Democratic Sentinel, Volume 10, Number 37, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 15 October 1886 — Page 6

DECEMBER 3.

That Is the Day Set Apart for the Execution of the Convicted Anarchists. Judge Gary Asks Them for Reasons Why They Should Not Be Hanged, And They Reply with Argument, Denunciation, Invective, and Tirade Against Capital. The motion to secure a new trial for the convicted Chicago anarchists has failed, and Friday, the 3d of December, been lixetl as the day of execution. JUDGE GARY’S DECISION. Reasons for Refusing to Grant tlio Anarchists a New Trial. The Court began by saying that the case was bo voluminous that it was impossible, within reasonable limits, to give a synopsis. He did not understand that either upon the trial or the argument on the motion had the defense attempted to deny that the defendants, except Neebe, were combined for some purpose. The object of that combination had been debated by the counsel. It was important to know what that fact was, whether it was morely to encourage the workingmen to resist unlawful attacks, or whether it was something else. Thero was no better way than to read what they had spoken and written as to the object of the combination while tiro events wore occurring. He ■would therefore read from the files of the Alarm and Arbeiter-Zeiluny what the defendants themselves have said, beginning as far hack as Jan. 18, 1885. The court then read at length from the flies of the papers in quostion, etioosing such articles as wouid throw the clearest light upon the purposes of tho defendants. He then said: “The papers and speeches furnish an answer to the argument of the counsel, that what they proposed was simply that they should arm themselves, so as to rosist any unlawful attacks which the police or the militia might make upon them. “Now, there can bo no claim that this was a lawful object. There can bo no claim hut that the force which would extend in the carrying out of that object to taking human lifo is murder. It is impossible to argue that any set of men havo a right to dictate to other men whether they shall work or not for a particular individual, and if they choose to work in defianoe of that dictation to drivo them oft by force, and if tho police undertake to prevent tho use of that force, then they have tho right to kill the police. It is impossible to contend for any such principle us that. ” He reviewed at length tho connection of Noebe ■with the conspiracy, and dourly showed that he was associated generally with it in encouraging the movement which hod for its object the doetruetion of tho Government. Upon tho question whother the defendants or any of thorn did anticipate or expect tho throwing of tho bomb, ho said that it was a question not necessary to consider, because the instructions to the jury did not go upon that ground, hut upon the ground that they had generally by speech and print udvisod a large class to commit murder, and had left tho occasion, time, and place to tho individual will, whim, and caprice of the individuals so advised, und that in consequence of that advico and in pursuance of it and influenced bv it somebody not known did throw the bomb. Tho crime was nothing loss than murder, and manslaughter was not to be considered. If verdicts were to be set aside for the cause urged, it was a sure way to bring about anarchy, Bince there would be no way to maintain government and administer law. Tho Court closed by saying : “I think that no case of such magnitude could be tried with less in the way oi irregularity of proceeding in tho trial than in this cuse, and tho motion must be overruled.” “Prisoners at the bar," spoke Judge Gary, “for the first time during these painful and protracted proceedings it is my duty to speak to you, and call upon you individually and separately now to ask whether you havo anything to say why sentence should not ho passed upon you according to the verdict of the jury. I will iirst call upon Mr. Neebe.” SPIES SPEAKS. He Denounces Capitalists, Berates Justice and Says He’ll Die Game. August Spies rose beforo a little table upon which his notes were placed, along with a glass of water, wearing a plain black suit with a but-ton-hole bouquet, strokod his hair back over his somewhat intelligent forohoad, and perspired freely, indicating the great strain upon his physical powers which tho critical situation imposed ujion h ini He spoke for three-quarters of an hour. We present a few choice extracts from his rcmarkablo speech. He began by asserting that there was no evidence connecting him with tho Haymarket massacre, and declared that the execution of tho sentence against him would he “nothing less than a willful, malicious and deliberate murder, as foul a murder as may be found in the annals of religious, political or any other sort of persecution. “The class that clamors for our lives, the good and dovout Christians, have attempted in every way, through their newspapers and otherwise, to conceal tho true and only isauo in this case by designating the defendants anarchists and picturing .them as a newly discovered tribe or species of cannibals, by inventing shocking and horrifying stories of their conspiracies. These Christians sought to keep the naked evidence