Democratic Sentinel, Volume 10, Number 28, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 13 August 1886 — Page 3

SAMUEL J. TILDEN.

The Great Statesman Passes Away Suddenly, After a Short Illness. Democrats Throughout the Country Deeply Impressed by the Loss to Their Party. The News In Washington and Elsewhere—A Sketch of the Deceased. Ex-Governor Samuel J. Tilden died suddenly :«,t his country residence, Greystone, near Yonkers, N. Y., on the morning of Wednesday, Augusts His death, though possible at any time on account of his age, was entirely unexpected. He had been suffering for a few hours from nausea and diarrhea, and was attended by Drs. Simmons and Swift. From this attack he partially recovered, but following shortly after came a sudden stoppage of the heart's action, and death ensued. The last hours of the deceased statesman were peaceful and painless. For several months past Mr. Tilden had enjoyed unusual health for him. He had gained in flesh thirty-five pounds in six months. He used his yacht Viking frequently, and took long carriage rides daily. His face was familiar to the people of Yonkers, and he frequently drove through the streets of the city. The last time . he went out was on Sunday, the 2d, when he was driven out by his faithful coachman, Denis O’Hara, attended by his valet, Louis Johanis, both of whom have been in his service for years. Saturday, 31st ult., Mr. Tilden was taken with a slight chill while sitting on a porch overlooking the Hudson Biver, and was removed to his room, where he was attended by his friend and physician. Dr. Charles E. f-immons, of New York. The cold settled in Mr. Tilden’s bowels and stomach, causing vomiting and purging. He felt much better cn Sunday, Monday, and Tuesday. On the night cf Tuesday Mr. Tilden was taken again with the same symptoms while in the parlor, and was supported to his room bv his valet and private secretary. On reaching his room the ex-Govem-■or had much trouble in breathing. This alarmed his friends, and Dr. Simmons was called. The patient was in great distress. The difficulty in breathing ceased after a while, and he was placed in bed. Later he was assisted to an easychair. Dr. Simmons remained with him a'll night. Early Wednesday morning Mr. Tilden began to grow worse, and was again placed in bed. The generaticn of gases in his stomach nnd bowels distended them and interrupted the action of the heart. A second attack of the -difficulty in breathing recurred, and Dr. Swift of Yonkers was called in consultation, but when he arrived at Greystone Mr. Tilden was beyond the reach of all medical skill. INo words were uttered by Mr. Tilden after Dr. Swift’s arrival. He remained conscious to the last. The labored breathing grew fainter and more feeble, and at 8:45 a. m. the ashen pallor of death slowly crept over the countenance. Five minutes later Mr. Tilden breathed his last. At the time of Mr. Tilden’s death the only persons in the room were Drs. Simmons and Swift, Miss Anna Gould, a relative and amanuensis of the dead man, and Mr. Tilden’s valet. As soon as the news of ex-Gov. Tilden’s death reached the Mayor of Yonkers the flags on the city buildings were placed at half-mast. The feeling of regret was universal. The President Hears the News. President Cleveland was the first man in Washington to receive telegraphic news of Mr. Tilden’s death. Speaker Carlisle and Senator Beck were with the President when the news reached him, and observed that he was visibly affected. The President sent out word that he would see no more callers except members of the Cabinet. The Cabinet officers called one by one as promptly as they heard the news from Greystone, and in conference with the President an announcement of Mr. Tilden's death was prepared. The President sent to Col. S. J. Tilden, Jr., at Yonkers, the following dispatch: “I have this moment learned of the sudden death of your illustrious relative, Samuel J. Tilden, and hasten to express my individual sorrow in an event by which the State of New York has lost her most distinguished son and the nation -me of its wisest and most patriotic counselors Gboveb Cleveland. " Demonstrations of Grief. When the news of Mr. Tilden’s death reached Washington it was received without surprise. On motion of Mr, Morrison the House unanimously adopted the following resolution: “That the House of Representatives of the United States has heard with profound sorrow of the death of that eminent and distinguished ciiizen, Samuel J. Tilden. ’’ Flags were placed at half-mast all over New York in witness of the sorrow felt over the death of Mr. Tilden. The news spread rapidly, and was the principal topic of conversation i’n all public places of tho city. The