Democratic Sentinel, Volume 10, Number 37, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 15 October 1886 — Page 3

THE PARTY OF PROGRESS.

A Prominent Michigan Bepnblican Decides to Vote with the Tarty Which Fights for the In- * terests of To-day. > [From the Detroit Free Press.] Hon. Free Estee, of Mt. Pleasant, who served with marked ability in the last .Legislature as Representative from the district composed of the counties of Isabella and Clare, being elected on the Republican ticket, announces that he is through with the Republican party, whose issues are all of the past, and gives his reasons for voting for Hon. George L. Yaple and the fusion ticket in the following strong letter: To the Editor of the Detroit Free Press : I was bom a Republican. I was early taught to believe in the wisdom, the purity and the patriotism of the Republican party. ’ 1 still believe in the grand principle (human liberty) upon which that party was loundod, and from which it received its first inspiration. And I admire the lofty and noble motives of its early loaders—such men as Lincoln, Sumner, and Greeley, and the grand work they accomplished. And I believe that the success of the Republican party in 1860 was a splendid achievement for this nation, for it destroyed the power of a wealthy aristocracy which was determined to control the destmies of this nation for the special benefit of a class and to the detriment of the interest of the masses of the people. I believe that government exists for the benefit of all the governed. That what is best for the great masses of the people—what will secure the most peace, prosperity and happiness to the greatest number—is the true policy of a good government, wisely administered. That the special wants of a people are constantly changing—are usually not the same at any given time they were one, five, or ten years prior. That the present living issues are of present concern to the people, and not the issues which were settled five, ten, or twenty years ago. What may have been wise and necessary legislation twenty-five years ago, under a changed condition of circumstances at the present time may be positively injurious to the best interests of the majority of the people. The present important question is, What is best now? and not what was best five, ten or twenty-five pears ago. Matters or present moment are of present concern, and demand our present attention. A high tariff may have been necessary to enable the government to meet the expenses of a costly war, but twenty-one years after that war has closed, and the nation is at peace with the whole world, there is no sense in retaining the same high duties. lam convinced that a high tariff at the present time inures solely to the benefit of the capitalists who own and control the protected industries of the nation. And that the result is the centralization of a vast and constantly increasing wealth in the hands of a few persons, to the great detriment of the many—the establishment of a moneyed aristocracy, which now controls the Republican party, and is determined in its efforts to control the affairs of government. Even if a high protective tariff were once necessary or beneficial, it is not needed today, and but serves to enhance the profits of those already worth millions, and makes the rich richer—and by increasing too cost of the necessaries of life, makes the poor poorer. All the industries which this nation needs are to-day capable of supporting themselves by legitimate business upon a living baßis, and without the aid of any high protective tariff. Why is it that capital in its investments is protected, while labor is allowed to come to this country in vast hordes dutyfree? Are not the interests of labor —the wants and needs of the great masses of the people—of as much importance as the investments of capital ? I contend that the true interests of the masses of the people—their welfare anl prosperity—demand a thorough revision and reform of the present outrageous tariff, and a reduction of general taxation to the lowest possible limit consistent with the maintenance of those institutions of government necessary to the peace, the prosperity and the happiness of all the people. We want no more class legislation. No more building up of huge monopolies possessed with unlimited power to threaten the liberties of the people and endanger the existence of the Republic. I believe that the Republican party of to-day is not the party of freedom, of progress and progressive ideas that it was at its birth. Gradually sinco the war closed the aristocracy of the country has flocked to its support, until to-day it is chiefly controlled by rich corporations, gigantic monopolies, and selfish bosses, who care more for personal ends than the public good. By rehashing the buried past, an appeal to prejudice and a dodging of present issues they expect to deceive the people, and retain power. I believe that the Republican party to-day is at the rear, and not in the van of present progress. All tho concessions in favor of labor are reluctantly made, because money, aristocraoy, and bigotry control its policy and wield its destinies for selfish ends. Long exorcise of power by selfish men makes them selfconstituted bosses, and in their greed “tho greatest good to the greatest number" is forgotten. This is largely the trouble with the Republican party to-day. I had hoped that in the present campaign it would take an advanced stand upon living issues, and actuated by lofty and patriotic motives assert honest conviction in accord with the best interests of the people. But no! In its platform it straddles the temperance, tariff, convict labor, and other issues, with an evident desire to capture votes by assuming to please everybody and yet pleasing nobody who loves principles honestly maintained. I admire the party or the man that believes in principles, has the courage of conviction, and comes out honestly and squarely and maintains them. I aumire George L. Yaple for his frank and eloquent assertion of his honest convictions. Would there were more like him.