from the working people—namely, that the evening of May 4 two hundrod armed men under the command of a notorious ruffian attacked a meeting of peaceable citizens —with what intention? With tho intention of murdering them—of murdering as many as they could. I refer to the testimony given by two of our witnesses. The wage-workers of this city began to object to being fleeced too much. They began to say somo truths that were highly disagioeable to our patrician class. Thoy were discontented. They put forth somo very modest demands. They thought that eight hours’ hard toil a day for scarcely two hours’ pay was too much. This low rabble had to be silenced. Tho only way to silence them was to frighten them and murdor those whom thoy looked up to as their loaders. Yes, these foreign dogs had to bo taught a lesson, so that they might never again interfere with the high-handed exploitation of their benevolent and Christian families. Bonfield, the man who would bring a blush of shamo to the murderers of St. Bartholomew night—Bonfleld, the illustrious, with a visage that would have done excellent service to Dore in portraying Dante’s Fiends of Hell—Bonfield was the man to consummate the conspiracy of the Citizens’ Association of our patricians. And if I bad thrown that bomb, or caused it to be thrown, or had known of it, I would not hesitate a moment to state so. It is truo a number of lives were lost and many were wounded; but hundreds of lives were thereby saved. But for that bomb there would have been a hundred widows and hundreds of orphans where now there are a few. These facts have been suppressed, while we were accused and convicted of conspiracy by the real conspirators and their agents. Ttiis, your Honor, is one reason why sentence should not be passed by a court of justioe. “It has always been the opinion of the ruling classeß that the people must be kept in ignorance. They lose their servility, their modesty, and obedience to the arbitrary’powers that be as their intelligence grows. The education of a blacksmith a quarter of a century ago was a criminal offense. Why? Because the intelligent slave would throw off his shackles at whatever cost, my Christian gentlemen. “We have explained to the people the different phenomena of the social laws and circumetances under which they occur. We have further stated that the wage system as a specific form of social development would, by the necessity of logic, have to make room for a higher form of civilization; that the wage system was preparing the way and furnishing tho foundation for a social systom of co-operation. That is socialism. We have said that the tendency of progress seemed to be toward anarch-

ism: that is, a free society, without king and classes—a society of sovereigns in which the liberty and economic quality of all will furnish an unshakable equilibrium as a condition of natural order. It is not likely that the Hon. Boufield and Grinned can conceive of a condition of social order not held intact by the jiolicemeu's club and pistol, nor of a free society without prisous, gallowees. and State’s Attorneys. In such a society they would probably fail to find a place for themselves. And is thi3 the reason why anarchism is such a pernicious and damnable doctrine? Grinned has informed us that anarchism was on trial. If that is the case, your Honor, very wed, you may sentence me, for I am an anarchist. I believe with Buckle, with Faine, Jefferson, with Emerson, wilh Spencer, and many other great thinkers of this century that the state of caste and classes, the state where one class dominates and lives upon the labor of another class, and calls it order, should be abolished. You may pronounce your sentence upon me, honorable Judge, but let the world know that in the year Anno Domini 1888, in the State of Illinois, seven men were sentenced to death because they had not lost their faith in the ultimate victory of liberty and justice. We, who have jeopardized our lives to savo society from the fieud that has grasped her by the throat, that seeks her life blood and devours her substance : we, who would heal her bleeding wounds, who would free her from the fetters you have wrought around her. from the misery you have brought upon her—we are her enemies. We have preached dynamite, it is suid, and we have predicted from the lessons history has taught us that the ruling elasess of to-day would no more listen to the voice of reason than their predecessors, and they would attempt by brute force to stay the march of progress. Are not all tho large industries of this once free country conducted under the surveillance of ths police, the militia, and the Sheriff? “It you think that by hanging us you can stnmp out the labor movement, then call your hangman. But yon will tread upon the spark. Hero and thero, behind you, in front of you, and everywhere, flames will blaze up. The ground is on fire on which you stand. You cannot understand it. You do not believe in witcncraft, but you do believe in ‘conspiracies.’ You want to stamp out the conspirators, the agitators? Ah, stamp out every factory lord who has grown wealthy upon tho unpaid labor of his employes; stamp out every landlord who has amassed a fortune from the rent of overburdened workingmen and farmers. You, gentlemen, are tho revolutionists. Do you, in your blindness, think you cau stop the tidal wave of civilization and human emancipation by facing a few policemen, a few Gatling guns, some regiments of militia, on the shore? Do you think you can frighten tho rising waves back into their unfathomable depths by erecting a few gallowses in the perspective? You who oppose the natural forces of things, you . ro tho real revolutionists. You and you uiono aAt tho conspirators and destructionists. “Said tho Court yesterday: ‘These men (referring to tho Board of Trado demonstration) started out with tho express purpose of sacking tho Bonrd of Trado Building.' Well, I cannot see what sense thoro would have been in such an undertaking. But I will assume that the 3,000 workingmen who marched in that procession really intended to sack the building. In this cuso they would have differed from the respectable Board of Trnde men in that they sought to recover tho stolen property in a lawful way, while tho others sack the entire country lawfully and unlawfully. This being a very highly rc'spoctabio profession, this court of justice and equity proclaims the principle that when two persons do tho same thing it is not the same thing. I thank tho Court for this confession. It contains all that we have taught, and for which we ora to bo hung, in a nutshell. It is a respectable profession when practiced by the privileged class, but it is felony when resorted to in sell-preservation by the other class. This is order. This is the kind of order that we have attempted, and are still trying as long as we live, to abolish. “When anarchism gains its point there will not longer bo any use for policomon and militia to preserve so-called peace and order—the order that tho Russian General telegraphed to the Czar after he had massacred half of Moscow, “Order is retorod in Moscow.” Anarchism does not mean bloodshed, does not mean chaos, arson, and so forth. Thoso monstrosities are the characteristic features of capitalism. Anarchism moans peace and tranquillity to all. “It is true that we havo told the poople time and again that the groat day of a change was coming. It is truo that wo have called upon tho peoplo to arm to prepare for that day. This soems to be the ground upon which the verdict 13 to bo sustained. But ‘when a long train of abuses and usurpations pursuing unvaryingly tho same objocts evinces the design to reduce the people under absolute despotism it is their right and duty to throw off such Government and provide new guards for their future safety.’ This is a quotation from the Declaration of Independence. If you think you can crush out these ideas that are gaining ground uioro and more every day, ii you would oneo more havo people suffer the ponalty of death bocauso they duro to tell the truth, then I say you may call your hangman and turn mo and my friends over to him. We have not told anything hut the truth. I defy you to show us where wo told a He. I shall die proudly and defiantly in the cuuso of truth, as so many martyrs have done whom I could name to you, and among them is Christ." THE LESSER LIGHTS. Noebe Wishes He Was Going to Hang, Too Lingg Becomes Abusive. Michael Schwab followed tho chief anarchist, reading a manuscript speech, which he held in both hands, through a pair of old-fashioned spectacles, in an awkward position, and with a bad voice. He remarked that he would have kept silence if keeping silonco did not look cowardly. Ho went ovor much of tho same ground occupied by Spies, pictured tho sufferings aud hardships of tho working people, and extolling the excellence of socialism and anarchy. Oscar Necbo then took tho lloor, speaking without notes in a linn, strong, grating voice, with a decided Gorman accent. Ho said that he had been marshal of a procession and chairman of a lauor meeting, and for those offenses ho had boon accounted a criminal and convicted. He dovotod some time to denouncing the detectives of Chicago, called Griunell and Furtliman scoundrols to their faces, and said that Mr. Ingham was tho only gentleman among tho attorneys for tho State. Mr. Griunell had ■ caused him to bo indicted in order to crush out tho Arbritur-sinilung, but lie had*found his mistake. To-day that paper had two presses instead of one, and now the workingmen reading its langtiago owned their own paper. He explained his connection with tho labor movement, and disclaimed all counoction with the Haymarket business. 