Democratic Sentinel, Volume 11, Number 34, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 23 September 1887 — Page 7

SEVEN TO SWING.

The Supreme Court of Illinois Enters a Ruling Against the Anarchists. Spies, Schwab, Lingg, Fielden, Parsons, Fischer, and Engel to 0; Hanged. Their Counsel Will Take the Case to the Halted States Supreme Court. How the Condemned Men Bear Themselves—Precautionary Measures Taken. [Chicago special.] Justice Magruder, for the Supreme Court of -the State of Illinois, sitting at Ottawa, on Wednesday, affirmed the finding of the Criminal Court of Cook County, and thereby sentenced to death August Spies, Michael Schwab, Samuel Fielden, Albert B. Parsons, Adolph Fischer, George Engel, and Louis Lingg, found guilty of the murder of Policeman Matthias J. Began. By the same finding Oscar W. Neebe goes to the penitentiary for fifteen years. The -date of the execution is fixed for NoV. 11. The crime charged is the throwing of a dynamite bomb on the evening of May 4, 1886, at a meeting held in Haymarket Square, corner of Bandolph and Desplaines streets, Chicago, when seven policemen were killed and a number more Injured. It is undisputed that the bomb was thrown, and that it was the cause of Degan’s death, but there is not evidence to show that jny one of the defendants had a hand in throwing it. It is conceded that no one of them actually committed the deed. The charge is that they were accessories before the fact. There are sixty-nine counts in the indictment. Some of the counts charge that the eight defendants above named, being present, abetted and assisted in the throwing of the bomb; others, that, not being present, aiding, abetting, or assisting, they advised, encouraged, aided, and abetted such throwing. Some of the counts charge that said defendants ad-

Louis Engle.

Adolph Fisher.

vised, encouraged, aided, and abetted one Rudolph Schnaubelt in the perpetration of the crime ; others, that they advised, encouraged, aided and abetted an unknown person in the perpetration thereof. The statute on this subject reads: “Sec. 2. An accessory is he who stands by and aids, abets, or assists, or who, not being present, aiding, abetting, or assisting, hath advised, encouraged, aided or abetted the perpetration of the crime. He who thus aids, abets, assists, advises or encourages shall be considered as principal and punished accordingly. “Every such accessory, when a crime is committed within or without this State by his aid or procurement in this State, may be indicted and convicted at the same time as the principal, or before or after his conviction, and whether the principal is convicted or amenable to justice or not, s nd punished as principal.” In consideration of this statute the court asks the questions: Bid the defendants have a common purpose or design to advise, encourage, aid, or abet the murder of the police ? Bid they combine together and with others with a view to carrying that purpose or design into effect? Bid they, or either, or any of them, do such acts or make such declarations in furtherance of the common purpose or design as did actually have the effect of encouraging, aiding, or abetting the crime in question ? The questions are based on the propositions -of law as laid down by the court and sustained by previous decisions of this and other States. The premises are held that if the defendants advised, encouraged, aided, or abetted the killing of Beegan they are as guilty as though they took his life with their own hands. If any of them stood by and aided, abetted, or assisted in the throwing of the bomb, those of them who did so are as guilty as theugh they threw it themselves. Joined to this is the charge that the defendants formed a common purpose and were united in a common design to aid and encourage the murder of the policemen among whom the bomb was thrown. If they combined to accomplish such murder by concerted action the ordinary law of conspiracy is applicable, and the acts and declarations of one of them, done in furtherance of the common design, are, in contemplation of law, the acts and declarations of all. This prosecution, however, is not for conspiracy as a substantive crime. Proof of conspiracy is only proper so far as it may tend to show a common design to encourage the murder charged against the prisoners. It may be introduced for the purpose of establishing the position of the members of the combination as accessories to the crime es murder. Also the statute abolishes the distinction between accessories before the fact and principals. By it all accessories before the fact are made principals. As the acts of the principal are thus made the Vets of the accessory, the latter may be charged as having done the acts himself, and may be indicted and punished accordingly. Following the propositions of law above laid down, the court holds that the evidence under them amply sustains the charge that the defendants were engaged in a great conspiracy to overthrow the law, and that the throwing of the bomb In Haymarket Square on the evening of May 4 was the direct result of that conspiracy. First, there was at that time existing in Chicago an organization of Socialists or Anarchists whoso purpose was the overthrow of