Let us elevate the condition of tho poor and the unfortunate. Let us elevate labor and do all that lies in our power to better the condition of the wage-workers—the toiling masses. Let us legislate for awhile in their interest and give the so-called “business interests” (which is a favorite expression, referring to wealthy magnates, gigantic monopolies, and rich corporations; a rest. A change in.the administration of the affairs of tho State will emphasize the necessity of political parties regarding the demands of the people—that others besides wealthy, aristocratic and selfish bosses have interests that must not be ignored, and that the love of liberty is stronger than party fealty. It will bo a victory in favor of the progressive idea of the present, a victory of the people over bossism and aristocratic misrule, a victory of pure motives and honest convictions over deception hypocrisy, bigotry, and abuse. I expect to receive much vilification and abuse at the hands of some of those whose party I now bid adieu because of -this statement of my honest convictions. But vilification and abuse can not destroy principles. That which iB true will live and prosper when those who malign the truth are forgotten. A grand march forward has commenced. Men will think, express their thoughts, and stand bv their convictions, independent of prior party affiliation. That which is right must and shall triumph. A past record is n.t sufficient—a good, present record is necessary to win. I believe that the success of the opposition to the P.epublican party in tho present State campaign will be best for the true interests of tho State and tho majority of its people. I have always afliliated with the Itepublican party in the past, but now I propose (and for the reasons above stated) to vote the ticket headed by the brave, honest and eloquent “Boy from Mendon.”

THE OLD ROMAN.

Ohio’s Venerable Statesman Declares His Public Dife Is Ended. [Cincinnati special.] The Thurman Club, 200 strong, tendered a rousing serenade at the Gibson House to ex-Senator Thurman. In response to repeated cheers, the old statesman said: “My Fkiends: I thank you for the honor, first of naming your organization for the old man. When I learned that you intended visiting me my heart was moved. I fully recognize that in honoring me, both by naming your organization for me and by your greeting this evening, that you have

done so from no other motive than purely and simply to honor me. You are worshiping no rising sun. I know that, and you know it. Rather you are doing homage to a setting sun. [Cries of ‘No! no!’] Ah, but it is a fact. lam out of politics, and it is for that reason that I appreciate your actions all the more. lam fast traveling down the shady side, and will soon be numbered with the past; but when I am dead and gone, my friends, when I am laid away in my last resting-place, if any of you should stumble over my grave, I hope that you may stop and think that there lies a man who was always a Democrat, and whose earnest desire and hope were for Democratic success. My public record, I think, will bear me out in teat, and I know this: that when my last sun sets I shall see it through Democratic eyes.” Following this, an informal reception was held, the Judge was presented with a rich bandana handkerchief, and a snuffbox filled with the genuine article.