11c enumerated the various “crimes” which, ho said, he had committed, hut according to his own account those were all virtuous doeds on behalf of tho causo of labor. He pictured tho terrible poverty of tho lower classes of laboring men in tho city, and said that when “these rats wore lot out of their holes then look out.” Tho police had searched bis home and found a red flag and a rovolver. Thoy had acted like wild Indians. Ho was sorry that ho could not be bungod with tho rest of the prisoners. Then liis wife and children could visit his grave. Now they would have to live under tho stigiun that ho was a criminul in the penitentiary. Adolph Fischer explained as to the printing of tho “liovengo” circular, and said that when he would bo sentenced to death it would be not because ho was a murderer, hut because he was an anarchist. When he first began to speak Attorney Salomon advanced with the intention of giving tho prisoner somo instructions, but was received with a rebuff: “Don’t bother me ; I know what to say,” was the reply. He made but a brief address, was very sulky, and out of temper with his attorneys und all concerned. He was followed by Louis Lingg, who spoke in German. He said that tho bombs ho made were not tho same ns that exploded at the Haymorkot. He spoke in a very loud voice, and frequently pounded the table with his clenched fist in accontuation of his remarks, walking nervously up aud down the space which had been cleared to accommodate the speakers-. He frequently turned upon Mr. Grinnell and his co-attorneys with outbursts of wrath and German invectives iu a style which lod to somo approhonsions that he was about to pounce upon them. His address was simply a tirade against the police and the authorities generally. He concluded by saying that if he was hanged thousands of others would use dynumite after he was dead. He defied the law and despised its administrators, and would go to the gallows' iu the cause of dynamite against unjust opxnession of the capitalists.

George Engel spoke next, using the German ,ongue : “This is tho-first time,” said he, “I have sver stood before an American couit, and at that I find myself condemned to death. I am brought to this by the same causes that compelled me to leave the fatherland. I have seen with my own eyes that in this freest and richest country in the world there are existing proletarians who are cast out from every order of society. I saw human beings who fished out their food from the slop-barrels cn the streets in order to exist from day to day. I read of examples in the daily papers, which prove to mo that in this glorious country here are people condemned to die from hunger. I became sorry for having left my own land, and asked myself what are the seasons that could bring about such a state of things. “I have lost my respect for American laws. 1 am convinced, and this conviction no one can tear out of my heart, that the proletariat, by means of machinery, will gain power to educate themselves. Not even those can hinder it who to-day arrogate to themselves the government of the workingmen." Engel lifted his voice and flourished his right hand over his head as he cried: “In spite of all, anarchy will exist; if not in public, it will exist in private. If the State’s Attorney thinks by sending seven men to the gallows and another one to the penitentiary he can break up anarchy, he is mistaken. He can only change the tactics, he cannot stop the movement. Nothing can stop the workingmen from making bombs, and they will be used. I am convinced anarchism cannot be rooted out.” Engel wound up with a tirade against tho capitalists and coal barons. He was followed by Sam Fielden, who prefaced what he had to say by reciting a poem from the German of Ferdinand Freiligrdth, entitled, “Revolution." The first stanza was as follows : And tho’ ye caught your noble prey within your hangman’s sordid thrall, And tho’ your captive was led forth beneath your city’s rampart wall. And tho’ the grass lies o’er her green, where, at the morning’s early red, The peasant girl brings funeral wreaths,l tell you still—sho is not dead. After eulogizing the poet, Fielden declared he himself was a revolutionist; that it was only a crime to be a revolutionist when the man entertaining such ideas was a poor man; among intellectual people it was no crime. He declared ho had been arrested and indicted for murder but had been tried for anarchy. Fielden took up the Haymarket meeting and discussed his speech at great length, claiming that it was not incendiary in any sense, and that there was no excuse for the interference of the polico. In closing, he said: “Your Honor, with due respect to your years, I wish to say this, that it is quite possible that you can not understand, having lived in a different atmosphere from what we have lived in. how men con hold such ridiculous ideas. T have no doubt that you have felt that way. Yet it is well known that persons who live to a very ripe old ace very seldom change their opinions. But I impute no wrong motive in that. It is a natural result. But we do claim that our principles will bear discussion, investigation, and criticism. “If I con say anything in the interests of humanity, in the interests of liberty, equality, aud fraternity. I wouid say it now. Take hoed! take heed 1 Tho time, my friends, is not far off. The swift process of reduction of the masses into a condition of depravity and degradation, as is evinced by the ni.mbers of men out of employment, shows us clearly where we are going. We cannot deny it. No thinking man, no reasoning man, no friond of his kind cau ignore the fact thut we are going rapidly onto a precipice. “Your Honor, I have worked at hard labor since I was eight years of age. I went into a cotton factory when I was eight years old, and I have worked continually since, and there has never been a time in my history that I could have been bought or could have been paid to say a single thing by any man or for auy purpose which I did not believe to lie