Democratic Sentinel, Volume 10, Number 44, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 3 December 1886 — Page 3

Our Monopoly-Fostering Tariff.

J. S. Moore, in a lotter to the New York Times, taking as his tart an extract from a fipeeeh of Hon. Wm. L. Scott, made at Erie, Pa., on the 30th ult., shows in a very clear light the tribute which the tariff enables the iron and steel monopolists of the United States to levy from the consumers. Eighteen months ago Mr. Scott bought 10,000 tons of steel rails from a Pennsylvania ro.ling mill, paying $25.50 per ton theiefor—a price perfectly satisfactory to the teller. Thera was then no combination of the steel mills of the country. Sir months later a combination was effected, and now the price of steel rails is $33 per ton. The advance in the cost of producti n since Mr. Scott made his purchase does not exceed $2.50 per ton, leaving an ad vance in steel rails of $5 per ton without any necessity i'or it. The steel rail mills produce 1,500,000 tons of steel rails a year, so that the additional profit of $5 p r ton amounts to $7,500,000, to be annually divided between the seven or eight mills. The railroads, said Mr. Scott, do not pay this excessive profit. They “simply advance the money, and it is you who travel over the railroads, and who transport your merchandise and produce over them, who in the end pay this excessive profit to the manufacturers. It comes at last upon the people.” '1 he duty on steel rails is sl7 a ton. The price paid in England, when Mr. Scott bought his rails, was about $17.51). With the duty, troight, and cost of handling, the cost of foreign rails dn the United States would be about $35. The steel rail makers of the United States, by combining, forced the price up to $33. The duty alone made this possible—alone made it possible to plunder the people. In 1880. Mr. Moore points out, the total capital invested in steel production in this country was $20,975,990; the wages paid, $4,930,349; the total value of production, $55,805,210. The steel rail product of 1880 was $37,408,025; the wages in round numbers, $3,700,000, or about $5 per ton. Wages are not higher now than in 1880, and the wages paid for the production of 1,500,000 tons of steel rails will not exceed $7,500,009. This is the amount of the extra profit which the combination enabled the steel manufacturers to make—that is, the combination reimbursed themselves for the sum paid for the wages of producing the 1,500,000 tons of rails. Mr. Moore is perfectly convinced that a duty of $lO per ton would be mo o than ample, not only to protect our manufacturers of rails, but even keep foreign rails out. But it would also give consutneis steel rails $5 or $7 a (ou cheaper. A $lO duty could not possibly reduce wages, but it would materially leduce the enormous profits of the monopo ists. Mr. Moore places in parallel columns a statement made by Mr. Scott, on the authority of the greatest purchaser of steel rails in the United States, teat the p.inc pal bone of contention in the Board of Directors of a Pennsylvania iron and steel company, with a capital of $19,000,1)00, has been whether or not they should make au extra dividend of $10,000,000, and an extract from James M. Swank’s report to the Census Bureau in 1880, shoeing that the avc-raee wages paid tiro 140,978 persons employed n the iron and steel industry wire t? 393.51 for each person, and that the average hours of labor per week was sixtyfive. The average daily pay of unskilled labor was $1.24. It takes over 25,881 workingmen working 300 days per year to produce for t :emselves the equivalent of the extra $10,000,000, which, as Mr. Moore puts it, proves suo’i a source of trouble to the directors of the bloated protected iron and steel corporation of Pennsylvania.— Detroit Free Press.

The Cobden Club.