all laws which were enacted for the protection of private property. This overthrowal was to be accomplished by force. The organization was a national one, divided into groups, eighty in all, of which there were located in Chicago, the North Side, with headquarters at No. 58 Clybourn avenue; the Northwest side, No. 636 Milwaukee avenue; the American, No. 54 West Lake street; the Karl Marx, No. 63 Emma street: the Southwest. No 611 Throop street; the Jefferson, No. 600 Milwaukee avenue, and t>e Freiheit, on Sherman street. Schwab, Neebe, and Lingg belonged to the North Side group; Engel and Fischer to the Northwest; Spies, Parsons, and Fielden to the American. Connected with these groups wi re armed sections, the Lehr und Wehr Verein. containing one thousand drilled men, and these soldiers were known by numbers instead of names, desire for cecrecv being so great. The other armed sections were to be commanded by details from the Lehr und Wehr Verein if called into action. The proof shows that it was this organization, which called the meeting of May 4, during which the bomb was thrown. This bomb was spherical in shape, filled with dynamite and lighted by a fuse, The globe was of composite metal mainly tin and lead, with a trace of antimony. This composition is mt a commercial metal, and yet Lingg was discovered making bombs of exactly the same material, of the same form, and corresponding so nicely that the nut which fitted the bolt which held the Haymarket bomb together, also fitted the threads of other bolts found in Lingg's room, and which were intended to hold together other similar bombs. The evidence also shows thatthe meeting of May 4 was the result of a previous conference at which all the defendants took part; that the call for the meeting, the word “ruhe," was printed in two neVspapers which some of the defendants controlled; that at that meeting when a speaker said "We are peaceable," he used the word “ruhe,“ which was the signal for the bomb-throwing, and immediately the bomb was thrown. It is held that the police were right in their presence at the meeting. The times were troublous, strikes were everywhere. There had been trouble at McCormick’s the day before, and the circulars which called the meeting were threatening in their character. Hence it was the duty of the police to be on hand to protect the peace and to break up the meeting, which was not an orderly one. In view of the facts presented by the record, the finding is that the defendants were engaged in a common conspiracy; that that conspiracy was for the purpose of overthrowing the law; that the meeting was called to further the conspiracy, and the bomb-throwing was the result of it; that Officer Began died from wotmds received from the explosion of the bomb. Held, that the defendants are guilty of murder as accessories before the fact. Justice Mulkey thought there was error in

A R Prisons.

August Spies.

the record, but not enough to vitiate the verdict. He did not file an opinion. THE FATED SEVEN HEAR THE NEWS. The scenes at the County Jail yesterday were somewhat exciting. At the morning hour the usual visitations were not disturbed until about six minutes before the signal was gh en for the anarchists to return to their cells. It was then that August Spies received a telegram from Carl Axwansl, editor of the Ottawa German Herald, informing him that there was no hope from that quarter. The telegram was passed from one to the other of the condemned men, but its contents was not fully realized when they were ordered into confinement, so that there was no opportunity for them to exhibit their feelings to those who were visiting the cage. They Lad not long to meditate upon the sad tidings, however, when they were disturbed by missives from newspaper reporters asking the “special favor" of an interview. The old rule still held good. That is to say, an accredited reporter would be admitted to the doors of their cells upon their request. It must probably be admitted that the reporters, generally sneaking, had not won the confidence of the anarchists to a very high degree, and in this hour of their great grief the condemned men probably turned to a remembrance of some of their long-forgotten prayers, and found more consolation therein than from reportorial visits. At any rate, they one and all returned the same answer to these applications, to wit: “There is no answer ” The hours passed wearily, if not sadlv, with the condemned men. The visitor to the cage could easily watch their movements as they passed to and fro in their cells. Lingg appeared less stubborn than usual. He took down from the shelf in his cell the several little pieces of handiwork which he nas made since his confinement, and seemed to contemplate them fondly, yet sadly. He arranged them before him, and then appeared to assume an attitude of prayer. A careful observation of the manner in which he placed his hands and his occasional movement es them told plainly that the ironhearted German bombmaker had been conquered, and was going back to the recollections of an early German Christian home and endeavoring to recall them for his own consolation in this hour of trial. The reporter called Chief Turnkey Pearce to the scene, and he, comprehending its import, turned away without a remark. Engel sat with his face buried in his hands and did not move during the two hours that he was more or less constantly observed Fischer passed to and fro in his cell with the agility and nervousness of a tigress. Fielden was restless, but appeared to be packing up his cell effects as if it were moving day. Schwab sat in plain view of the party in the cage reading a newspaper in a calm, careless attitude. Spies was examining photographs, probably one of Nina, and came to his cell door occasionally with a smile of contempt for these whom the recognized below. Parsons was too sly to render his actions visible. TO THE FEDERAL SUPREME COURT. The attorneys for the condemned men will next make an appeal to the United States Supreme Court. The brief in the case has already been prepared. The first j oint raised is on au alleged error in Judge Gary’s ruliugs concerning the selection of the jurv. In tnis connection the sixth amendment of tjio Constitution is quoted • “In all criminal prosecutions the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial by an impartial jury.” The second point raised is regarding the forcible search of the editorial rooms of the Ar-