true. To contradict the lie that was published in connection with the bill by the grand jury charging us with murder, I wish to say that I have never received one cent for agitating. “To-day, as the beautiful autumn sun kisses with balmy breeze the cheek of every free man, I stand here never to bathe my he ad’in its rays again. I have loved my fellow-men as I have loved myself. I have hated trickery, dishonesty, and injustice. The nineteenth century commits the crimo of killing its best friend. It will live to repent of it. But, as I have said before, if it will do any good I freely give myself up. I trust the time will cOme when there will be a better understanding, more intelligence, and, above the mountains of iniquity, wrong, and corruption, I hope the sun of righteousness, and truth, and justice will come to bathe in itß balmy light an emancipated world. I thank your Honor for your attention.” Albert R. Parsons followed Fielden. With a flower in his button-hole, water, lemon, red handkerchief, and a bundle of manuscript on the taDle before him, it was seen at once that he is vain and affocted. He rolled his “r’s” and his eyes, said “me” for my, was gentle as a lamb one second and frothed at the mouth the next. He paced up and down, stood on his toes, and crouched to the floor. He aimed to be dramatic, and succeeded only in being sensational and vehement. Almost his first utterance showed the character of his address, as with dramatic gesture and intense tones he thundered forth: “I will tell the truth though my tongue be torn from my mouth, aud my throat cut from ear to ear, so help me God!” Continuing, ho said : “Your Honor, I stand here as one of the people, a common man, a workingman, one of the millions, and I ask you to give ear to what I have to say. You stand as a bulwark ; you Btand as a brake between them and us. You stand here as the representative of justice, holding the poised scales in your hands. You are expected to look neither to the right nor to the left, but to do that by which justice aud justice alone shall be subserved. Now, the conviction of a man, your Honor, does not necessarily prove that he is guilty. Your law books are filled with instances where men have been carried to the scaffold and after their death it has been proven that the murder was judicial; tfiat it was a judicial murder. Now, what end can be subserved in hurrying this matter through in the manner in which it has been done ? Where are the ends of justice subserved, and where is truth found in sending seven human beings at the rate of express speed upon a fast train to the scaffold and an ignominious death? Why, if your Honor please, the very method of our extermination, the deep damnation of our taking off, appeals to your Honor’s sense of justice, of rectitude, and of honor, A judge may also be an unjust man. Such things have been known. “Now, I hold that our execution, as the matter stands just now, would be judicial murder, and judicial murder is far worse than lynch law—far worse. But, your Honor, bear in mind, please, this trial was conducted by a mob, prosecuted by a mob, by the shriek’s and the howls of a mob, au organized powerful mob. That trial is over. Now, your Honor, vou sit here judicially, calmly and quietly, and it is for you now to look at this thing from the standpoint of reason and of common sense. There is one peculiarity about the case, your Honor, that I want to call your attention to. It was the manner and the method of its prosecution. On the one side the attorneys for the prosecution conducted this case from the standpoint of capitalists as against labor. On the other side, the attorneys for the defense conducted this case as a defense for murderers, not for laborers, and not against capitalists. The prosecution in this case throughout has been a capitalistic prosecution, inspired by the instinct of capitalism, and I moan by that by class feelings, by a dictatorial right to rule and a denial to common people the right to say anything or have anything to say to these men. They conducted this trial from that standpoint throughout. “The capitalistic press has taken great pains to say that socialists fight machinery; that we fight property. Why, sir, it is an absurdity, it is ridiculous, it is preposterous. No man ever heard one of us speak who ever heard an utterance from tho mouth of a socialist advising anything of the kind. They know to the contrary. We don’t fignt machinery; we don’t oppose these things. It is only the manner and the methods of it, your Honor, that we object to. That is all. It is the manipulation of these things. When we see little children huddling around the factory gates, the poor little things whose bones are not yet ha*d, when we see them clutched from the hearthstone, taken away from the family altar, and carried to the bastiles of labor, and their little bones ground up into gold dust to bedeck the form of some aristocratic Jezebel, then it stirs the manhood in me, and I speak out. We plead for the little ones ; we plead for the helpless; we plead for the oppressed; we seek redress for those who are wronged; we seek knowledge and intelligence for the ignorant; we seek liberty for the slave; we seek the welfare of every human being.”

