Democratic Sentinel, Volume 11, Number 28, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 12 August 1887 — Page 7

MORE ABOUT TUTTLE.

How He Stood, in the Estimation of a Paper That Now Idolizes Him, While a Democrat. JEEis Eecord as an Offioe-Beeker—Galled a Copperhead and Charged with Cotton Deals. [Des Moines special to Chicago Daily News.] General . T ames M. Tuttle’s political record forms one of the interesting pages in lowa’s history. In 1863 Tuttle was in the field, but squinted an eye toward the Governorship of this State. The war feeling was very strong in lowa that year, and old party lines were not drawn closely about men in the Union service. A great many Democrats entered the Union Republican party, as it was then called. In 1861 the Democratic vote of lowa was 43,245 and the Republican vote 59,853. In 1862 the Republican majority for Secretary of State, which is esteemed the fairest party test, was 15,215. The Republican convention of 1863 sought to name General Crocker for Governor, but he refused, and it nominated William M. Stone and adopted a strictly war platform, indorsing all that had so far been done to preserve the Union. It is said that General Tuttle desired and expected nomination by that convention, and was keenly disappointed when the news of its action reached his xsamp in Mississippi. lOWA DEMOCRATS IN WAR TIMES. The Democrats named M. L. Fisher as their choice for Governor and promulgated a platform in which the following ideas appeared, after declaring for free speech and free government: There is a manifest difference between the administration of the Government and the Government itself. We are opposed to the war for the purpose of carrying out the emancipation proclamation of the President of the United States, and if the Federal administration expects a united North to attend its efforts to suppress a rebellion, it must not only come back to its object of the war, as set forth in the Crittenden resolution adopted by the House of Representatives in July, 1861, but it must, in its dealings with the people of the United States, infringe upon no one single right guaranteed to the people by either the Federal or the State Constitution. We declare our determined opposition to a system of emancipation by the State, upon compensation to be made out of the Treasury of the United States, as burdensome upon the people, unjust in its very nature, and wholly without warrant of the Constitution. ” The platform also declared that the President’s course in proclaiming martial law over States where war did not exist, under guise of military necessity, and the suspension of the writ of habeas corpus was unwarranted and tended to subvert the Government. The conservative sentiment of the North was “hailed with pleasure,” and any “manifestation on the part of the seceded States of a desire to return to their allegiance to the Government of the Union was “hailed with delight.” “In such an event,” the platform declared, “we would cordially and earnestly co-operate with them in the restoration of peace and the procurement of such guaranties as would give security to all their interests and rights. ” This platform was denounced by Republicans as a “copperhead” fulmination and deserving of condemnation by all loyal men. M. L. Fisher*refused to stand upon such a platform, and declined the nomination. The Democratic State Central Committee cast about for a candidate, and decided upon James M. Tuttle, then supposed to be at the front for the purpose of aiding the troubled administration by his patriotic endeavor. GEN. TUTTLE AS A COPPERHEAD. Tuttle secured leave of absence and came to lowa to stump the State on that “copperhead” presentment of principles. He was defeated for the Governorship by Stone, who received a majority of Tuttle then returned to tbe South. This is the man who, nearly a quarter of a century after the war was successfully terminated by the very policy he then condemned, valiantly assails a President for favoring a suggestion of peace that was more forcibly put in the platform upon which he himself sought office, and at a time, too, when such a policy was declared by Union men to bo giving “aid and comfort to the enemy.” Gen. Tuttle resigned his commission in the volunteer Union army in 1864 and returned to Des Moines." The itch for office was still uncured. In 1866 he was nominated by the Democrats for Congress from the Fifth District against G. M. Dodge. It is reported that during the canvass he made a speech in Des Moines. The crowd grew weary, and when he said “One more word and I am done,” the audience cheered. Still he kept on. Then came: “A final remark, and lam through.” Again the crowd applauded. At last the speaker realized that the assertion that he was nearing a close aroused enthusiasm, and he became angry, with what result can easily be imagined. The official returns of that election show that Dodge was elected by 14,290 votes to Tuttle’s 9,898. In Polk County, Tuttle’s home, Dodge received 2,099 and Tuttle 1,495 votes. This canvass was an exceedingly bitter one. The Republicans believed that the Democrats were as nearly allied to the powers of treason, secession, and perdition as men in the flesh could be. The Des Moines Register was the most rampant Republican organ in the district. Its report of the proceedings of the convention which nominated Tuttle began in this way: “The simonpure copperhead convention met yesterday." There was some show of ex-