Samuel Fielden.

Louis Lingg.

Michael Schwab.

better Zeitvng. In this connection the fourth amendment to the Constitution is quoted: -The right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers and effects against unreasonable searches and seizures snail not be violated." It is claimed, of course, that the forcing onen of Spies’ desk, whereby the letters of Herr Most were discovered, is a violation of this provision of the Constitution. The third error claim ed is that Spies was compelled to ba a witness against himself and against all of the defendants when he was compelled to state whether or not he had received the famous Most letters. The fifth amendment to the Constitution is quoted in support of this contention : “Nor shall any person be compelled in any criminal case to be a witness agaffist himself." The fourth error claimed is supported by the sixth and eighth amendments to the Constitution, as follows : “In all criminal prosecutionl the accused shall be informed of the nature and cause of the accusation;" and "Cruel and unusual punishment shall not be inflicted." On this head the defense claim that, while a conspiracy to incite may have been proved, a conspiracy to use violence was not proved, but that, nevertheless, the penalties of the latter were administered. The.fifth error which the United States Supreme Court will be asked to pass upon is the right of the defendants to preach and teach socialism and anarchy. In support of this the first amendment to the Constitution is cited: “Congress shall make no laws respecting an establishment of religion or prohibiting the free exercise thereof.” The point may seem a little far-fetched, but it is proposed to protect the teachers of anarchy and socialism by this constitutional provision. But the point upon which the main hopes of the Anarchists rest with the Supreme Court of the United States is the alleged error concerning the right of the prisoners to hold the Haymarket meeting. The first amendment to the Constitution is quoted : “Congress shall make no laws abridging the freedom of speech or of the press, or of the right of the people peaceably to assemble.” It is believed by the attorneys for the condemned men that one or more of these errors will be found available for their purpose. The procedure in reaching the United States Supreme Court in the case cannot be determined until the full text of the State Court opinion is examined. If the latter cites all constitutional points raised in the record, then the defense will have nothing more to do with that Court, but if, as is often the case, some of th se points raised are not replied to, then it will be necessary for the attorneys for the Anarchists to apply to the Chief Justice of the State Supreme Court for a certificate to the effect that the record contains such alleged errors. With this certificate, if one be obtained, and the complete record of the case from Judge Gary’s court, and from the Supreme Court of Illinois, application will be made to one of the Justices of the United States Supreme Court for a writ of error and supersedeas. If the former is granted, of course the latter will be. and the next step will be to argue the case before that court. A writ of error may be granted by any one of the Justices of the Federal Supreme Court. EXECUTIVE CLEMENCY. A movement is at once to be inaugurated to circulate a petition for Executive clemency This was started at tue time the verdict in Judge Gary’s court was rendered, but was soon afterward dropped until the decision of the Supreme Court should be reached. Now it is to be undertaken in earnest. POLICE PRECAUTIONS. Ample precautions against an outbreak or violence of any kind on the part of the anarchists have been taken by both the police and shrievalty authorities. DEFENSE COMMITTEE. The Anarchist Defense Committee has entered upon a new lease of activity. As soon as the decision of the Supreme Court that the condemned men were to hang Nov. 11 was received, a meeting of the committee was at once called, und steps taken to raise money to defray the expense of an appeal to the highest court in the land.

The Queen’s Necklace.

