Democratic Sentinel, Volume 11, Number 15, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 13 May 1887 — Page 1

The Democratic Sentinel.

VOLUME XI

THE DEMOCRATIC SENTINEL DEMOCRATIC NEWSPAPER. PUBLISHED EVERT FxJDaY, by Jas. Vv. McEwen RATES OF SUBSCRIPTION. One year.... $1.50 Mi 75 •»« wnatki 5® Advertising Rates. One eviumn. one year, SBO 00 Half ouhunn, *' 40 o 1 Quarta r ' 30 00 Eighth - - 10 oO Ten per ceot. added to foregoing price if ulvortiaeniente arc set to occupy more than Angle column width Fractional parts of a year at equitable rates Business cards not exceeding 1 inch space, S&a year; $• for »ix months; $ 2 for three All legal notices and adv ertisements at established statute price. Reading notices, first publication 10 cents . line; each publication thereafter s cents a ’Nearly advertisements may be changed quarterly (once in three nponths) at the opion of the advertiser, fr«< of extra charge. Advertisements for persons not residents of Jasper county, must be paid for in advance oi first pnblic ition, when less than one-quarter column in stze; aud quarterly n advance when larger.

Alfred McCoy, T. J, McCoy E. L. Hollingsworth. A. MOY & CO., BANKERS 9 (Succegtoiß to A. McCoy & T. Thompson ,) Rensselaer, Ind. ■HO a fie; eral banking business. Exchange kJ bought and sold. Certificates bearing interest issued Collections made on al! available /points Office same place as old firm of McCoy A Thompson April 2,1886 HORDECAI F. CHILCOTE. Attorney-at-Law • ENBOELAKR. ... - INDIANA Practices |ln tho Courts of Jasper and adOinlng counties. Makes collections a specialty- Office on north side of Washington ■street, opposite Court House- vlnl SIMON P. THOMPSON. DAWID J. THOM PSON Attorney-at-Law. Notary Public. THOMPSON & BROTHER, ‘Bknbbklabb, - - Indiana Practice in all the Courts. ARION L. SPITLER, Collector -ind Abstracter* We pay nxrticular attention to paying tax- , selling and leasiag lands. v 2 n4B VX' H. H. GRAHAM, ATTOkN EY-AT-LAW, Reesdelatr, Indiana. Money to loan on long time at low interest. Sept. 10,'86. JAMES W.DOUTHIT, A TORNEYsAT-LAW AND NOTARY PUBLIC, Office upstairs, in Maieever’s new >uilding. Rensselaer. Ind. EDWIN P. HAMMOND, ATTORNEY-AT-LAW, Rensselaer, Ind. "ISr'Office Over Makeever’s Bank. May 21. 1885.

W WATSON, ATTOkNEY-AT-LAW Office up Stairs, in Leopold’s Bazay, RENSSELAER, IND. “ yy W. HARTSELL, M D HOMCEOPATHIC [PHYSICIAN & SURGEON. RENSSELAER, - - INDIANA. Diseases a Specialty. OFFICE, in Makcever’s New Block. Residence at Makeever House., July 11,1884. * « —. • ■" ~ *i i H. LOUGHRIDGE Physician and Surgeon. Office in the new Leopold Block, second floor, second door right-hand side of hall: .p Ten per cent, interest will be added to all accounts running unsettled longer than three months. vlni DR. I. B. WASHBURN, Physician & Surgeon, Rensselaer, Ind. Calls promptly attended. Will give special atter ciou to the treatment of Chronic Diseases. ..... ■ (WWW BANK, BBNSSELAEB. IND., R.S. Dwigginb, F. J, Sears, V al. Seib, President, Cashier Does a general banking business: Certificates bearing l .terest issued; Exchange bought and sold-, Money loaned on farms 11- w ist >a*.es and on motif«vorable te «Aprils Sb.

Buy Furniture at the new Furniture Store, opposite the Public Square, Rensselaer,lnd. W.&.0. •* , • * i '

RENSSELAER, JASPER COUNTY, INDIANA. FRIDAY: MAY 13, 1887.