cuse for this characterization, from the Register’s standpoint, because the convention demanded “the immediate and unconditional restoration of all the States to the exercise of their rights j within the Federal Union,” and denounced Congressional representation j “secured on the degrading condition of i inferiority* of Southern States in the revised Union or upon enforcement of the political and civil equality of the negro. TUTTLE ON JEFF DAVIS. On July 16, 1866, the Register said: The cotton trade, which subsided somewhat after the war, is increasing in interest. Our fellow-citizen, Gen. J. M. Tuttle, Democratic candidate for Governor in 186 H. was chosen vesterday at the Congressional Convention of the possums, or kangaroos, or Democrats, or copperheads, "or any other man,” as a candidate for Congress from this district. Tuttle accepted in a heavy speech, in which he stated, as we learn, that the radical members of Congress are greater traitors than Jeff Davis. That speech was not, so far as can now be ascertained, reported for the benefit of future generations, but the editor of the Registei' met Tuttle on the street and “asked him a few direct questions,” to which he replied: “I said (at the convention) that such Republicans as Thad Stevens, Charles Sumner, and Ben Wade were just as full of treason as Jeff Davis is.” Commenting upon this admission, the Register cautioned the people against indorsing a man who, it asserted, ranked with Henry Clay Dean and Clement L. Yallandigham, and said: “Send Gen. Tuttle to Congress, if you please, and you will find his votes, every time, recorded in company with those of the factious and disorganizing traitors who have studied nights and labored days for six years to dismemoer this government; and trample the American flag in the dust!” The Register’s alarm concerning Tuttle’s guardianship of the flag has now settled in the other leg. In 1866 that journal repudiated the General’s claim to the post of honor because—“lt may be humiliating to say that the man who made his heroism conspicuous on the Union side four years ago on the field of battle is a coppehead to-day; but, however humiliating it may be, it is the truth—every word of it.” TUTTLE’S SENTIMENTS IN 1866. As the contest waxed warmer the Republican papers grew more outspoken. In the Register of Aug. 2 appears the following editorial: A few days since Gen. Tuttle, Copperhead candidate for Congress in this district, mysteriously disappeared from the city. He went to Washington and had a long confidential interview with Charles Mason and Andrew Johnson, according to the Washington correspondent of the Keokuk Gate City. The upshot was a promise from Johnson that Tuttle should have carte blanche to make all the removals from and appointments to Federal offices in the Fifth District. The correspondent avers that, in his elation at the sudden possession of plenary power in this district, Tuttle declared that “the head of every G d— black Republican officeholder in the district should come off.” The time has not come when the people of this Congressional district can be bought into the support of any man or any party, no matter though postoffices, land offices, assessorships, pension agencies, and cotton be piled mountain high to tempt them. These vague allusions to cotton were based on rumors set afloat soon after the General’s sudden return home in 1864. It was then hinted that he had come back with SIOO,OOO. The Register did not, so far as the accessible files reveal, charge him with improving chances to pass rebel cotton through the Union lines for a consideration, but that form of gossip did prevail here, and the General’s newspaper organ came stoutly to his defense. General Tuttle is not at home today, and his personal statement cannot be given here, but the defense of 1866 was to the effect that whatever money he did have then was made by shrewd speculations in gold. By watching the tide of affairs in Dixie he was able to trade on the fluctuations of success as indicated in the Wall street abodes of ultra loyalty. Perhaps that occupation so absorbed the General’s mind that he became a victim to the wily work of some fellow who looked like him at Natchez. The Register used to keep up a rattle of small arms. One day the Democratic organ remarked that “General Tuttle is not understood to be a Moses or a David.” The Reg is ter retorted: It would be a pretty fool who would make such a mistake as that. Moses was not commandant of the post at Natchez, and David lived several years before the cultivation of cotton excited the Cupidity of copperhead generals. From the fact that Tuttle was defeated by 4,392 the inference may be drawn that the people of his city and district did not believe him a model of loyalty and honesty in 1866. The change of heart on the part of the Register is due to the fact that Tutfle joined the Republican party a few years ago. The Leader does not dare to say much against him because the Democrats declared his character good in 1866, and the Register vaults over nimbly because the man whom Tuttle happens to be now abusing is the Democratic President of the United States. As Horace Greeley would remark, they either lied in 1866 or they lie in 1887. The logical chances of accuracy go with the earlier narration of events. John Sherman has two great speeches with which he proposes to win in 1888. One is his Nashville, or white shirt speech, the other is his Springfield, or bloody shirt speech. His Nashville speech had no blood stains upon it from flap to collar. John had it laundried in Washington. It was white as the driven show. It was done up in the best plantation style. When he . carried it in Nashville the people shouted: “It is a daisy.” Put when John reached Illinois his shirt was as bloody as if he had hemohrrage of nose, lungs, and bowels. There wasn’t a white spot upon it. If it had been soaked in bull’s blood it could not have been more crimson. Twoshirt Sherman for President. Oh, my! —lndianapolis Sentinel. A correspondent wishes to ask how editors spend their leisure hours? They spend them in working.