The disastrous episode in the career of Marie Antoinette, which, by associating the Queen’s name with the scandalous adventures of a diamond necklace, seems instinct with fiendish irony, has been so frequently and, in one or two instances, so graphically described, that only a few words of comment will be ventured upon here. If in this untoward incident it be possible to detect even a shadow of blame upon Marie Antoinette, it is referrable solely to her known infatuation for such costly trinkets. There existed ample proofs to establish the fact that the necklace had been stolen by a disreputable woman, who sought to implicate the Queen in the nefarious transaction in order to secure a very likely means of escape from the probable consequences of her crime. Her method of procedure was very ingenious. Being at the time on questionable terms of intimacy with the Cardinal de Bohan, whose position gave him access to the Queen, she cunningly contrived to convert him into a docile instrument for her purpose. Now, it is notorious that this man was ever conspiring’, either openly or secretly, against the Queen, and that he never enjoyed, nor was he ever worthy to enjoy, her confidence. By most of those who know him he was regarded as a mere scoundrel; and there is an opinion of him, expressed many years before the unfortunate event in question happened, the unfavorable character of which was surely not lessened as time advanced. It is thus that Maria-Theresa describes him when, in 1772, he represented France at the Austrian court: “The Prince de Bohan displeases me more and more. Without talents, without prudence, and openly depraved in manners, he sustains very badly the character of ambassador and ecclesiastic.” A man presenting such qualities would surely feel very congenially disposed to accept a part in the conspiracy suggested to him; not, it may be conceded, lending himself to the chief but concealed object contemplated by his temptress—the purloining of the necklace—but as a promising means of casting an ignominious stain upon Marie Antoinette. To this end he forged the Queen’s name to a document seemingly authorizing him to purchase the necklace, and thus succeeded in mystifying the jewelers to whom the diamonds belonged. When very conclusive evidence of guilt was brought home to the culprits the thief was, to a certain extent, punished, while the forger—the far greater criminal, the man who sought to befoul the fair ruputation of the Queen —was acquitted. This acquittal was brough about through the influence of a certain dominant court cabal and prolonged for some time because seeming to justify the triumph of malice.— Gentleman’s Magazine. It is shown by official returns that the production of anthracite coal in Pennsylvania the last fiscal year was nearly thirty-six millions of tons. Temperance is a tree which has contentment for its roots and peace for its fruit.

LAND FOR THE LANDLESS.

How the Public Domain Has Been Squandered Under Republican Rule. [From the Indianapolis Sentinel.] The Republican party, almost from the day that it came into power, began the work of giving away the public land to railroad and land sharks or every description. The rights, interests, and welfare <>f the people were totally disregarded by the Republican party. Said the Hon. b. M. Stockslager, a member of the Forty-eighth Congress from Indiana: “The American people were amazed when they learned that on the Ist day of July, 1862, just forty-one days after'the homestead law was approved, the same Congress, with a reckless disregard of their own action never before witnessed, granted to the Union and Pacific Railroads a magnificent belt of land forty miles wide, extending from the Missouri River to near the Bay of San Francisco, and containing to the Union Pacific 16,115,000 acres and to the Central Pacific 15,260,000 acres. Thus the homestead law, by which the millions of acres of unsettled land were pledged to the people as a heritage to the actual settlers—to the men of toil who would cultivate them and make them blossom and bloom and bear fruit—was violated, disregarded, and set aside, and a most gigantic system of reckless squandering es the lands inaugurated. This was an entire change in our laud system, both in the manner of disposing of the public lands and of the amounts to be given. Before that date not a single acre of the public domain was ever granted to a railroad or other corporation. Donations of the public lands had been made.from time to time to the States, aggregating in all 31,600,846 acres, for the purpose of being disposed of by the States in aid of education, for military roads, for internal improvements, and for railroads. But the grants were all to the States.”