A Woman’s Cruel Criticism of a Republican Senator’s Demagogical Harangue. [From the Indianapolis Sentinel.] The following are the criticisms of Mrs. Gougar, of Lafayette, after hearing Senator Harrison’s recent effort in the Star City: I listened to the eloquent address of General Ben Harrison last evening with great interest, not more for the high reputation of the man and politician than from tho fact that the speech was to be the “key-note” from which all politicians are hereafter to sound their bugle blast during our campaign. There was much in that address that I would like to ask honest information about, but I will confine myself to only those points that struck mo as being most worthy of attention: First, Mr. Editor, allow me to ask if our war is not over! I look over our country and see it so peaceful and prosperous that I have been hugging the delusion (?) that the pruning hook was occupying the place of the sword. Am I deaf to the beat of the drum, the tread of the soldier, and alive to the arts of peace? We wero told of the terrible sufferings of the Union soldier because of his niggardly pensions ; and all this was laid at the door of the Democratic administration. If the Union soldier is in this condition, will you be good enough to tell me what the Republican party was about for twenty years of its power, just preceding the two years of the present rule, that it did not deal more justly with him? Great fnult was found that Union soldiers wero not holding the postoffices under the present administration. Will you tell me how many editors held the postoffices in this country who nover smelled gunpowder, while Union soldiers hobbled about on crutches, eking out precarious livings, during the last few years of Republican rule ? Could not a Democratic orator put another side to the eloquent gentleman's tear-drawing period on this point? Mr. Editor, our Government has dealt most generously with the soldiers, and if needs be let us haVe homes established, as was advocated last night, for those disabled in tho country’s service; but, sir, I protest against the kind of campaign oratory that tends to keep up sectional strife in our country and rekindle the animosities of the war. Such political claptrap should be spurned by the ex-soldier more earnestly, if possible, than by any other man, for he is the one who has done the mo3t to preserve the oneness of our people. Mr. Cleveland Jwas arraigned most severely for appointing ex-Rebel soldiers to public office ; but, Mr. Editor, who made this possible ? I answer, tne Republican party in power that granted a general amnesty to these men. From that moment a Rebel soldier stood in the eyes of the law on a par with a Union soldier. Mr. Cleveland has availed himself of this fact only, and by tho appointment of these men he has carried out the spirit and the letter of the act of the Republican party; also by these appointments he has healed up much of the bitterness of the past, and bridged the bloody chasm that will enable our people to march together, in a solid phalanx of patriots, to thwart new enemies that threaten us, not in se'etions, but the Union over. Mr. Harrison’s speech struck me as a heartless “keynote” that was sounded to deaden the conscious throbbings of the pulse of the people. It is not the issues of the late war that our people are.thinking about; it is the issues of the war that is upon us with the saloon, tho liquor traffic; out not one word did Mr. Harrison utter on this momentous question. In his attempt to draw tears about the “measles” one could Bee, not faintly, the pale, tear-stained faces of wives of drunken, debauched men, half-starved children, and a long line of misery that calls loudly for redress at the hands of our law makers; but for these poor souls Mr. Harrison had not so much as a thought, Mr. Harrison tried to stir np a feeling of indignation in behalf of the Mississippi politician who had been threatened if he persisted in running for office, but he had not one word of condemnation for that element in politics right here at homo —the saloon-atic rule, that boycotts, defames, bums, and murders to keop itself in money. Has not Mr. Harrison road of the recent murder of a Haddock ? There is much complaint that no interest can Be awakened in the present campaign. Is it any wonder when men with the ability and power of General Harrison go out among the people with such dead issues as he presented to his large and intelligent audience last night? I believe tho time is at hand wlion tho people and the press should step out from under the whip of political partisan xule, and fearlessly criticise such men and measures as retard the unity and progress of the people. The address of Hr. Harrison last night, and all others that follow it on the same note, can do no good to a people who have long since buried the bitterness of war and are moving on the ranks of new enemies that threaten us on all s-ides. Helen M. Gougar.

A fair specimen of Southern sentiment about the President: “That man is as blind as a bat,” says the Lynchburg Virginian (Dem.), “who doesn’t see that Cleveland is to-day the strongest man to-day in the Democratic party with the masses of the people; and that he is the only man among them all who would stand a ghost of a chance to be elected President if the election should come on at this time. And it is our opinion that this state of things will be more evident than it is now when the election does occur, two years hence.” And this from the Raleigh (N. C.) News (Dem.): “The truth is that the President is daily growing in the confidence of his party and of the whole people, and deservedly. His administration, conducted as it is in accordance with the principles of Democracy, is proving one of the most acceptable in our history to the whole country.” D. B. Eaton on Civil-Service Reform. Dorman B. Eaton expressed great satisfaction with the progress of the civil-ser-vice reform in an interview to-day, and said he thought that President Cleveland would extend its limits. Ho considered the failure of the attacks of Randall and Vanco on civil-service relorm as proof that the principle is deeply rooted. He said that he thought that Collector Magone would carryout President Cleveland’s ideas, also that the Democrats would nominate Mr. Cleveland in 1888. In regard to his recent controversy with Mr. Oberly in the columns of a New York newspaper, he said: “I have no personal animosity toward Mr. Oberly, and my letter was simply to correct some wrong impressions. I think Mr. Oberly will do first rate; he was new to civil service'*and its workings.” —New York telegram.

FREE ESTEE.

“A HEARTLESS KEYNOTE."

Cleveland and the South.

ORGANIZED LABOR.