ROGUES CONVICTED.

An Interesting: Account of the Close of the Great Conspiracy Trial at Chicago. The Terdict Demonstrates that Bribery and Corruption Are Punishable Offenses. There Yet Eemain Sixty-eight Boodler Indictments on the Cook County Calendar. [CHICAGO TELEGRAM. J The apparently interminable trial of the Cook County Commissioners, charged with conspiracy to rob this county, came to an end on Friday with a verdict which hardly meets popular expectations. Leyden, Ochs, Van Pelt, Wasserman, Vamell, Wren and McClaughry are sentenced to State’s prison for a term of two years each, and Casselman, Geils, McCarthy and Oliver are each mulcted in a fine of SI,OOO. So completely convinced have the public been of the guilt of these conspirators that probably nothing less than a prison sentence for every man of them would have been accepted as satisfying the public sense of justice and adequately indicating the enormity of their offense. The vigor and earnestness which have characterized the prosecution of this ring and the satisfactory verdict obtained in the cases of MoGarigle and McDonald had led the people of this county to look for nothing less than the transfer of every one of them to the Joliet Penitentiary. The verdict which allows four of them, who in the public mind were not less guilty than tbe rest, to escape that fate, does not give full satisfaction. It is sufficient, however, to show that tho law and the courts

TTHE ELEVEN CONVICTED BOODLEBS.

are still adequate agencies for the prosecution and punishment of such offenders. The case was given to the jury at 3 o’clock p. m., Friday, and when they retired their first action was to elect A. L. Brown foreman by a unanimous vote. There was very little desultory conversation at first, ballots being at once prepared on the question of guilt or innocence. The first vote on this question resulted 11 to 1 for guilt. One more ballot settled the question of guilt in the case of each defendant, and the matter of the penalty to be affixed came up for consideration. Foreman Brown discouraged general talk on the question and a test ballot was taken. This resulted 9to 3 for three years in the peuitentinry—the heaviest punishment that can be imposed under the statute. The nine jurors who voted for the extreme penalty were very firm in their convictions, and they labored with the other three earnestly and long. Considerable feeling was demonstrated. At last the foreman called for another ballot. It resulted the same as the first, but after some more general discussion and debate in groups two of the three who held out for the imposition of a fine upon all eleven defendants were won over. The third was taken in hand and argued with for nearly an hour. This was J. D. Clark. He stoutly maintained that there was not enough testimony of a character that was worthy of consideration to warrant sending any one of the defendants to the penitentiary. He was ns obstinate in his opinion as were the others ip theirs that three years in the penitentiary was too good for all of them. He would stand a fine for all of them, but no penitentiary. And this was just where matters stood when the juron were informed that the court had reconvened. Finally some of the eleven began to show signs of weakening. They were very much opposed to a disagreement, and in this Juror Clark agreed with them heartily. Others of the eleven became less firm, and the first signs of a compromise began to be apparent. As the others weakened Clark grew firmer as to Geils, Oliver, Casselraan, and McCarthy. It began to look as though if they granted him these four his purpose as to the others might be shaken. Several were at first very much opposed to a compromise on this line; but they at last submitted, stipulated for seven for the penitentiary, and the maximum fine for the other four. Then