The Republican party has been from the first the monopolist party. It has sought in every possible way to create an aristocratic class, based upon wealth. It has not only robbed the people of their lands to create a landed aiistocracy as crushing as that of England, Scotland, and Ireland, but it has sought by tariff protection to enrich the few by burdening the poor with enormous taxation upon the prime necessities of life. There is no more vital question than that which relates to the pubi c lands, the public domain—the broad acres designed by a beneficent Providence for the homes of the people. The Republican party has from the first ignored the people; it has legislated for the land-grabber, the land thief, the land monopolist, the landed aristocrat, and this policy of the Republican party was kept up until 200,000,000 acres of land was granted to railroad corporations. Says Mr. Stockslager, now acting Land Commissioner, in his speech in the Fortyeighth Congress: “The mind is staggered in an effort to contemplate this imperial estate granted to great corporations. It can only be grasped by comparison. You can carve out of it 1,250,000 homesteads of one hundred and sixty acres each. It is equal to two hundred and forty States the size of Rhode Island. It is equal in area to seven States like Pennsylvania, with her 45,215 square miles; four and one-half times as large as all the New England States; equal to the thiiteen original States, which have 204,001,280 acres. The total area of Great Britain and Ireland is 74,137,600 acres, or but little more than one-third these grants. There is not among all the enlightened nations of modern Europe one that has an area which equals that of our railroad kings. The empire of Austria-Hungary and the kingdom of Italy, with Switzerland and the Netherlands added, have an area of only 250,012,620 acres. The creation by law of this most gigantic land monopoly the world has ever seen must in the very nature of things be felt upon our institutions and upon our people. The example of the Federal Government has been followed by some of our States, which have granted millions of acres of their public lands to railroad corporations, or sola them in large bodies to individuals. All the barriers have been thrown down, and fore ; gn and domestic capitalists have been reaping a rich harvest for themselves in the purchase of vast areas of land. But so far as the people are concerned, they, through their unworthyrepresentatives, have sown the wind, and they are destined to reap the whirlwind.” The Democratic party is now engaged, and has been engaged at all times when an opportunity offered, to put a stop to the squandering of the public lands by the Republican party, ana now chat it has the power to stop the stupendous wrong it is regaining some of the land the Republican party bestowed upon railroad corporations, and which has been forfeited. A Washington dispatch of recent date says the Assistant Land Commissioner has issued orders relative ‘o the land of the Atlantic and Pacific Railroad, and also in reference to the Florida Railway and Navigation and the Gulf and Ship Island Railway Companies, whose land grants all lie in Florida, and also to the Missouri, Kansas and Texas. According to the estimates made officially, the Atlantic and Pacific order throws open to settlement 25,000,000 acres, and the orders to the Florida Railway and Navigation Company and the Gulf and Ship Island Railway Companies will largely increase the amount of land restored to the pc ople, and the policy now being pursued by the Democratic administration will result in the restitution of fully 50,000,000 acres of the public lands to the people, and open them to homestead settlement, enough for 312,500 farms of 160 acres each, a hundred thousand more farms than there are m Indiana of all sizes. These are subjects which the people can afford to take into consideration. They will discover, on the one Land, the Republican party‘throwing away the people’s land, bestowing it on railroad corporations. seeking to build up a landed aristocracy, while the Democratic party is resolved by every lawful means to give as much as possible of the public land back to the people, the rightful owners of the acres.

Manly Words from Mr. Conkling.

Overmuch significance need not be attached to perfunclory and spectacular reunion of former foes. There is apt to be a stroke of the theater in elaborately planned fraternal meetings between the soldiers of the Union and of rcbeldom, and this suspicion of insincerity is bkely to repel real interest in such occasions. The dignity and appropriateness of the recent fraterniza-

tion upon the battlefield of Gettysburgy by survivors among the men wno made and the men who repelled the famous charge of Pickett’s division were apparent, but every arrangement of the kind cannot command like attention and commendation. The underlying motive may be meritorious, but the manifestat'on is not more appropriate th: n would be lhe meretriciously spectacular meeting between Cleveland' and Davis tiropos d by a sentimental idiot having his iabita‘ in an Atlanta sanctum. It would be beLer to assume the existence of peace and good-will between sections hitherto at war than to attempt demonstration of the fact by such exquisite tomfoolery. The reunion to which Senator Conkling was recently invited, a proposed gathering in Indiana between survivors from both sides of the war of the rebellion, may of itself be nothing, but it is pleasant to record the manly answer of this stalwart as contrasted with the bitter vindictiveness characteristic of the campaign utterances of such a fire-eater and hate-monger as Candidate Foraker: “My earnest sympathy and hope go to and go with every movement and idea having for its real purpose to weld together all sections and all classes, and to make our country throughout all its borders united, prosperous, and great. Could wish or act of mine decide, every community and neighborhood in all the land should be crowned with the fullness of peace and progress at the South as at the East, the West, or the North. The brave men who faced each other in battle can be the best teachers and most genuine actors of this creed. ” This is direct and forcible expression of a manly and Christian-like sentiment, the sentiment which animated Grant long before failing speech compelled him to use his pencil in declaring it at Mount McGregor to the General his armies captured at Donelson. It is the just, the politic, and the sensible sentiment of the great body of the American people. It is particularly the sentiment of intelligent soldiers who desire a perfect Union to preserve the integrity of which they periled their lives. It is the sentiment of the younger generation which profits by a strife the bitterness of which it does not inherit. But it is not the sentiment of the blind leading the blind, section-seeking mountebanks who fancy there is potency in one more campaign with the bloody shirt.— Chicago Herald.