JUDGE GARY’S LAST WORDS.

Passing Sentence Upon the Convicted Anarchists—To Be Hanged by the Neck Dec. 3. [From the Chicago Tribune.] In tones so low and sympathetic that those not immediately around the bench could with difficulty catch the import of his words, Judge Gary began his address to the prisoners. When he came to the formal pronouncing of the sentence, even Parsons, seemingly in spite of himself, fixed his eye upon his face. Spies listened to the words of doom with steadfast eye and defiant smile. Schwab’s face was grave and inscrutable. Neebe looked excited. Fielden pulled at nis long beard. Lingg and Fischer gave no outward signs of emotion, and Engel’s manner was as stolid as ever. Far more agitated than the prisoners was Judge Gary himself. His voice fell lower and lower. As he pronounced the words “hanged by the neck” he paused, turned in his chair, and the concluding words, “until dead,” were barely audible. The lull text of his address and the sentence is as follows : I am quite well aware that what you have said, although addressed to me, has been said to the world ; yet nothing has been said which weakens the force of the proof or the conclusions therefrom upon which the verdict is based. You are all men of intelligence, and know that if the verdict stands it must be executed. The reasons why it shall stand I have already sufficiently stated in deciding the motion for a new trial. I am sorry beyond any power of expression for your unhappy condition, and for the terrible events that have brought it about. I shall address to you neither reproaches nor exhortation. What I shall say shall be said in the faint hope that a few words from a place where the People of tho State of Ilinois have delegated the authority to declare the penalty of a violation of their laws, aud spoken upon an occasion so solemn and awful as this, may come to the knowledge of and be heeded by the ignorant, deluded, and misguided men who have listened to your counsels and followed your advice. I say in the faint hope; for if men are persuaded that because of business differences, whether about labor or anything else, they may destroy property and assault and beat other men, and kill the police if they, in the discharge of their duty, interfere to preservo the peace, there is little ground to hope that they will listen to any warning. It is not tho least among the hardships of the peaceable, frugal, and laborious poor, to endure the tyranny of mobs who, with lawless force, dictate to them, under penalty of peril to limb and life, where, when, and upon what terms they may earn a livelihood for themselveß and their families. Any government that is worthy of the name will strenuously endeavor to secure to all within its jurisdiction freedom to follow the lawful avocations and safety for their property and their persons, while obeying the law, and the law is common sense. It holds each man responsible for the natural and probable consequences of his own acts. It holds that whoovor advises murder is himself guilty of the murder that is committed pursuant to his advice, and if men band together for a forcible resistance to the execution of the law, and advise murder as a means of making such resistance effectual, whether such advice be to one man to murder another, or to a numerous class to murder men of another class, all who are so banded together are guilty of any muider that is committed in pursuance of such advice. The people of this country love their institutions, they ‘ love their homes, they love their property. They will never consent that, by violence and murder, those institutions shall be broken down, their homes despoiled, and their property destroyed. And the people are strong enough to protect and sustain their institutions and to punish all offenders against their laws ; aud those who threaten danger to civil society, if the law is enforced, are leading to destruction whoever may attempt to execute such threats. The existing order of society can be changed only hv the will of the majority. Each man has the full right to entertain and advocate by speech and print suen opinions as suit himself, and Ihe great body of the people will usually care little what he says. But if ho proposes murder as a means of enforcing, ho puts his own life at stake. And no clamor about free speech or the evils to be cured or the wrongs to be redressed