Annual Address of General Master Workman Powderly, of the Knights *f Labor. Decent Strikes Touched Upon, and the Blame for Deeds of Violence Located. To the members of the General Assembly: If we are guided by the experience of the past, and act accordingly, we can place the order upon a footing so safe and sure that no assaults from its enemies can injure it. If we are not guided by that experience, if we fail to read aright the signs of the times, and we close this General Assembly without having improved on the past, we will fail to properly represent those who sear us here. Tho rapid increase in organization since the Hamilton session of the General Assembly was most marvelous. An examination of the reports of the General Secretary-Treasurer for the year ending July 1, 1886, will show that in one year 4,018 assemblies bave been organized.' The new members so suddenly brought together could not bo properly assimilated. Thousands have been attracted toward the order through mere curiosity; others have come for purely selfish motives ; while the groat bulk of our now recruits have joined us for tho good that they could do. Quite a few have entered our order for the purpose of redressing their existing wrongs, and, beforo waiting to learn anything concerning the duty of the Knight to the order, have plunged into rash and ill-considered strikes. The troubles coming from this direction began while the last General Assembly was in sossion. The car-drivers of St. Louis were organized under promise from the Organizer that they would receive aid, unstinted, in case of a strike. Even before the receipt of their charter they were on strike. Their proceedings were characterized by such utter disregard for our laws and teachings, that the paid and known agents of their employers, the detectives, had no difficulty in securing the passage of motions of a violent character. It is an established fact that men who were employed by detective agencies stood up on the floor of that assembly, made inflammatory speeches urging men to deeds of violence, and urged that the property of the street-car companies be destroyed. It was only the good sense of the men that prevented such outrages from being perpetrated, although these agents of a nefarious spy system induced some desperate men to blow up tho cars upon the streets. For these outragos the order was In no way responsible. The Bt. Louis cor troublos wore but the beginning of tho tidal wave of strikes and boycotts which swept over the country, and which strained tho strength and resources of your general officers almost beyond their powers of endurance. The Southwest strike began when the time and attention of the general officers were takon up with other matters of vital importance. No notice of the contemplated action was given to us, and we knew nothing whatever concerning it ortho causes leading to it until it had been in progress several days. It has been asserted that I condemned tho men while they were on strike. No such statement ever escaped my lips. The only statement of mine that could be made to apDear in the light of a condemnation was that contained in iny secret circular of the 13th of March, a copy of which is herewith submitted. I did not not approve of that strike. I could not do so, since confidence enough was not reposed iu the General Executive Board to give them a chance to examine into the grievances which the members of District Assembly lul complained of. It was only when the threat was made to stop every wheel in the United States and engage the whole order in the difficultv that I raised my voice in denial. I did that in defense of the order and the country. lam quite willing to assume all the responsibilities attached to the act, and would do the same thing again undor similar circumstances.

That the men of tne Southwest suffered ■wrongs is true ; they were many and grievous ; and it is my firm belief that the railway companies, with a full knowledge of what these grievances were, precipitated the fight themselves at a time when it would appear to the world that the strike was for an insignificant cause. I can do no better than to submit the report of Brothers Litchmftn and McGuire. These two members were by me personally detailed to go with the Congressional Committee, and with that committee examine into the strike and its causes, so that an early report might he made to tho order by its own representatives. If the position which I took during tho strike was wrong, then the entire order sustained me in it, for when I issued the appeal for aid to support those whom the companies refused to treat with, I was generously sustained, as a reference to the report of the General Secretary-Treasurer will Bhow. The documents and correspondence relating to that strike are at your disposal. The eight-hour strike which took place May 1 was not successful except in cases where employers and employes were acting in harmonv, or where employers were willing to adopt tho plan. In many cases the old system of working long hours lias been revived. The Federation of Trades recommended the Ist of May, but adopted or suggested no definite plan by which the short-hour system could bo inaugurated. I cautioned our members against rushing into this movement. I had the right to do it, and am firm in the belief that had I not done so great loss would have been entailed upon vast numbers of our assemblies. What I said in my secret circular of March 13 has been severely criticised, and I have been accused of opposing the eight-hour movement. .No statement ever was further from the truth. I opposed tho striko of May 1 because I know that neither workmen nor employers were ready for it, because the education which must always precede intelligent action had not been given to those most in need of it, because no definite, business-like plan for the inauguration of the eight-hour movement had been mapped out. In fact, no preparat ons had boon made to put the plan, if it can be called a plan, into execution. Those are the reasons why I opposed the movement May 1, and for these same reasons do I still oppose it. A reduction of tho hours of labor is a necessity, and sooner or later must be had; but we must not forget that in many places the tenhour plan has not been adopted yet. It may do very well for an organization which looks ufter the interests of but one craft, or calling, to neglect those who stand most in need of helu, but a Knight of Labor must never close his eyes to the wants of tho humblest of his fellowcreatures.