CASTORIA

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Sk Warn® & —DEALERS IN — A Hardware, STOVES fev " 1 " of ftllßtvles and price8 ’ for 'Op Wood or Coal; MWI FARM gOWjl MACHINERY, Feld and garden! ISBBHL SEEDS, • BF &c.» &c., &c., &c., &c. B <1 <' ( apers, Eowers and Binders, Deering Reapers, Mowers and Binders, Walter A. Wood Rearers, Mowers and Binders, Grand Detour Company’s Plows. Cassady Plows. Farmers’Friend Corn Planters. C tquillard Wagons. Bast'Wire Fencing, etc. S&nth Side Washington Street, REWSSELJIER, - - XNDIAKTZ

A PERIOD OF TERROR.

Chicago Times: The people who remember the year 1864 in the history of Chicago will recall a time scarcely less frightful in many particulars than the reign of terror in France at the close of the last century. It was a year when the fortunes of the North had reached the lowest depths, and when nie triumph of the seceding States was almost one of the probabilities of the situation. It was also a presidential year, and the Democrats were presenting General McClellan as their candidate. The administration in power was determined to perpetuate itself, and to th s end it spared no effort. It is not in the least an exaggeration nor an untruth to assert that a very large, element in the party that supported the reelection ;of Mr. Lincoln preferred his success to that of the union cause. There is excellent and potential reasons for believing that had they been offered the choice of (he success of the confederates and that of McClellan they would

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have chosen the former. It was Lincoln, power, public plunder, everything, before the success of the Federal arms. Hence, there was a persistent and vigorous effortjto accomplish the defeat of the Democratic candidate. The same effort—that of defeating the Commander of the Army of the Potomac —had been commenced in 1862, when McClellan was wading thro ( the swamps of the Chickahominy. The’fear that he would then come before the people as a presidential candidate had taken possession of tne Washington regime and its followers throughout the North, and it continued to influence their action up to the date of his nomination in Chicago in 1864. The fear then culminated in what was beyond question one of the most curious and startling events in the history of w«.r. It ’s asserted that during *he mrnth of August, in which the Democratic convention met, a conspiracy was exposed which had for its purpose the releasing of the Confederate prisoners at Camp

Douglas. It is alleged that the movement began several months letere in Canada under the management of Jacob Thompbun; that several days before the assembling of the convention, large gatherings of rebel sympathizers, soldiers, and escaped prisoners took place in Canadtf, who, under guise of vis;tors to the convention were to reach Chicago. There they were to be joined by membvrs of the Sons of Liberty, Knights of the Golden Circle, and the American Knights, already organized through the West and Northwest, which force, aided by the discontented elements, was to inaugurate insurrection releas the prisoners, and burn and plunder Chicago. Such was the alleged programme of the alleged conspirators. It is added in the so-called history of this affair that the commandant at Camp Douglas became informed of the movement through agents in Canada, and that, on learning w hat was intended, he telegraphed for reinforcements, in response to which two regiments were sent her&, which remained during the session of the Democratic convention. It is aserted that the conspirators, seeing the preparation for their reception, abandoned their schemes, and no insurrection or disturbance of any kind occurred.

There were still further conspiracies. In October of the same year the Confederate prisoners made an attempt to escape from Camp Douglas, but were defeated, owing to the fact that they were betrayed by some of their own numbers A few of them did escape—not more, however, than a score. In November still another conspiracy was unearthed which originated in Canada, and which was to be commanded by the same Captain Hines who is alleged to have been assigned to t e conduct of th original movement. Concerning its character and purposes, a so-called historical account says: “It was composed of the same elements as before, and was to bn put into execution on the day of the presidential election, November 8. According to the confession of rebel officer v. nd others, the design was to attack Camp Dougla , to release the prisoners there; with them to seize the polls, allowing none but the copperhead ticket to be voted, and stuff the boxes sufficiently to secure the city; then to utterly sack the city, burning and destroying every species ov property except what they could appropriate to their own use and that of their Southern brethren—to lay the city in waste and carry off its money and stores to Jeff Davis’ dominions.”