Board of Sachems of Tammany Hall adopted resolutions deploring the death of Mr. Tilden, eulogizing his character, and recommending that the meeting-room of the society be draped in mourning; that the flag on Tammany Hall be displayed at half-staff from sunrise until sunset each day until after the funeral ceremonies, and that tho society attend the funeral. The New York Park Commissioners also passed -eulogists (resolutions. Fla gs were placed at half-mast in Detroit, and preparations were made for draping many of the buildings. The common council of Yonkers passed resolutions of sympathy for the family of the •dead statesman. Gov. MeEnery oi Louisianna issued a proclamation eulogizing Mr. Tilden and recommending that all public offices in the State be closed on the day appointed for the funeral, and that the proper military apd civil honors be paid to his memory. Public business was suspended at New Orleans, the city buildings were closed, and the flag on the City Hall was placed at halfmast. Governor Hill, of New York, issued aproclamation announcing the death of Mr. Tilden, reviewing his career, and directing that all flags on public buildings of the State be displayed at half-mast until after the funeral, and that all citizens unite in giving expression to their rogret. Opinions of Public Men on the Probable Effect of Mr. Tilden’s Death. Senator Kcnna—l don’t think Mr. Tilden’s death will cause any sort of disturbance in politics. He had retired from the political arena so far as it rested with him to do. Naturally his advice was sought. Senator Beck—He was a big man. but his death will not cause any trouble in the party. No man in the party is essential to this world. Samuel J. Bandall —It is sad news. All our old chieftains are dripping off. 'Tis a great loss. Fitz-John Porter—The loss will fall very heavily on the Democracy. Mr. Tilden was regarded as a mentor by many of the leaders of the party, and they will now be at a great loss where to go for advice. I doubt if they can ever replace him. Senator Murphy, of New York—lt seems to . me that the Democratic party is rapidly going to pieces. All of its shining lights are being taken away by the hand of death. Mr. Tilden was a man whom the Democratic party can never replace. Senator Plunkett, of New York—Samuel J. Tilden's loss will be felt for many a day after he is laid to rest, and there will never be found a man to take up the party’s cause where he laid it down. Judge J. L. Chipman, of Detroit—Mr. Tilden's death entails a great loss on the country. He was a sage—an adviser, not of his party only but of the nation. Sketch of Governor Tilden’s Career. Samuel Jones Tilden was bom at New Lebanon, Columbia County, N. Y., in 1814. His ancestors were among the early immigrants to Massachusetts, where they settled in 1634. As a boy Tilden was rather delicate in physique, and received his early education at home. When 18 years old, in 1835, he entered Yale in a - olass with Chief Justice Waite, Senator Evarts, and Judge Pierpont, but left on account of his health. He graduated at the University of Now York. At this time, in 1834, party feeling was runi ning very high over the heated issues raised by

the Jackson administration, and Mr. Tilden, who already displayed considerable ability and was a bora Democrat, had taken an interest in political affairs, his writings receiving much public attention. Being of a somewhat studious nature he adopted the legal profession, and entered the law office of Mr. John W. Edmunds, of New York City, although continuing to take an active interest in political affairs. His first appearance as a public speaker was when he was 24 years old, and his maiden effort is said to have been very creditable both in matter and manner. The great financial panic of 1837 had then just taken place, and in the Presidential campaign of 1840 Mr. Tilden, who had become a prominent politician, assumed a position on financial questions which ho never abandoned. He condemned the money quacks who advocated inflation, irredeemable currency, and irresponsible credits, and his discussions on the subject were published as campaign documents, and gave Mr. Tilden a national reputation. In 1844 he engaged as a partner in the publication of the New York Daily News, and in the following year was elected, without personal effort, to the New York Assembly, where he used his best efforts to secure a call for a State convention. At the convention Mr. Tilden became a prominent figure, and many of the most important reforms in the Constitution, with a .view to secure an honest administration, wero made at his suggestion. Owing to the growth of his legal reputation and the consequent increase in his clientage