The very discussion of the sudden introduction of tho eight-hour plan injured business, so much so that iu many places men were reduced to half-time, or thrown out of employment altogether. Millions of dollars’ worth of work was left undone because of the uncertainty In regard to taking contracts, or in making engagements to perform work. Never was it more clearly demonstrated that “an injury to one is the concern of all” than in the movement lam speaking of. The house-builder, through uncertainty as to hdw many hours of labor his employes would work for him, made no contracts to orect buildings, and the carpenter was thrown out of employment; the man who made the windowglass, the man who made the nails—in fact, every man or woman engaged in the manufacture of articles which go to build or furnish a house —suffered through the attempt to enforce tho eight-hour system May 1. The move was in the right direction, but the time and circumstances were not suitable. Before the eighthour plan is adopted the Knights of Labor and the trades unions of America must lay aside their jealousies and differences, come together, name a day on which to put the pian into execution, adopt the plan of action, which must be gradual and such as will not inflict injury upon either employer or workman. The plan presented by Mr. Norton, of Chicago, to the special session of the General Assembly at Cleveland is a good one in nearly every particular, and if the workingmen's organizations and the manufacturers’ associations agree upon putting into practice such a plan it can be done without jar or friction. No workingman need strike, nor need business

be unsettled. Why should it not be done? Either adopt a plan for the perfection of this idea, cr else place it in the hands of the incoming General Executive Board, with instructions to perform the duty. If we do not do either let us strike the twenty-first declaration from our preamble and no longer proclaim to the world that we are in favor of eight hours for a day’s labor. Before a short-hour system that will be of any benefit to mankind can be inaugurated the relation which the workman bea s to the laborsaving machine must undergo a radical change. Shorten the hours of labor under our present system, and the streets will not be emptied of their idle thousands. More machines will be erected, and more children called into service to feed them. The assertion that the advocate of short hours desires to stop production is false. It is to make production gradual, healthy, and have it keep peace with the wants of the consumer, keeping all men omployed, so that idleness will disappear, and the producer remain a consumer to his fullest capacitv, that we desire a shortening of the hours of labor. Visit our large and small factories, and you find toot the mechanic of the past is but the feeder of the machine of the present. We already hear Of machines in course of perfection which will set the typo and mold tho cigars faster than human hands can do tho work ; and electricity will soon take tho throttle-lever from the hand of the man who runs the locomotive. The day will soon dawn when these agencies will be doing their work ; and, when that day does come, the mechanic, now so proud of his calling, will stand face to face with the alternative of asking for charity, or the ndoptkm of the calling of the street scavenger. When that day comes, the man who now seeks to array labor against labor in asserting that the “3 a day man should not move in the same society circles with the man who works for $1 aday" will oither seek to crowd the SI a day man out of his place or accept the crumbs of charity to sustain life. History will repeat itself, and the fight for existence will be waged with unrelonting fury. The machine must become the slave of the man, instead of keeping the man in attendance on and subordinate to tho machine. A plan of co-operation through which the workman may control the machine he operates must one day supersede the present »ystem. To properly map out such a plan requires more time than I have had or am likely to have at my disposal. I can only co-operate with others in the work. Tho thirteenth article in our declaration of principles reads : “The prohibition by law of the emplojment of children under fifteen years of age in workshops, mines, imd factories.” The end sought for in carrying this declaration into effect is not that the child may livo iu idleness ; it is not that more adults may be employed. It is that the child of the poor man may be enabled to acquire an education to equip him for the duties which will in future fall upon him as man and citizen. We cannot afford to pass this question by and legislate on some simple question of trade discipline. The question of child-labor and education is the most imwortant that can come before us now or at any other time. With an education all things are easy of accomplishment; without it, hope itself almost dies, and liberty is a farce. In our organizations of labor—and it has been so from the beginning—we tako up the work of reform when the subject is advanced in years—the new member must be above 16 years’ before we admit him. We att nipt to drive from his mind the false ideas gathered in from the workshop, or, possibly, the street comer. His habits are formed, and the work that should have been begun at seven years we take up at twenty or later in life. To attempt to settle so intricate a question as the one we are grappling with, or to successfully solve the question, is a task so difficult that 1 do not wonder that men drop out of the ruhks of labor organizations discouraged and hopeless. To make the necessary progress we must begin with the child and see to it that he has an education. If the principles of the Knights of Labor are right—and few men question them—we should teach them to tho young. It should be a part of the duty of every assembly to ascertain the number of children who do not attend school in its vicinity, learn what the causes are, and take steps to have them attend school.