Among the strange political phenomena which we never could understand is the “round of applause” that a stump orator always gets when he stops for a moment in Ins argument, and tallies a, metaphorical dead cat at the “ Cobden Club.” We have seen this trick performed with the most gratifying success a hundred times out here in the West, not only in Chicago, but even in the country, at meetings composed of farmers and dealers in agricultural supplies. We never could furnish an explanation for this eccentricity but the excuse of boundless ignorance. That a gathering composed largely of Illinois farmers or of Chicago traders should stigmatize and denounce the Cobden Club is a phenomenon whioh cannot be explained on any theory of sanity or ordinary intelligence. If the Cobden Club existed for the purpose of excluding American products from England there would be something rational in denouncing it, but the very reverse is the case. The e is somi tning sensible in our complaints against France and Germany for ex ludii g our pork, but what sense is there in reviling the Cobden Club, which actually preveins great Britain from doing the same thing? The Cobden Club is the one supreme commercial friend we have in Europe, the one institution that may be said to’keep watch and ward over American interests in the old world, and especially over the interests of Illinois and Chicago. Every attempt to exclude Illinois products from Great Britain has been resisted and defeated by the Cobden Club; and yet an Illinois gathering will applaud the orator who selects it for censure and denunciation. There is a stone-wall stupidness in this that is not creditable to Illinois. The greatest triend that Illinois ever had among foreign statesmen was Richard Cobden. We do not mean in a sentimental way, but in a practical, material way. He was the great leader of the commercial revolution that made every port in Britain au absolutely free market for everything we make, from a ship to a paper of pins, and for everything we can raise, from an ox to a can of tomatoes. The Cobden Club is an ins itution founded on his principles and carrying out his policy. Largely through his iultuence the Illinois farmers, millers, and stockraisers are in absol te possession of the only free market for their produce among the great nations of the earth. If there were a Cobden Club in France, and another in Germany, it would be hetter for the f irmers of Illinois. When all the nations of the earth except England show us commercial hostility, we display our gre< neyed illiberal ty bv sneering at the friendly policy of th j Cold in Clu >. The Cobd n l lub exists for (he “protection of American industry,” not for its injury. The Ton party in England is largely a conspiracy against American productions. It insists ihat the English ports be closed against the wheat, and corn, and beef, and pork of Illinois. It demands the exclusion of American products from G>eat Britiin by a high protective tariff. The Cobden Club eris.s for the very pur-

pose of defeating this conspiracy, apd will not allow any tax, tribute, or impost whatever to be levied upon American products, except on spirits and tobacco: and on them “for revenue only.”— Tar-Gat he-er.

Free Trade Facts.

A correspondent asks if we can name any “free-trade facts”—if there really are “any facts favoring free trade.” We couid fill a year s Million with nothing else. The fact is that all the facts are on our side of this great discussion. The greatest theorists, tee most absolute and monumental moonshiners, are the protectionists—and they always have been in jnst this category. But let us take a few" of these facts, entirely at random, and lßt it be understood that they can be multiplied indefinitely. One of the greatest and most patent facts is that for three thousand miles east and : west, and fifteen hundred miles north and | south, between all the States of the Union, ; with the greatest po-sible diversity of local ; interests, local advantages, climate, 6oil, j mineral and other resources, general pro- j duetion, and labor and wages—free trade, absolute has prevailed for just a century, and with universally admitted beneficial results. Another fact is that the average wages of all engaged in the production of iron ore in the United States, is the veriest trifle over a dollar a day. Tho unprotected farms pay j belter than that. Another fact is that more than a hundred years.ago, when thero was no tariff at all and England was doing her best to break down the colonial industries, we manufactured pig-iron and shipped it and sold it in England—and at a profit at that! Think of this fact. Massachusetts is a highly protected Suite, with a large Congressional deb gation. In Lawrence, one of the most highly protected cities in the State, capital invested in manufactories has made a net gain of over 20 per cent, per annum for twenty consecutive years. The wages of the “highly protected” laborers • in these same manufactories is now about 85 cents a day for men and 65 cents a day for women! child-labor, of which thero is altogether too much, is “thrown in.” The Fall River (Massachusetts) protected mills pay the stockholders about forty-six per cent, per annum —and'the protected laborer about (average) $290 per annum. Cut this fact out and stick it in the top of your hat, ready for the next high tariff man that blows his ancient horn in your ear. From 1830 to 1880 is called the low tariff period; from 1800 to 1883 has been a high old tariff period. Now see the results—facts: Advance of AdvHnoe of Net Wages. Pffipes. Gain. 1831-1800, per cent,.. <0.6 1?:7 37.9 1800-1883, per cent.. .21.1 14.5 9.9 That hits hard, doesn’t it? Here’s another. For several years the combined Bessemer steel companies paid the St. Louis Vulcan Iron Works $70,900 per annum to lie idle and give them the control of the market. Yet they need protection “to enable them to better remunerate American labor.” A fact well worth remembering and quoting is that nine-tenths of our real American labor has been driven out of the “protected” manufactories to make room for “the pauper labor of the effete old wurld.” It is a fact that the protected labor of this country is but one-twentieth of the whole. Onr increase of wealth per inhabitant under low tariff for twenty years—lß4o to 1850—was 130 per cent.; under high tariff, 1850 to 1880, it was only 86 per cent. Be- | tween 1850 and 1860 it was 66 per cent.; 1870 and 1880, 22 per cent. Give this to some tariff “fact” hunter. The Manufacturer and Industrial Gazette, Holyoke, Mas 3., admits that “the English cotton weaver receives (average) twenty-four per cent, higher wages than the American weaver.” Throw this brick at the right man! —The Million ,

The Tariff and Commerce.