ho spent the next twenty years in the practice of his profession, taking part, however, in political matters at recurring elections. This devotion to his legal profession and his successful business investments having made him wealthy, he soon after the close of the war again began to interest himself in politics, and in 1866, when Horatio Seymour was the Democratic candidate for the Governorship of New York, Tilden was Chairman of the Democratic State Committee. It was at this time that he displayed his shrewdness as a political manager, for the victory of Seymour in the midst of the general disaster was due as much to Tilden as to the personal popularity of the candidate. The great fight against tho old Tammany crowd—Tweed, Sweeny, Genet, and others—was t}io next event in the history of Mr. Tilden. His training as a lawyer admirably fitted him for the work, and although Tweed and his Tammany Hall associates controlled the State convention of 1869, Tilden obtained a hearing, and when finally hooted and hissed down, shouted his prophetic words : “You may refuse to give me an audience, but the people of New York whom you have robbed will hear me.” Subsequently, after consultation with ex-Govemor Seymour, Charles O’Conor, and others, the redoubtable "committee of seventy” was formed, and Tilden led the attack. With a view to stopping the supplies, the first attack was on Connolly, the treasurer, who, after consultation with Tilden, turned the treasury over to a deputy named by the committee, and any attempt of the corrupt judges to oust him on Tweed’s order was prevented by an opinion by Mr. O’Conor sustaining the appointment, which was confirmed by the corporation counsel, O’Gorman. Then followed the examination of the Broadway bank, and Mr. Tilden’s discovery of the percentages that seemed to be added to the accounts of tho ring, exposing Sweeny and Tweed, as well as the smaller scoundrels. The fight was continued in the next Democratic State Convention in 1871, at which a ticket was nominated which was favorable to the Tammany ring. Mr. Tilden was elected by the Assembly, however, and there secured some amendments to the famous “Tweed charter” which rendered robbery by public officials less easy. The result was, as" known, that the ring Judges were impeached, and its members, except those who escaped, served time in the penitentiary. To Samuel J. Tilden is due, more than any one else, the success of the raid on Tammany. Mr. Tilden then entered upon his career as Governor. In the fall of 1874 the Democratic State Convention nominated him for that position, and it was the “still hunt” policy which afterward made him famous that gave him his 51,000 majority over his popular opponent, General John A. Dix, who h'ff at the prior election defeated tho Democratic candidate by 50,000 votes. Tilden’s reputation in the crushing out of the Tweed regime brought him many Republican votes. As Governor he broke up the canal ring, in which both political parties had participated in the spoils. He refused appointments to men unfit for the places sought, and by reason of such refusals incurred the enmity and hatred of John Kelly, the sachem of the reorganized Tammany Club. The success of Mr. Tilden as Governor had increased the fame be had acquired by his disruption of the Tammany ring, and as the spring of 1876 approached his availability as a Democratic candidate for the Presidency was very generally canvassed. Believing there wns an Augean stable to be cleaned out in national affairs, Mr. Tilden expressed his willingness to attempt its purification with as much hope of success as in the other cases. He carried the delegation from his own State, and on the first ballot in the convention at St. Louis received 403 votes. A two-thirds vote being necessary, he was nominated on the second ballot by 508 votes, and an enthusiastic campaign was entered upon, conducted by Mr. Tilden in person. On the morning after the election the success of Mr. Tilden was generally conceded, he having carried all of the Southern States, and New York, New- Jersey, Connecticut, and Indiana, the popular majority being over a quarter of a million. The question whether Mr. Tilden favored the Electoral Commission or not at the time was not clear, and has been the subject of much controversy since. It was learned some months afterward that he had strenuously opposed the adoption of tho extra constitutional scheme recommended by the joint committee, and that he had told some of the Democratic leaders that he might lose the Presidency but that he would not raffle for it. The proceedings of the electoral commission are common history. /• Blaine's Opinion of Gov. Tilden. In his “Twenty Years of Congress” James