sympathy with our order; and if our members could but receive the relief in the order which is guaranteed to them outside of it we would have them with us all the time. 1 recommend the adoption of a universal benefit plan. “The question of my being a member of the Socialist organization has been made the subject o so much comment of late tn at I believe it but fair to this General Assembly to ma e known my connection with socialism, or rather with the men who in former years were at the head of the Socialistic Labor partv. In IKBC Philip Van Patten, the Nat onal Secretary of the Socialistic La or party, was a member of the General Executive Board of the Knights . f Labor. I became very intimate with him, and we frequently discuss d tne various mea me, of reform which all men in the movement regarded as of impor:ance. He rent me a red card of membership some time abouttne month of August, 1880 The card wis paid up Ly h.m for three months. I regarded it as a complimentary act on the part of brother Van Patte i I saw, however, that the declaration of principles of the Knigh.s of Labor cent lined all of socialism that 1 cared to advocate, and I never took any action on the card, except to keep it as a

memento of the days When we were associated ae officers of this association. I never cast a vote for the candidates of that party, was never a member of any of ita sections, and had no connection with it except in the manner related above. The use at firearms or dynamite is not advocated by the socialists; the confiscation of property or the distribution of wealth, ot, in fact, the bestowing of wealth or means on those who have not worked or earned it, is not socialism; it is robbery; it is rapine, and no sane man can advocate such a doctrine. If believing in the declaration of all the principles of this order makes me a socialist, then I have no denials to make ; but that I am a member of any other society in which questions of reform are discussed I do deny. "I cannot speak too highly of the energy and ability displayed by the general investigator. From the places she has investigated I hear the most flattering reports of her management, end the disclosures that have been made to her are of such a nature as to strengthen my belief that the office should be made permanent and tho sphere of usefulness of the department increased. "