will shield him from the consequences cf his crime. His liberty is not a license to destroy. The toleration that he enjoys he must exteud to others, and not arrogantly assume that the great majority are wrong and may rightfully be coerced by terror or removed by dynamite. ’ It only remains that for the crime you have committed, and of which you have been convicted after a trial unexampled in the patience with which an outraged people have extended to you every protection and privilege of tfie law which you derided and defied, that the sentence of that law be now eivon. In form and detail that sentence will appear upon the records of the court. In substance and effect it is that the defendant Neebe be imprisoned in the State Penitentiary at Joliet at hard labor for the term of fifteen years. And that each of the other defendants, between the hours of ten o’clock in the forenoon and two o’clock iu the afternoon of the third day of December next, in the manner provided by the statute of this State, be hung by the neck until ho is dead. Remove the prisoners. Cnpt. Black—Your Houor knows that we intend to take an appeal to the Supremo Court in behalf of all the defendants. I ask that there be a stay of execution in tho case of, Mr. Neebe until Dec. 3. Mr. Grinnell—lf the court please, that is a matter that usually stands between counsel for the defendants and the State. Every possible facility will be granted you, and no order can possibly be entered of record which would not be other but that will he allowed. Everything shall be granted you in that particular that good sense and propriety dictate. Capt. Black —That is sufficient. Instantly upon the pronouncement of the sentence all was confusion. Every eye was turned upon the prisoners, who rose from their seats as though from force of habit and without volition. The spectators rose also and the relatives of the condemned men pressed forward. The court called sharply for order aud the heavy wand of the crier descended upon the bar. ’ The women shrank back and the prisoners hastily resumed their seats. Only for an instant, however, for the bailiffs, seeing that it was but a burst of natural affection, let Nature have her way. Mrs. Parsons alone did not heed tho crier’s gavel, but rushed forward and threw her arms about her husband’s neck aB he stood at his chair. She hid her face in his neck and he bent his head until his face was concealed from view in her arms. Husband and wife retained their attitude for nearly a minute. Then she released him and turned away, her dark face hard aud tense and her eyes dry. As she turned away Gen. Parsons threw his arms about his brother’s neck, anil the two men hid their faces on each other's shoulders. Spies, with a careless smile on his face, shook hands with his sister and other relatives, and spoke a few reassuring words to their tearful expressions of sympathy. As he turned to go Mrs. Parsons rushed up to him, threw her arms about his nerck, aud kissed him vehemently on the lips. The other prisoners received the expressions of sympathy quiotly and filed out of court without betraying emotion of any kind, handsome Louis Lingg looking even more indifferent and scornful than usual.

Some Further Excerpts from Parsons’ Six Hours’ Harangue. Do you think, gentlemen of the prosecution, that you will have settled the case when you are carrying my lifeless bones to the potter’s field? Do you think that this trial will be settled by my strangulation and that of my colleagues? I toll you that there is a greater verdict yet to be heasrd from. The Amei-ican people will yet have something to say about this attempt to violate their right which they hold sacred. It is proposed by the prosecution here to take me by force and strangle me upon the gallows for these things I have saiu, for these expressions. Now, your Honor, force iB the last resort; it is ihe last resort of tyrants; it is the last resort of despots, of oppressors, and he who would strangle another because that other does not believe as he would have him, he who would destroy another because that other will not do as he says, that man is a despot and a tyrant, and unworthy to live. Now, your Honor, I speak plainly ; I speak as an anarchist; I speak as a socialist; I speak as a wage slave, a workingman. Now, does it follow because I hold these viewß that I committed this act at tho Haymarket?