Tnere is a set of protectionists in this country who pretend to think, and possibly do think, that a high protective tariff' and a large trade with foreign nations can coexist; and they are clamorous for both. Even our Congressman, in his great subsidy speech, uses this language: “Other countries, with the products of which ours come in contact and competition, have aided by subsidies their commercial appliances, so far that if individual enterprise is left to cope unaided with these they must be driven out in the unfair contest.” This is but another form of saying that if we would but subsidize our merchant marine, so it could carry goods and products ns cheaply as others, we could successfully compete with the products of others in the world s markets. There is a vast deal of mooushine about the position of Mr. Price. If he is right, our manufacturers do not need the protective tariff at all; all that is required is that our “commercial applipliances” be subsidized. The argument is that our people can produce just as cheaply as any people, and can compete with them anywhere, if they can only get cheap oceau transportation. Eliminate the 1 actor of protection from our commercial policy, which largely increases the cost of production here, by means of heavy duties on the raw materials, and place in its stead a good liberal tree-trade policy, and no doubt our nation conld successfully compete with any nation in the world’s markets. But handicap ped with the tariff, such competition becomes extremely difficult, if not impossible. If our people cannot compete with the cheap productions of other countries in our own markets, how do we expect to do 60 in external markets, even if oceau transportation is free? But the fact is that a good foreign trade and a protective tariff cannot exist at the same time. If we will not trade with external nations our merchant vessels must float iu our harbor’s idle. Why is this? Simply this: The purchasing power qf a nation consists almost wholly of its productions. If we shut our markets against foreign merchandise and competition, other nations cannot tiade with us, if they are ever so much inclined to. They must be able to sell to us their productions or they cannot purchase our productions. These principles are so simple and elementary that they need not be here elaborated. All liberal men accept them ns self-evident or first truths. So when we restrict or prohibit the importations of the productions of other nations, to that extent we our trade with them. And an ocean full of vessels may be largely subsidized, and the markets of the civilized world may bo filled with Americans trying to extend our trade, and our commerce will not be enlarged to any material extent. It has always required, and always will.requij£, two parties to a sale or exchange; There can be no seller without a

buyer, there can be no exchange except between two par Lb. Trade and commerce are founded upon a necessary mutuality. If our nation would sell we must buy. If we wish to sell in the markets of other countries we must give those countries the benefit of our markets. Subsidizing our ocean transports, with the robber tariff in full operation, is like the foolish attempt of lifiing one’s self by the boot straps. It is our villainous tar.ff system that has driven our merchant marine from the ocean, and that system must die if our commerce is to revive and live. —Jackson County (117*.) Journal.

The Iniquity of the Copper Tariff.