WHY HE WITHDREW.

A. Grand Army Man’s Reasons for Quitting the Partisan Secret Order. (From the St. Louis Ropublloan.] Mr. W. Hayes, formerly a soldier in Hart’s Fifteenth New York battery and of Company C, Hancock’s United States veteran corps, is a resident of Hyer’s Corners, Wis. lie writes his reasons for withdrawing from the G. A. R.: 1 feel it a. duty to my country as an old soldier who served four years in the war of the rebellion, and who also was severely WQunded in that war, to give my reasons for withdrawing from the G. A. R., qf which I was a member (Post 25, Departs ment of Wisconsin) up to August 1, 1887. First reason, that the order has been turned from its fundamental principles to a selfish and unpatriotic purpose. Proof, its attempt to shape legislation in pension matters. Whenever a secret order attempts to shape legislation in its own interests, it becomes a dangerous thing to any nation, and therefore should be summarily suppressed. Second reason, that the G. A. R. has fallen into the hands of a powerful ring of claim agents, more corrupt than the Chicago “boodlers.” Proof, Gen. Lovering, at the last national encampment, charged the ring with using $40,000 in lobbying the claim agent fee bill through Congress. Third reason, that the order has become partisan. Proof, while commander of a post in this State, other members with myself received campaign documents from the Republican Congressmen entitled “Democratic Discrimination Against the Soldier.” Again, by the passing of resolutions denouncing those in authority for exercising their political and executive judgment in certain measures of a public nature, and also by abusing political opponents at nearly every soldiers’ gather.ng. Fourth reason, for flagrant violation of the rules and regulations of the order by publishing broadcast the proceedings of posts without proper authority. Fifth reason, the threat that certain leaders (as alleged) have made, that they propose at the next national encampment to denounce the President for daring to veto certain pension bills. I am convinced that I would do violence to my conscience, blacken the record that I made as a soldier, and commit a grierotis crims against my family, my country and myself to continue any longer, or lend my influence, with a secret order that attempts to shape legislation in its own interest. Washington warned his countrymen in his farewell address to beware of secret orders that would attempt to shape legislation. It would be well for us to listen to his words of wisdom. Our country has been very generous toward her defenders, and it seems to me to be inappropriate, as well as ungrateful, for us old soldiers to form ourselves into a secret combination and make demands on our country’s generosity, and, worst of all, to teach our posterity that instead of their sires being unselfish patriots they were but an army of hirelings. What, then, is the duty of every true soldier in the G. A. R.? Why, it is to come out from among them and show the world that it was patriotism that prompted them to go in defense of their country and not personal gain. The reasons which influenced Mr. Hayes ought to have weight with every patriotic citizen who has been induced to join the society. Good citizens, whether they are Republicans or Democrats, ought not to lend their countenance to a secret order which uses its whole influence to get money out of the treasury and proscribes those who oppose it. But they ought, at this time, to have special weight with Democrats, for the society is attempting to use Democrats to cover its partisan and mercenary aims. If it could induce some respectable and respected Democrat like Gen. Slocum, of New York, to become a figure-head for it, it would shield itself behind him and be safe in its attacks on the party andon the treasury. Its Republican managers are striving to secure countenance from Democrats, or, failing in that, what will pass for countenance, and if they succeed they will have the country by the throat. Alarmed pedestrian (picking up a painter at the foot of a ladder) —“My poor man, are you hurt much?” Painter—“ Only three ribs broken. But I went down with colors flying, didn’t I?”— Philadelphia Call.