G. Blaine says of Mr. Tilden • By a fortunate concurrence of conditions which he partly made, and which with signal ability he wholly turned to account, Mr. Tilden gained the one commanding position in the Democratic party. He held tho most vital State of the North in his grasp. He embodied the one thought which expressed the discontent with Republicanism and tho hope of the Democracy. He evinced a power of leadership which no man in his party could rival. The Democracy beforo his day could count but four chiefs of the first rank—Jefferson, Madison, Jackson, and Van Buren. Mr. Tilden was not, indeed, a leader of the same class with these masters who for so long o, period shaped the whole thought and policy of their party, but he displayed political capacity of a very high order. He ws.a trained in tho school of the famous Albany Regency, and had exhibited much of its ingenuity and power. He placed his reliance both upon ideas He sought to captivate the popular imagination with a striking thought, and he supported it with the most minute and systematic work. In his own State he discarded all leaders of equal rank with himself and selected active young men or mere personal followers as bis lieutenants. He bore no brother near the throne. In other States he secured strong alliances to promote his interests, and called into existence a national force which was potent as it was compact. Mr. Tilden has been the subject of vehement and contradictory judgments. His friends have w'ell-nigh canonized him as representing the highest type of public virtue; his foes have painted him as an adept in craft and intrigue. His partisans have held him up as the evangel of a new and purer dispensation; his opponents declare that his ability is marred by selfishness and characterized by cunning. His followers have exalted him as the ablest and most highminded statesman of the time; his critics have described him as a most artful, astute, and unscrupulous politician. The truth doubtless lies between the two extremes. Adroit, ingenious, and wary, skillful to plan and strong to execute, cautious in judgment and vigorous in action, taciturn and mysterious as a rule, and yet singularly open and frank on occasiou, resting on the old tradition, yet leading in new pathways, surprising in the force of his blows, and yet leaving a sense of reserved power, Mr. Tilden unquestionably ranks among the greatest masters of political management that our day has seen. Certain it is that his extraordinary success and his exceptional position had inspired the Democratic party with the conviction that he was the one man to command victory, and he moved forward to the Presidency with a confidence which discouraged his opponents and inspired his supporters with a sense of irresistible strength. John O’Malley, of Dallas County, lowa, is 112 years old, hale and hearty.

THE ANARCHISTS.

Extent of the Society in America —Expose of Their Secret Workings. Their Plans for Removing Capitalists—Dagger and Dynamite Advocated. Scheme to Arm the Tramps-Many Female Members of the Organization. Startling Developments by a Member of the Pinkerton Detective Agency. At the present time there is scarcely a matter of more interest to the American people as a whole, and society at large, than that of the anarchist organization throughout the country, threatening, as it does openly, their lives and property. The recent terrible riot in Chicago, and the fearful work done by the anarchist weapon, the dynamite bomb, is fresh in the memory of all, and is kept so by the trial of the leading members of the organization in Chicago, now drawing to a close. This murderous outbreak opened the eyes of the American public to the danger which constantly threatens it, and has filled tho authorities with a determination to destroy the organization, as far as possible, root and branch, and to place the prime movers in it where they will be harmless. It is well known that the hotbed of anarchism is located in Chicago, but very few kuow how extensive it is, even in that city. The ramifications of the anarchist organization extend throughout the country in every direction, and it numbers in its membership several thousands of people. Next to Chicago, New York contains' the most believers in the doctrines of anarchy, Milwaukee coming next. The revelations at the trial have been startling in many respects, and a great deal of information has been given upon the stand in

The above cut represents the weapons used by the anarchists in the recent riots in Chicago, and which were captured by the police of that city. No. 1. A dagger made from a file. No. 2. Giant powder cartridge. Nos. 3 and 4. Hand grenade shells. No. 5. Dynamite bombs.