there was a season of labor with Clark, who thonght that two years was enough penitentiary for the worst of them. Tne suppers had not yet come, and the jurors were getting hungry. Somebody proposed another ballot, which was agreed to. This, to the snrprise of some and the delight of all, resulted in the agreement as read in court. The report of the foreman was drafted, and it had no sooner be»n signed than a bailiff opened the door and inquired if the gentlemen were ready for their suppers. They fell to with a will, and.,having fated sumptuously with npetites sharpened by the certainty of their speedy release from their long confinement, they sent word that ti ey had found a verdict and forthwith filed into court. At 8:40 the jury notified Chief Bailiff Cahill that they had agreed, and Cahill at once reported to the Judge, who was waiting in his private room. Judge Jamieson took his seat on the bench and ordered the jury brought into court. He also notified Sheriff Matson to bring in the defendants, who had all been kept prisoners in thoir private room or in the vicinity of the courtroom pending the return of the jury. The jury filed in at one door and the defendants at another. The buzz and crush of about fifty newspaper men, who at once 6warmed to the front, created some confusion for a moment. About fifty others, mostly detectives and bailiffs and personal friends of the defendants or jurors, stood up outside the railing. Bailiff Cahill rapped for order when the jury came filing in and were seated, and Judge Jamieson at once began proceedings. “Call the jury, Mr. Clerk,” was his curt order, and the same old form was repeated for the last time. “Are all the defendants present in court, Mr. Sheriff?” was the next question. Mr. Matson was there behind the back of chairs to auswer “Yes.” Turning to the jury, the Judge asked: “Gentlemen, have you agreed upon your verdict?” One or two of them answered “Yes” in an undertone, while Mr. A. L. Brown, the foreman, rose in his place wi h the formal answer, “We have, your Honor,” and handed (he document over to Bailiff Cahill, who in turn passed it up to Clerk Lee. Mr. Lee spread out the document—a sheet of foolscap—and began reading slowly and distinctly: “We, the jury, find the defendants, Adam Ochs, etc.” There was a death-like silence in tho room until the name of Buck McCarthy was reached—“sl,ooo fine”— and then there was a faint attempt at applause from somebody in the rear of the court room. At the conclusion of the reading there was another attempt at applause which was promptly squelched by a rap from the Judge and a rush by the bailiffs aud policemen gathered there. Directly after the verdict was announced each one of the defendants was asked what he thought about it. As the replies were brief tbey are given in full: Casselman—lt is something I didn’t expect. Leyden—l've got nothing to say. Oliver—l’m so much surprised that I don’t know what I do think about it. Wren—l think the verdict is an outrage. Wasserman—l do not care to express an opinion now. McCarthy—l haven’t much to say, but como to me in the morning and perhaps I'll give you something worth printing. Ochs—l don’t care to say a word. Van Pelt—l can live through the two years, and when I get back here I will live long enough to get even with the who have worked so hard to put me in this hole. Varnell—l don’t think anything about the verdict at all. I can’t think. McClaughry—l ain’t saying nothing. I ain’t going to express no opinion. Geils—The verdict is a disappointment to me, but it is no more than I might have expected. Mr. Grinnell and his assistants went back to their room after the verdict, where they were followed by “Buck” McCarthy and one or two others. A reporter congratulated McCarthy on his escape. “What in do you mean?” asked Buck, with an assumption of dire wrath. “I shouldn’t have been fined a goll-darned cent. I say it’s an outrage.” “And I’ll say,” said Mr. Grinnell, “that you should have got three years, Buck, and I make no bones about saying it, either. I would like to see you in McClaughry’s place and McClaughry in yours. You should have got the two years and McClaughry should have got the fine—that is, if either of you had to get off with a fine. ” Buck then left the room. “If it hadn’t been for Clark the verdict would have been all we asked for or could possibly get,” said Mr. Grinnell. “However, we are satisfied under the circumstances. This verdict is, of course, immeasurably better than a disagreement, and a disagreement was the only alternative.” There are no now developments in regard to McGarigle, who at last accounts

W. J. m’oabiole, tbe “cahhiku” of the boodle GANG.

was at St. Catherines, Canada. There is no likelihood of securing his extradition. Detective Mooney, in a lengthy interview, tells about his connection with the boodle cases. He says McGarigle’s escape was due to too much parsimony m the management of the case, and that the same is true of the acceptance of Clark as a juror, these being the two big blunders of the whole business.