There are many more disastrous chapters in our tariff history than that relating to the copper duties; there is none that exhibits more directly the essential immoral.ty and the certain results of ultra-pro-tection. There was never, in the first place, the slightest excuse for a duty ou copper. The sole source of domestic supply, up to fifteen years ago, was the Lake Superior mines. These could have been worked to advantage in free competition with the world. But the owners wanted a monopoly, and when everybody else was having a tariff slice they got tiieirs. Still, under the original tariff, Chilian ore could be imported, and there were large smelting works in Boston and Baltimore. This did not suit the rnino owners at all; and so, regardless of the fact that the whole country was asked to pay a tax for their benefit, and of the farther fact that the smelting industry would be utterly destroyed, as it was, to build up the mining industry, they asked and received in 1869 an increase of duty about equal to that from sto 25 per cent After this copper mining became a close corporation. The coaipnn es combined and set an arbitrary price upon their product. This every American consumer had to pay, at the same time that these same compan es were selling abroad their surplus product at prices far below the American market. Tho wages paid were those fixed by the competition of the market. The profits of the mining companies were among the largest known. These enormous profits, together with the discovery of other deposits iu Montana and Arizona, caused the mining business to be overdone. The price of the metal fell heavily. The duty was cut down in 1883 from sto 4 cents per pound. But overproduction continued until something had to be done to restore tho magnificent dividends of the past. What is the remedy? Mines arc shut down and hundreds of men will bo thrown out of employment until the price has been raised again to the level of the profit that the manufacturer requires. When the market was good, laborers received the ruling wages, not a penny more, and tho tax levied on every user and manufacturer of copper in the country went to swell the fortunes of the mine-owner. When tho scramb!e for these profits overdoes the business, and times become bad, the laborer makes the sacrifice by being deprived of work, and cut off from wages until the monopoly created by the tariff sees fit to resume business. In the history of this, perhaps tho least excusable of all our tariff iniquities, we have an illustration of the invariable working of high and useless duties. They begin in extravagant profits for monopolies, and end in industrial prostration; but, from b ginning to end, the only individual who cannot possibly gain any benefit whatever, and who bears ihe heaviest share of the loss, is the workingman. Tnis is the system by which capital has, for nearly a generation, “protected” labor for its own private emolument.—St. Paul Pioneer-Press.

Let Us Hare the Figures.

The disclosures made by Representative Scott in his Erie speech suggest a measure to which the manufacturing beneficiaries of grotectiou have no right to object. It will e remembered that Mr. Scott stated that a man who made it bis boast that he was a British subject, had pocketed $5,000 a day for 300 days, or $1,500,000 in one year, as his share of the profits of an iron and steel manufacturing concern in Pittsburgh, and that he was building a castle in his native land with what he had made out of our tariff for the protection of American labor. It will also be remembered that Mr. Sco’t stated on the authority of one of the largest purchasers of steel rails in the country—a man who knew exactly what he was talking about—that the principal bone of contention in the board of directors of a certain iron and steel concern had for some time been whether they should declare an extra dividend of $10,000,000 on a nominal capital of $10,000,000. 11 should be borne in mind that this statement was made to Mr. Scott a year ago, when the iron and steel industries were supposed to be, and for some years had been supposed to be, in deep depression and distress. Now, the thing suggested by these disclosures is that the protected capitalists should be made to disjlose the state of their affairs, or go without protection. When they apply to Congress for tariff taxes of 30, 50, 80 per cent., they say in effect that they can not compete against imported goods without such taxes. Congress has a right to know whether they tell the tiuih. Since they have the benefit of these taxes Congress has a right to demand of them that they show affirmatively from their looks just what the taxes are. doing for them. That is the least the country has a to expect from them when they ask it to cairy them on its broad shoulders. If they are rolling up wealth by millions at the country’s expense, the country has a right to know it. Tha country has been favored with many statements about wages in the protected industries, and they do not go to show (hut those who work for hire make much out of the tariff. The worker has been called on to shed light on this subjtct by tel iag what wages he gets. Now let his emp'oyer be called on to shed more light by telling what profits he gets. As long as ho is supported at the pul,lie expense the public has a right to know whether he is able to support himself. Let us see who it is that is enriched by the tariff. —Chicago Times.

“The Other Hanson.”

Over in the West Division Mr. Theo. Hanson hired a painter to ,get nim up a sign. “Dere’s a Hanson across de street,” he explained. “Dev all call him ‘Old Hanson,’ and me peoples calls ‘de oder Hanson.’ Now, do de sign right,” and he wrote out his name: Theodor Hanson. The painter was true to his orders. The sign was put up that night: “The Oder Hanson.” When doctors give a man up, his chance for life has gone. When lawyers give one up, his money is gone.

A LONG FAREWELL.