The sword may strike the shackles from the limbs of tho slave, but it is education and organization that make him a free man. He is still a slave whose limbs alone have been freed. Of what avail is It to say that we are laboring to establish a system of co-operation, when that which is most essential to the success of co-operation is lacking? A business training is necessary to successfully carry on a co-opera-tive enterprise. If the management of the large or small concerns now In operation in this country were turned over to us to-day we would but run them into the ground, for we lack the business training necessary to successfully operate them. Our vanity may prevent us from acknowledging this to be true, but wo cannot deny it. It is through lie fault of ours that it is true, but if it continues it will be our fault. I ask that a special Committee on Education be appointed to prepare and recommend to this General Assembly a plan for the better education of the American youth. The trouble with trades unioes In which certain of our members and assemblies bave been engaged was greatly mugnifled and distorted. The proceedinge of the Cleveland special sossion of the Goneral Assembly and tho report of the General Executive Board submitted to you to-day will be sufficient. I need not enter into details further than to say that there wore mistakes made on both sides. Some of our organizers have been so zealous in their way of organizing that tney have encroached upon the prerogatives of other associations, and on several occasions the rights of our members have been seriously interfered with by members of trades unions. Since the special session of the General Assembly over fifty cases of dispute between parties of our order and other societies have been placed before me for adjustment. It was not necessary to place those cases before the General Executive Board. A few lines in each instance was sufficient, and the trouble ended. To dig up past troubles is unnecessary, and, in consultation with prominont men of tho trades unions, I was gratified to learn that they had no desire to revive the past. For the future I recommend that all matters likely to creato a breach of tho peace between our order and any other bo at once submitted to the executives of both organizations. If a trade union complains of any action on the part of our order, let the aggrieved party submit the matter to tho president of his union ; he to investigate, and failing to effoct a remedy, to place the matter before the General Master Workman and Executive Board. If the aggrieved party is a member of an assembly of the Knights of Labor, let tho same mode of procedure be gone through with, and, above all things, let a sneedy and impartial investigation and an immediate settlement be made. This plan has worked well in every new case called to my attention since the Cleveland session, and it is worth of adoption. S;More trouble has been caused us by men who profess to be members of tho Knights of Labor than by members of trade Unions.' I respect the man who, being a member of a trade union, does everything honorable in his lower to defend and perpetuate his organization; but for the Knight of Labor who would even attempt to subordinate our order to any othor I have nothing but contempt. In my estimation there is but one place for such a man, and that is on the outside of our order.

If the representatives of tho trade unions and of our order come together, and both uro sincere in their dovotion to their respective organizations, an honest and satisfactory solution of every difficulty can be arrived at. No sacrifice of principle or regard for either organization need attend such a meeting. But the man who through fear, policy, indifference, or a desire to acquire popularity, neglects the interest of the order he represents is not honest, and should not be allowed to act in any capacity for any society of workingmen. With the session of the General Assembly only three days away, it would not be possinle for me to say all that I would like to upon the questions that will come before us. My time has been entirely taken up with tho detail work of the order, and I was forced to neglect this duty in order to give any time or attention to a preparation for the coming of the General Assembly. It will surprise you to learn that even at this moment, when every member knows full well that we are assembled in general convention, Secretaries and members are addressing me at my office in the expectation of receiving an immediate reply. Letters and telegrams by the hundreds will flow In upon me even while the General Assembly is in session.

The duties which called me away from home for the greater part of the year that has closed made it impossible to give proper attention to my correspondence. To road each letter addressed to me would occupy every moment of the twenty-four hours, leaving no time to answer or dictate an answer to any of thorn. I attended to all that I could, and the others will never be reached. If this is neglect of duty, then lam guilty; but I have no apology to offer. I did all that I could do—more could not be expected of me.

INDIANA STATE NEWS.