regard to the anarchists and their doings. The most thrilling and at the same time reliable story has been told by one of Pinkerton’s men— Capt. John Cornish, Superintendent of the Eastern office of the great detective bureau. It has been an open secret that this celebrated firm of detectives has had its men located in the very midst of the anarchists in Chicago and have been posted as to their doings all along. It Is stated that when the anarchists began to arm themselves and manufacture dynamite bombs the Pinkertons warned the authorities of Chicago as to the volcano beneath their feet; but the story seemed so incredible that they paid no attention to it, and so fell an easy victim to their deathly designs later on. Just how the Pinkertons have gained their information concerning the anarchists is, of course, unknown outside of themselves and operatives, but it is generally conceded by detectives that they are better posted than any one else on the subject. The anarchists, says Superintendent Cornish, are an outgrowth of the socialists, and were first developed in this country in New York City, through the exertions of the saloon-keep-er Schwab, whose name is entirely familiar to the public in connection with socialistic matters. While Schwab was hard at work in New York converting socialists to anarchism, a printer named Paul Grottkau, who had just come over from Germany, was laboring with a similar amount of zeal for the same purpose in Chicago. His plan was to attend all the meetings of the socialists and make speeches of the most blood-curdling nature against the capitalists of the country and society in general. It was not long before Schwab and Gottkau succeeded in ingratiating themselves with the socialists and in making many converts among them. These converts were mostly made up of Germans, Poles, and Scandinavians, and a few who called themselves Americans simply because they could speak the English language. One of the first to blossom out as a red-hot anarchist was A. R. Parsons, a Texas printer, who had been known for years as a labor agitator. This man is one of the leaders now on trial in Chicago. In order to prove to the satisfaction of his followers that ho practiced what he preached—the equality of the human race—he married a negress. Of the two Mrs. Parsons is the fiercest fire-eater, and always spoke at every meeting of the socialists and anarchists. She is a desperate dynamiter, and in addition to advocating the employment of that fearful explosive, advises throat-cutting and the torch for property owners and their possessions indiscriminately. Parsons soon took the lead away from Grottkau, and gathered abont him a number of outcasts from foreign countries, who had left their native land for its good. These he formed into an organization known as the I. U. W. P. A., or, in brief, Anarchists’ Society. Parsons took unto himself a bosom friend in the person of August Spies. Spies was a printer, and the editor of the German socialist newspaper known as the Arbeiter Zeitung, which was pnblished at No. 107 Fifth avenue, Chicago. Spies brought with him a host of anarchists, among them the man Fischer, a member of the staff ot the Arbeiter Zeitung. This paper has changed from a socialist organ to a rank anarchist sheet. This paper had a great influence in making anarchist converts, for it had a large circulation among German and Polish socialists throughout the country. In order to increase the membership, advertisements were placed in the daily papers, and large bulletins pasted upon the hall door, announcing the meetings at which all would be permitted to speak. The topic discussed was usually “Capital Against Labor.” These meeting were held upstairs at No. 54 West Lake street, and were attended by as bloodthirsty a get as can be imagined. Beneath the hall was a saloon kept by a man named Grieff, who is

as enthusiastic an anarchist as can be lound anywhere. There i> nothing too murderous for this man to believe in with reference to the removal of capitalists and property owners. He believed so firmly in socialistic doctrines that he married a widow with a number of children who owned No. 54 West Lake street, started a boarding bouse, made his wife attend the boarders and the children the bar, while he preached anarchy and destruction in its most ferocious forms. To illustrate what kind of a man he is to have in a community, I will relate the substanco of a conversation which occurred in his bar-room one night after one of their meetings. Spies, Fieldeu, l’arsons, and a man named Dusuy were present. The party was drinking beer in Grieff’s bar-room and discussing what had been said at the meeting. Mrs. Parsons had made the speech of the evening, in which she strongly advised that all the members should at once arm themselves with dynam te bombs and proceed immediately lu the night time te the palatial residences of the rich on all the avenues