The Mortal Remains cf Chester Alan Arthur Consigned to Earth. A Large Gathering of Eminent Men Present at the Ceremonies. [New York telegram. [ The last night of the loving watch beside the bier of Gen. Chester Alan Arthur, ex-Bresident of the United States, has passod. President Cleveland and Postmaster General Vilas arrived in a carriage direct from the train at 8:20 a. m., and entered tho house of mourning. Many people uncovered their heads when the President stepped out of his carriage. Shortly after, Gov. Hill and Judge William Muller arrived and entered the house. They were followed by the Senate committee. By this time there was a nrglity throng of people on the avenue, and the windows of every house were tilled with sad faces. There were no services at the house. At 8:30 the black casket, covered with palmetto leaves, sprays of violets, and a wreath of white roses, was lifted by tee undertaker’s assistants and borne ironi the room. The siltnt form of Chester A. Arthur passed through the door of his earthly tenement for the last time, and was reverently placed in the funeral-draped hearse. As the casket came in view of the people in the street every head was bowed reverentlv, and many eyes filled with tears in the throng thus hushed in tho presence of death. "~

There was no display of pomp or ceremony, no military musio or procession, but the mighty throng of sorrowing people bore witness to their love and respect for the deceased statesman. Next came out of the residence Chestor Alan Arthur, Jr., the son of tLe ex-Presi-dent. Leaning on his arm, clad in garments of mourning, was his sister, Miss Nellie Arthur. They passed quietly to their carriage, accompanied by Mr. and Mrs. McElroy. Then came Mrs. Caws, Mrs. Ilayneworth, and Miss Arthur, the sister of the ex-President; Postmaster Masten and his wife, of Cohoes, N. Y., with their son and daughter; President Cleveland, Post-master-General Vilas, Gen. Martin T. McMahon, John H. Draper, Secretaries Bayard, Whitney, and Lamar; tho pallbearers, consisting of ex-Po-tmaster General Gresham, cx-Secretaries Lincoln and Chandler, ex-Assistant Postmaster General Hatton, cx-Attorney General Brewster, Lieutenant General Shtridan, Dr. CornO' lius It. Agnew, Cornelius N. Bliss, Robert G. Dun, Gen. George 11. Sharpe, Charles L. Tiffany, and Cornelius Vunderbilt; Chief Justice Waite and Justices Harlan and Blatehford, Senators Edmunds. Sherman, Logan, Evnrts, Hawley, Morrill, Vest, and Gorman, Gen. Stone*, and Gov. Hill. The mourners filled twenty-five carriages, but over one hundred carriages filled with friends, who had been unable to gaiu admission to the house, followed the procession to the church. All along tho line were immense throngs of people who waited in respectful silence while tho funeral train passed. As the casket was borne into the church the choir formed in two files and the clergymen passed between them heading the procession intoning the opening lines of the beautiful Episcopal burial service; tho casket was borne up the aisle on the shoulders of tbe four undertakers’ assistants, followed by the pall-bearers, the family, and the immediate friends. Alter ihe services the undertakers’ assistants lifted the casket on their shoulders and proceeded slowly out of the church, followed by the pall-bearers, members of the family. President and his Cabinet, Gov. Hill and his staff, and tho representatives of the army and navy. The remains were placed on a train for Albany, where Bishop Do ine recited the committal service at the grave. Earth was thrown in the grave and pressed down, and when the dusk of evening began to settlo on 1 orest and hill, deft hands covered the newly made mound with sheets of sod.

GENERAL KAULBARS.

A Soldier and Diplomat of Distinction. General Kaulbars, the Russian who for the last few weeks has been the subject of a large share of attention throughout the civilized world, on account of his close connection with the Bulgarian imbroglio, is less than fifty years of age. He is an able soldier, and a statesman and diplom it as well, having devoted years of close study to the politics of Europe and

the East. As the agent of the Czar in Bulgaria ho seems to have performed his work well. Gen. Kaulbars was recently recalled by the Czar. Before leaving Sofia he asked (he German Consul to protect Russian subjects. The Consul, after consulting bis Government, replied that he was williug to protect genuine Russians, but not Montenegrins or Bulgarians. This implies Germany’s censure of Russia's protec icn of the Znnkoff and other conspirators. The Czar instructed Gen. Kaulba s to confide Russian subjects to the care of France.

INDIANA STATE NEWS.