HUMOR.

A remark-able object—A phonograph. All birds have something of an airy manner. Ax old-time play Bill-William Sliakepeire. “A Jon lot.” remarked a jocular man who bad three bods. Hanging is too good for a painting that is badly executed. Mi >tto for a hair restorer — “There’s alwavs room at the top.* Striking figures — The Roman characters on the d al of a clock. The only reason some men don’t follow the plow is because it isn’t a woman. Texas Siftings. Silence is golden, but a woman is perfectly willing to take somebody else’s word for it A woman is never so anxious to acknowledge man’s superiority as when her lead pencil gets dull. About the only time woman sees any beautiful member of her sex is when she is looking in a mirror. It is often unsafe for the people who speak of tho title of their ancestry to refer to the ancestry of their title. What is the use of pardoning a man out of the penitentiary, when if h© were out he wouldn’t need any pardon? Thk moralist calls money “woe “It’s gain should bn restricted He mav l>o right, but some we know Would like to be afflicted. —Texas Siftings. When yon see a man doubled over the over the back of a chair, with a wild look in his eye, and his hair standing up the wrong way, don’t think he is drunk, but ask him if there are any more green cucumbers where he got those he is struggling with.— Newman Independent. A Georgia lawyer complains that anybody who owns a copy of the Georgia Code and can borrow six dollars, can gain admission to tho bar of that State. The practice in Dakota is even more simple. Proof of a man’s ability to sit with his feet upon a desk for ten hours and money enough to treat the examining committee lets him in.—Dakota Bell.

A Chicago man visiting Cincinnati was being shown around by a citi/en, who said: “Now, let’s go and see the Widows’ Homo.” The Chicago man put his finger to the side of his nose and winked, und then said: “Not much, Mary Ann; I saw a widow home once, and she sued me for breach of promise and proved it on me, and it cost me sixteen thousand dollars. No, sir; send tho widows home in a hack.” —Carl Pretzel's Weekly. A resident of the rural districts was visiting Boston for the purpose of seeing the sights. The noon hour found him on Tremont row, gazing into the shop windows as he leisurely passed along. It was approaching the time for the regular noon prayer meeting in the room used for that purpose by the Young Men’s Christian Association, and as usual a member of that excellent body was upon the sidewalk, inviting passers-by to enter and participate in the services. As the countryman came up and halted by the door the young man tapped him upon the shoulder and said: “Step right upstairs, my friend; you will find a cordial welcome.” “No, you don’t,” says Mr. liusticus; “yer can’t play any of yer confidence games on me. I’ve hearn tell too much about you fellars to be caught before bein’ in the city two hours.”— Boston Budget.

Counsel for the Snake.

The relations between counsel and client in England are conducted on a cash basis. A barrister receives his fee when the brief which is to guide him in the trial of the case is handed to him. It was said of an able lawyer who practiced at the New York bar fifty years ago that he was always seized with a violent lit of coughing while a client was stating his case. If, however, the client dropped the retaining fee into the counsel’s fidgety left hand the spasm instantly subsided. Lawyers sometimes resort to strange devices in order to avoid taking cases where tlio compensation offered is not as great as they think it should be. A San Francisco lawyer once found himself in a mining town, where bis dissipation left him without money to pay his bills or to get away. One morning a man came to the landlord of the hotel where the lawyer was a guest, and said he needed a first-rate lawyer. The host said that a celebrated San Francisco lawyer was staying there, and showed the prospective client up stairs to his room. The lawyer was still in bed, but he listened with pleasure to the man’s story, thinking that a fat retainer would set him again on his feet. The case was this: Ane ghbor had a pet ratt esnake which had escaped from its cage and bitten the complainant’s horse. 'J he horse died in consequence of the bite. The owner wanted to prosecute for damages, and desired to employ a first class lawyer to bring i tit. “How much, sir, was the horse worth?” asked the lawyer, wishing to name a fee which should be in xiroportion to tlie amount claimed. . “Five dollars,” replied the man. “I am very sorry that I can’t serve you,” said the lawyer; “I am retained for the snake,” and he turned over in the bed, a disgusted man. Youth’s Companion. Every action, every thought, every feeling, contributes to the education of the temper, the habits, and understanding, and exercises an inevitable influence upon all the acts of our future life.