and streets of Chicago, and at the stroke of a oertain hour hurl the weapons of destruction against the structures aud blow them and their cursed occupants to pieces. “Of course, some innocent people will be killed," she said, “but we can not afford to waste our sympathy upon them. You cannot make an omelet without breaking eggs." In sneaking of this Grieff said that dynamite and pistols were all well enough, but he advocated the free use of the knife and dagger, as they made no noise and did their work effectually. Fieldeu remarked that while he knew they must use dynamite without hesitation in destroying property, he believed in throat-cutting as the surest and best way of removing the capitalists. He fully agreed with Grieff. Spies calmly listened to all that had been said, and then remarked that what they proposed was all well enough, but he had something better to offer them. “My scheme," said he, “is tho best in the world. I have given a good deal of time to it, aud have studied it out carefully aud closely. My plan is this: Let every man arm himself with a little syringe just largo enough to be concealed in the closed hand. The point of the syringe should be just as small and fine as that of a needle, so that it can easily penetrate tho clothing and skin. Tho bulb of the syringe must be filled with prussic acid, and then it is all ready for business. Armed with this, you eon walk up alongside of the oapitalist to be removed, quickly insert the needle point through his clothes and into his flesh, and at the samo time squeeze the bulb, sending the prussic acid into hiß veins. The victim would not mind the attack any more than he would notice a slight prick of a pin or the bite of a flea, and the poison would kill him in a very few minutes, and his death would be a horrible one. He would not know, and if ho did he could not tell, what bad been done to him.” This ingenious, death-dealing scheme was greeted with acclamations of approval by all. Fielden had joined Parsons, Spies, Schwab, and Fischer shortly before that. At that time he was the driver of a stone wagon. He is an Englishman, and was born at Tormorden of poor parents. In this country he has worked upon the farm of “Long John" Wentworth, and in a stone-quarry. Without exception he was the worst throat-cutting advocate who spoke to the anarchists at their meetings. Fielden brought with him another agitator named Gorsuch. The whole precious lot of thugs then began systematic organization in dead earnest. The anarchist organization was divided up into groups, each holding regular meetings twice a week under the general name of the “L U. W. P. A.” The Germans, Poles, and Bohemians of the city flocked into the groups, and listened delightedly to the fiery talk of property and life destruction. Everything was to be accomplished by force, and that in its most barbaric and inhuman forms. They never spoke of building up anything, it was nothing but destruction. In a very short time there were five or six anarchist groups in the city. They had as their banners, very naturally, red and block flags, signifying blood, destruction and death. The Arbeiter Zeitung was their organ. In the fall of 1884 the principal group, known as the American group No. 1, was formed by Parsons, Fielden, Spies, Holmes, Barker, Keegan, and John A. Henry. Homes was a young man connected with an Insurance agency. Barker was an expressman and a great dynamiter. Keegan was a blatherskite sort of chap, while Henry was a smooth-talking villain of a printer. The American group, which was the principal one, as I havo stated, met every Wednesday evening and Sunday afternoon, on the third floor of No. 54 Lake street (west). The man named Holmes was elected permanent treasurer, and Fielden permanent secretary. These were the only permanently appointed officials connected with the group. About all that Fielden had to do was to note the subject discussed at the meetings, and the speakers, in a little book, and to give out the subject to be spoken on at the next meeting. The treasurer initiated new members and collected dues and private subscriptions. He paid the expense bills. No bonds were demanded from him as a guarantee of his honesty. All surplus money was divided between Parsons, Spies, Fielden, Holmes, Henry, and the saloonkeeper Grieff. For his share of the surplus, Grieff supplied the meeting with vilo beer and worse cigars. The leaders secured most of their living from these surplus funds. The secretary usually called the meetings to order, and a chairman was then elected to act during the session. The principal speaker was allowed one hour In which to give his views, and was followed by others who were confined to fifteen-minute speeches. At the conclusion of the speaking Fielden would announce to the audience that as they were not millionaires it would be necessary to take up a collection to defray the expenses of the gas and hall. Nearly