—The reports that Secretary Heron.of the State Board of Agricnltuie, has received indicate that the corn crop in Indiana is not as large as was first estimated. The stalks were badly blown down in many portions of tho State, and damaged to some extent. In the southern half of tho State tho yield has been an average one, but in the northern half the crop has been cut short by tho drought. Tho season has been fair, and tbe most of tho crop is already harvested in excellent condition. The potato crop has been reported as being badly rotted in tho ground. The report of State Statistician Peelle, just sent to tho Commissioner of Agriculture at Washington, states that the average yield of Corn per acre is 32.02 bushels, and in quality it is put at 97 per cent. He reports the yield of potatoes 97 bushels per acre, and the quality 88 per cent. —John Snyder, of Blackford County, tho man whose only relief from the effects of a strange diseaso that Ims afllioted him for some time past, was found in almost continual walking, was believed a few days ago to have walked himself into his grave. He was in tho clutches of death, but has resumed walking. Physicians say it is only a question of endurance. Death alone, they say, can relieve him from tho iron grip of his mysterious malady. Meanwhile he is doing his five miles an hour; not including rests. lie walks twenty hours out of the twenty-four. He shaves ns he walks, and takes his meals while on tho go. Ho has not been known to sleep more than four hours out of the twenty-four in two years. —A stock company, with a cnpitnl of $5,000 has been formed in Denver, Miami County, to develop recently discovered veins of iron ore. Officers: President, Spencer Augur; Vice President, Jacob Slappy; Secretary, John E. Millison; Treasurer, Wilson Nowbolt; Superintendent, Smith Roy. This company has offocted, for a bonus of 10 per cent, of the gross product, tho leaso of 320 acres, and will at once Bet a forco of men to work prospecting. —-Patrick McAdams, a man who hns been in the mining business for twenty years, met with a fatal accident at Montgomery, twenty-live miles oust of Vincennes. lie was walking throuch au entry, v.hen some one who had drilled a hole to fire a shot set his squib just iu time to catch McAdams as he passed tho room. Tho unfortunato nmu’s head was literally t.«ru to pieces.

—Masked robbers entered the house of William Blair, a farmer living near Holton, Ripley County, and compelled tho old man to produce all tho money in the bouse, amounting to $l5O. After threatening their lives if they made any attempt toward their arrest tho robbers left. Mr. Blair recognized them by their voices, and will endeavor to bring them to justice. —Fred Ash met with a terrible death a short distance below Vincennes, on the C., V. &C. road. His engine struck a tree, derailing it, tho wheels passing over him, cutting off both legs. He lived but a short time. Deceased was employed on the O. <fc M., and left the road but a few days ago to take un engine on the C., V. &C. He was a favorite with all who knew him. —Tho Grand Rapids nnd Indiana Railroad is experimenting with a now patent electric alarm, to bo used as a safeguard at dangerous railroad crossings. About a quarter of a mile from tho crossing, on the railroad, is au iron dog, and trains running over it strike a gong at the crossing, which gives passing teams half a minute’s warning that a train is approaching. —The cooperage works of M. Bierrusse, now located at Morris, on the Big Four, will be removed to Columbus at once, the City Council having voted to exempt him from taxation for eight years and donating SSOO, he binding himself to permanently locate, buy real estate, and to employ seventy hands in his works. —The Ohio Falls Iron Works have been compelled by the rush of business to pat ou three additional furnaces, making fourteen in all now in operation. The mill has been run both night and day for several weeks, in order to manufacture iron sufficiently fast to fill the orders pouring in daily.

—At Lafayette a horse driven by Harvey Busch became frightened at a train, and, wheeliug about suddenly, was precipitated, together with the buggy, down a fortyfoot embankment The horse had a leg broken and the vehicle was demolished, but Mr. Busch escaped with slight bruises. —A 12-year-old son of Bobert Goodneer, living two aud a half miles northeast of Milroy, while out hunting, accidentally discharged an old horse-pistol, the contents entering his head above the eye, making a mortal wound, from which he is lying at the point of death. —Mr. Nathan Powell, of Madison, has presented the library of Hanover College a complete set of British and American poets, 118 volumes, making a very valuable addition to the already extensive collection of the institution. —Mrs. John. W. Hickox, wife of nn employe of the Vandalia Auditor’s office at Terre Haute, was severely and perhaps fatally burned. Her clothing caught tire from a stove, and she ran into the street for assistance. —There are but five men living who have represented Indiana in the United States Senate. They are G. N. Fitch, David Turpie, Joseph E. McDonald, Daniel W. Voorhoes, aud Benjamin Harrison. —llev. T. L. Hughes, pastor o£ the First Presbyterian Church, of Sbelbyvil.e, has received and accepted a call from the Second Presbyterian Church at Fort Wayns at a salary of $2,200 per annum.