Such was the programme. Rebels from the South and copperheads li’ing in Chicago were to seize the polls, stuff the b llotboxes with copperhead votes, and then burn down the city. What use in controlling the votes of a city that was doomed to immediate destruction? And, again, what part was to be played by the copperheads of the ci y, many of whom were large property-owners? They are credited with conspiring to burn their own houses and destroy the homes of their wives and children. In this work of first stuffing the ballot-boxes and then destroying the city the command was to be given to “Brigadier General Chas. Walsh, of the Sons of Liberty.” All will recall the result of the military commission which assemin Cincinnati and tried the Chicago conspirators. The men who were tried were Charles Walsh, Buck er S. Morris, Vincent Marmaduke, G. St. Leger Grenfel, and B. T. Semmes. In all, there were five of these conspira.ors, of whom two were citizens of Chicago. Of the five, two were found not guilty. This reduces the actual number of m m engaged in it to three. These three were sentenced —one to death and two to short terms of imprisonment. In the case of these three none of the sentences were carried into effect.

This finding three men guilty cut of the five, and hen discharging of these three without any punishment, was the outcome of the third great “conspiracy” which occurred in 1864 in the Garden City. Can anything more trivial and contemptible be imagined than this outcome of conspiracies which were to release prisoners, con.rol the vote of a great city, annihilate Chicago, and innaugurato insurrection in the North? And yet this was all there was of this gigantic movement, and which, according to some authorities,except for the vigilance of the loyalists on at this point, vould have given Chicago over to destruction, created a revolution ila the West, and might have eventuated in the establishment of the independence of the South. That there was a conspiracy at the time will not be disputed; but as to the auth rs of it there is opportunity for a diversity of opinion. The facts and logic of the situation amply justify the conclu - sion that such a conspiracy as there was concocted to defeat McClellan, and not in the least for the purpose ostensibly claimed, or as “confessed by rebel fficers and others.” How far this view of the case is plausible will be shown in the course of this article. Much apparent stress is laid by those who affect to believe there was a real conspiracy cr the existence of a secret order in < hicago. There was an order, it is true, but there has never been produced on e particle of evidence that its pur - poses were inimical to the union.. As a matter of fact its formation had no connection whatever with national affairs. It ’j>as known as the American Knights, wnd in it were some of the b 'st citizens of Chicago, among whom were such men as Buckner S. Morris, John Garrick, the present Postmaster, S Corning Judd, and others equally above suspicion of being tainted with treason. The order was instituted solely with reference to local abuses. It took no cognizant of national affairs; it concerned itself onl ✓ with issues and events having bearing on matters in and about Chicago. One not personally informed of the condition of affairs in Chicago during the years of the war can not pcssibly have any adequate idea of the persecutions, the insolences, the exactions, and the insults which prevailed. To be a Democrat was an offense as rank as treason. Such a man was a “copperhead,” a “secessionist,” a “traitor,” and all else that was vile. He was tabooed in society and boycotted in business. He was abused in the public prints and was the subjset of constant vituperation on the part of public speakers. A case of business boycott may be mentioned as illustrative of the spimt which prevailed, One of the prominent men of that period was John Garrick, a well-known lumbe. merchant, and who was successful as a business man. He is a man against whose integrity there has never been a suspicion, and whose private and business lite has always been above reproach.— He was a Democrat when the war I roke out, and continued to be so to the end, and is probably still firm in the faith at the present date. While a Democrat he was not a disuniomst. He believed and argued—for he was an excellent public speaker—that slavery could be disposed of and all the difficulties involved in the war of secession could be settled and the Union preserved without a resort to coercion. For this he was made a ta±get by the loyalists of Chicago. One of the headlines of the leading ‘loyal’ newspaper of the city headed a report of ore of Lis sp.eches with black letters like those of a poster: “Garrick* the Traitor! Spot him !’■ When Lincoln was assassinated a meeting of the; lumbermen was called to take action in the case of Garrick, and it was formally resolved by that body “that we will neither sell to, nor buy from said John Garrick, and that we pledge

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