BASE-BALL.

The Chicago Club Again Captures the league Championship Pennant. St. Louis Wins the American Association Flag—Notes of the Came. Champions in Nine Organizations. [Chicago correspondence.] The League season is over, and the Chicago Club has captured the championship for the sixth time in ten years. The standing of the clubs at this writing, with but four or five more games remaining to be played, is as follows: NATIONAL LEAGUE. Games Games Clubs— wou. lost. Chicago b 7 31 Detroit 82 34 New York 70 43 Philadelphia..... 67 42 Boston 52 59 St. Louis 43 73 Kansas City 29 84 Washington 23 87 The St. Louis Browns have again won the championship of the American Association by a good margin, as will be seen by the following table, showing the standing of the contesting clubs: AMERICAN ASSOCIATION. Clubs— Won. Lost. St. Louis 86 43 Pittsburg 75 55 Brooklyn 71 60 Louisville 65 63 Cincinnati 60 68 Athletic 55 70 Metropolitan 49 73 Baltimore 47 70 The Duluth Base-ball Club has won the Northwestern League pennant, Eau Claire being second, Oshkosh fourth, St. Paul fifth, and Minneapolis sixth. The Eastern League season is over, Newark winning the championship, with Waterbury second, -Jersey City third, Hartford fourth, and Bridgeport fifth. The Providence, Meriden aud Long Island Clubs did not play out the schedule. The Southern League championship season ended in September. The Atlanta Club won the pennant, with Savannah second, Nashville third, Memphis fourth, Charleston fifth, and Macon sixth. The Augusta and Chattanooga Clubs dropped out. Utica wins the championship of the International League. The Rochester club is second, the two Canadian clubs, Toronto and Hamilton, third and fourth respectively, Buffalo fifth, Syracuse sixth, Binghamton seventh and Oswego eighth. The Denver club won the Western League championship, beating the St. Joseph club out by four games. Leadville is third, Topeka fourth, Leavenworth fifth and Lincoln sixth. Wilkesbarre wins in the Pennsylvania State League, with Altoona, Williamsport and Scranton ranked in the order named. Portland is first in the New England League, Haverhill second, Lynn third, Brockton fourth, Lawrence fifth and the Boston Blues last.

NOTES OF THE GAME.

Pitcher Radbotjrn is sick of Boston, and wants to go to Philadelphia. He formerly played under Harry Wiight’s management in Providence. Some of the St. Louis papers are deluding themselves and their readers with the belief that the League will allow Sunday championship games to be played in the Mound City next season. Chicago has won the home and home series this year from every club in the League, as well as the championship. Detroit has lost the majority of the games with both Chicago and New York. The Cliicagos, champions of the National League, and the St. Louis Browns, champions of the American Association, will play a series for the championship of the world, nine games in all—four to be played in Chicago and four in St. Louis, and one on neutral ground. The stakes are to be SSOO a side, to be divided among the players of the winning club. The winner also takes all the receipts.

MAINE’S GOVERNOR-ELECT.

Joseph E. Bodwell, who has been elected Governor of Maine, was born in 1818 in what is now part of Lawrence, Mass. In those days they called it by the oldfashioned name of Methuen. His father was so poor that the boy went to live with an uncle. The Governor-elect of Maine has been a farm laborer, shoemaker, farmer, teamster, quanyman and granite works proprietor. The latter he still on a very large scale. He it was who opened tne granite quarries of Maine, thus giving his fellow citizens a new industry. He began to work the

quarries at Fox Haven in 1852. So small was the beginning that he used to haul the granite out himself with one yoke of oxen. He learned shoemaking evenings, while he was going to school in the daytime. He has, besides his quarry interests, a fine farm, and is known as a large importer of blooded stock. Mr. Bodwell became a resident of Maine in 1852, in the town of Hallowell, where he previously discovered a desirable quality of granite. He has been an active politician, having represented the town of Hallowell in the Maine Legislature, and has served as Mayor for ten terms, and was a delegate at large to the Benublican National Conventions of 1880 and 1884., . __