—A short time sinco, Peter Seagle. James Turner, and George Parks, alias Ed McClaren, held at Warsaw for burglary and larceny, overpowered the Sheriff and escaped from jail. Ho had entered the large cell where the prisoners were confined for the purpose of replcuishiug the fire. In stooping to pick up the coal-scuttle, he was suddenly seized by Seagle and held until Turner and Parks secured the jail keys, unlocked the door and escaped, when Seagle threw the Sheriff to tho Hoor and rushed out, knocking down the Sheriff’s wife in his flight. The Sheriff recovered himself in time to draw his revolver and prevent tho escape of tho other prisoners confined iu jail. No trace has been found, as yet, of the escaped thieves, although a vigorous search has been iustituted, and a reward of S3OO offered for their capture and r?turn. Seagle is a Chicago man, and was arrested about two months ago for complicity iu the burglary of the store of S. L. Ivetring, at Syracuse. Turner and Parks hail from Fort Wayne, and were held for burglary of tho Pennsylvania depot at Etna Green. —Leonard Mills, an employe at Clift, Williams & Co.’s planing mill, at Terre Haute, was whirled around a pulley shaft and killed. lie was trying to tie a loose belt to a nail when tome of the slack caught in a pulley. It caught his anti, and instantly he was being thrown around with tho fast-revolving pulley, the body flying at full length. After a half-dozen revolutions the arm was pulled from its socket, and the thou lifeless man thrown to tho floor. The body was badly mangled and the arm ground to pieces in the belt and pulley.

—A man, aged 75 yonrs, living in the northern edge of Monroe County, com- . mitted suicide recently by hanging. Ten days prior to the hanging ho made a contract for his future wants, by deeding his laud, some eighty ncres, to the man with whom he was living at tho time he committed the act. Some time since, he had disposed of part of his laud, taking in payment therefor notes to the amount of SI,OOO, on which he could uot realize anything, imd which iu supposed to have caused him to thus tako his life. —The farmers of Benton County are greatly discouraged because hog cholera of a most malignant typo has made its appearance among their herds. Owing to the immense corn crop they expected to realize handsomely this year by feeding for the market, but the disease lias made such inroads upon their droves that few will be left for shipment. In some instances herds of eighty to 100 have been attacked by it and overy one died. • —A distressing and fatal accident occurred at Austin, Scott County, by which a teamster lost his life in descending a steep hill with a wagon heavily loaded with lumber. The horses became unmanageable, and he was thrown violently to tho ground, the wheels of the wagon passing over his left shoulder and breast. They, crushed him into a shapeless mass. He lingered in terrible agony for two hours, when death ended his sufferings. —Near Columbus, on Thursday, four bridge carpenters were carrying a heavy timber on a trestle-work, which was undor water, when one of their number stepped on a half-inch spike, which passed entirely through his foot. To loose his hold would have been douth to all of them, and for fifteen minutes lie stood with the spiko penetrating his foot, at the same time lifting his shuro of the timber. His condition is precarious. —As a passenger train was nearing Orleans recently, a farmer's team of two horses and a heavy wagon took fright and started across the track. The engineer managed to stop w’itbin ten feet of them, when they started straight up the track over cross-ties and over two cattle-guards, running a distance of two miles, receiving only a few scratches, and the driver was but slightly hurt. —Some time ago tho Cumberland Telephone Company brought suit against the Evansville City Council for maliciously destroying their wires and poles. The Council waived an examination, and thus threw the matter into the hands of the grand jury, and that body has ignored the charges, thus putting a stop to criminal proceedings. —An old man who has a wife and five children was this week sent to the Montgomery County jail for ten days, and disfranchised for two years for stealing half a bushel of corn and an arm-load of wood. The theft was committed on Monday night, and on Tuesday morning at 9.30 o’clock he received his sentence. —Three burglars entered the church at Notre Dame and stole two gold and silver crowns, set with jewels, which they broke to pieces, with the intention of carrying them to a Chicago “fence.” When they reached South Rend officers captured one of the burglars, and secured the booty. —A productive vein of gas was struck on a farm, near Oxford, Benton County, by parties prospecting for a Chicago company. The company .has since leased fifteen hundred acres of land surrounding the well, and are already preparing to mak the discovery a source of profit. —The Odd Fellows’ Hall, at Mauckport, Harrißon County, was destroyed by fire, entailing a loss of $3,000 on the building and tho stock of goods owned by Mr. Rosenburg, who occupied the first floor. The insurance amounted to SI,OOO, S6OO of which was on the building. —Recently the body of an unknown man. was found floating in the. St. Mary’s River, just west of Fort Wayne. There were no papers on the body by which it could be . identified. Foul play is suspected.