all generally responded to'this request, and subscriptions ranged from five cents to sl. After the cash was safely taken care of, Fielden would announce that anybody could join the group by signing their names in a book and paying a fee of ten cents. If any one didn’t happen to have the ten cents, why it made no great difference. During the fall of 1884 and the spring of 1885 the organization of anarchists thrived wonderfully, and the little meeting hall was packed always. It soon became a great resort for tramps, who could air their grievances, enjoy a good fire, and get an occasional glass of beer from Grieff for nothing. Women were as eagerly welcomed to the organization as men, and some of them were the most oarnest and hardest workers of the lot. Among the most prominent female anarchists was, quite naturally, Mrs. Parsons, the colored wife of the leader. Mrs. Schwab came next to her, and was a very active worker for the organization. Both were as homely as sin, and it was a toss up as to which was the prettier. Next came a Mrs. Arnes, who was the next most enthusiastic believer in dynamite to Mrs. Parsons. She believed in the use of the dagger, pistol, and other weapons as well. Anything that would cause death suited her perfectly, no matter what it was. She was a perfect vixen and a decidedly dangerous person. A Miss Moore, who had turned the shady side of 30, unmarried and disgusted with the world and society in general and herself in particular, also took a prominent part in the work, and never failed to make herself heard with the rest at every meeting. Apparently all that was being done or said transpired at these meetings, which were open to the public, but in reality all important business was transacted at a secret meeting held after tho public one had been adjourned. None but “true blue” anarchists were admitted to these secret conclaves. All the women were admitted to these, however, for no stancher supporters of the doctrine of anarchy than they could be found. They were desperately in earnest in all they said and did. It was at these secret business meetings that ways and means were discussed. The principal scheme was to raise funds enough to procure the services of a thoroughly skilled professor of chemistry, one who was away up on the subject of explosives in general, and dynamito in particular. This professor was to take a class cf anarchists and instruct them fully in all the mysteries of explosives, so that they could in turn instruct their fellow-anarch-ists and prepare them for tho revolution which was to arrive in time. This matter of a revolution was openly agitated at all the meetings, and preached to the people constantly. At the time of the Hayrnarketriot in May there were no less than thirtoen rogularly constituted groups of anurchists in the city of Chicago. In addition to these, there are about seventyfive anarchist groups located in different parts of the country, all bound in the firm belief of the dangerous doctrines of anarchy. “I tell you,” said Supt. Cornish, “thatthese anarchists are dangerous people to have around, and they should be crusbed out of existence as quickly as possible and not allowed to spring up again. This is a ‘free country’ and all that, but it has no use for such murdorous scum. Now is the time to do it. Certainly the people of Chicago have woke up to their danger, and I think that an example will be made of the leaders they now are trying.” -

THE WORK OF CONGRESS

Review of the Measures Passed by the First Session of the Fortyninth. Over Thirteen Thousand Measures Introduced, of Which Only Eleven Hundred Passed. Now that the Forty-ninth Congress has adjourned, a> review of its work will prove interesting. The first session began Monday, Dec. 7, 1885, and covered a period of seven months and twenty-eight days, or 241 days, exclusive of Sundays. Of this time the Senate was in session 164 days, and the House 185 days. During that time there were introduced in the two houses 13,202 measures, of which 10,014 were House bills and 214 House joint resolutions, and 2,891 bills and 83 joint resolutions of the Senate. The measures proposed for enactment into laws exceeded in number by 2,949 those introduced at the last session of the Forty-eighth Congress, which sat for seven months and four days, or 165 days of actual working time. Of the entire number comparatively few were of what may be termed national importance. The greater number were measures of a private nature or of merely local importance. The total number of measures that passed both houses was 1,101, being 241 Senate bills and 860 bills which originated in the House. Of this total 806 became laws with the President’s approval, 181 became laws by limitation (the President failing either lo approve or disapprove them within ten days after their presentation to him), 113 were vetoed, and one failed by reason of adjournment without action by the President. Of the new laws 746 were House measures and 241 Senate measures. Of the measures vetoed by the President thirty-six were Senate bills and Beventyseveu bills of the House. Twenty-eight of the Senate bills vetoed were private pension bills, three wero for the erection of public buildings, one to grant to railroads the right of way through the Indian reservation in Northern Montana, and one to quiet title to settlers on the Des Moines river lands. Of the House bills disapproved by the President seventy-four were private pension bills and three for the erection of public buildings. The number of measures vetoed during the session was four more than have been vetoed from the foundation of the Goverfiment to the beginning of the session just closed, and while nearly nil the vetoed Senate bills were reported back with the recommendation that they pass over the veto, and similar action was taken on a number of the House bills, only one—that granting a pension to Jacob Romiser—was so passed. The Des Moines River bill passed the Senate over the veto, but failed to receive the requisite two-thirds vote in the House. Motions to pass the bills to grant pensions to Mary Anderson and Andrew J. Wilson over the President’s veto were defeated in the House. The consideration of the other veto messages has been postponed until the next session. Among the measures of general importance that have been enacted into laws during the session, in addition to the regular appropriation bills, are as follows: The Presidential succession bill; to provide for tho study of the nature and effect of alcoholic drinks and narcotics ; to remove the charge of desertion against soldiers who re-enlisted without having received a discharge from the regiments in whiob they had previously served; to legalize the incorporation of national trades unions; accepting the Grant medals and trophies ; to provide that surveyed lands granted to railroads shall not be exempt from local taxation on account of the lien of the United States upon them for the cost of surveying, selecting, or conveying them; the oleomargarine hill; the bill for the increase of the navy; to provide that homestead settlers within the railroad limits restricted to less than 160 acres shall be entitled to have their additional entries patented without any further cost or proof of settlement and cultivation ; to reduce the fees on domestic money orders for sums not exceeding 85 from 8 cents to 5 cents ; to allow steam towing vessels to carry, in addition to their crews, as many persons as tho supervising inspector may authorize; for the relief of Fitz-John Porter; to enable national banking associations to increase their capital stock and to change their names or locations: providing that after Julv 1, 1886, no foes shall be charged to American vossels for measurement of tonnage, issuing of licenses, granting certificate of registry, eto., and amending the laws relative to the shipping and discharging of crews, the liability of owners, the licensing of vessels, etc.; to forfeit the lands granted to the Atlantic ana Pacific Railroad Company; to increase to 812 a month the pensions of widows and dependent relatives of deceased soldiers and sailors; to amend the Revised Statutes so as to require brewers commencing business to give a bond in a sum equal to three times the amount of the tax which they will be liable to pay duringany one month, and to execute a new bond whenever required; to direct the Commissioner of Labor to make an investigation as to convict labor; providing that manufactured tobacco, snuff, and cigars may be removed for export without payment of tax, and repealing the law providing for inspectors of tobacoo.

THE CUTTING AFFAIR.

He Is Tried but Not Sentenced—The - War Feeling on the Texas Border. [EI Paso (Texas) dispatch.] Cutting’s trial has been concluded. By • the advice of Consul Brigham he denied the jurisdiction of the court. No evidence was introduced, but the prosecuting attorney addressed the court in Spanish, demnnding that Cutting be sentenced to two years’ imprisonment at hard labor, that being the longest term given by the statutes of Texas. He also demanded that Consul Brigham be censured for officious. interference. Medina spoke in Spanish,, demanding a speedy punishment. Then a law student, appointed by the court to de- 1 fend Cutting, spoke a few words, claiming that Cutting did not know he was breaking the Mexican laws by publishing a statement in Texas, and asked the court to assess the lowest penalty: Cutting was then offered the floor, but simply stated that he could not recognize the court, and that he was in the hands of his Government. The court took the matter under advisement and said ho would give judgment within fifteen days. The people in all this section are excited over the affair,' as such outrages are of daily occurrence. Everybody is anxiously awaiting the actioii of the Government.,